title: Graduate student employee unionization

abstract: Graduate student employee unionization, or academic student employee unionization, refers to labor unions that represent students who are employed by their college or university to teach classes, conduct research and perform clerical duties. As of 2014, there were at least 33 US graduate employee unions, 18 unrecognized unions in the United States, and 23 graduate employee unions in Canada. By 2019, it is estimated that there were 83,050 unionized student employees in certified bargaining units in the United States. As of 2023, there were at least 156 US graduate student employee unions and 23 graduate student employee unions in Canada. Prior to the 2000s, almost all US graduate employee unions were located in public universities, most of which formed during the 1990s. However, that is no longer true today with many private universities now being organized. In 2014, New York University's Graduate Student Organizing Committee, affiliated with the United Automobile Workers (UAW), became the first graduate employee union recognized by a private university in the US. In September 2018, Brandeis University became the second private university to negotiate a collective bargaining agreement for graduate student employees, followed by Tufts University in October 2018 and Harvard in July 2020. American University and New School were in the process of negotiating an agreement as of September 2018. Many of these unions refer to their workers as Academic Student Employees (ASEs) to reflect the fact that their membership may also include undergraduate students working in represented job classifications. In 2019, the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) proposed a new rule that said graduate students are not employees, which could affect unionization efforts at private universities, although the final rule has yet to be published. Labor laws in the United States and Canada permit collective bargaining for only limited classes of student-employees. In the US, public and private institutions have different authorities governing collective bargaining rights. In public universities, state labor laws determine collective bargaining and employee recognition. In private universities, the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) has power to determine whether graduate students are considered employees, which would give them collective bargaining rights. The NLRB ruled that graduate students at private universities are employees in a 3–1 decision on August 23, 2016, setting the stage for widespread unionization efforts at universities such as Columbia, Johns Hopkins University, University of Chicago, Duke, Yale, Cornell, and Harvard. In the U.S., many university administrators and university associations like the Association of American Universities have vigorously opposed the unionization of graduate student employees on their campuses through legal challenges on the grounds that unionization threatens academic freedom of institutions and harms the relationship between faculty and students, although recent research suggests that unionization neither negatively affects academic freedom nor harms faculty-student relationships. Many faculty associations like the American Association of University Professors support the right of graduate students to form unions. In Finland and Sweden, graduate students are often regular employees and are represented by their respective professional unions, such as member unions of Akava in Finland.

text:
# Graduate student employee unionization

**Graduate student employee unionization**, or **academic student employee unionization**, refers to labor unions that represent students who are employed by their college or university to teach classes, conduct research and perform clerical duties. As of 2014, there were at least 33 US graduate employee unions, 18 unrecognized unions in the United States, and 23 graduate employee unions in Canada. By 2019, it is estimated that there were 83,050 unionized student employees in certified bargaining units in the United States. As of 2023, there were at least 156 US graduate student employee unions and 23 graduate student employee unions in Canada.

Prior to the 2000s, almost all US graduate employee unions were located in public universities, most of which formed during the 1990s. However, that is no longer true today with many private universities now being organized. In 2014, New York University's Graduate Student Organizing Committee, affiliated with the United Automobile Workers (UAW), became the first graduate employee union recognized by a private university in the US. In September 2018, Brandeis University became the second private university to negotiate a collective bargaining agreement for graduate student employees, followed by Tufts University in October 2018 and Harvard in July 2020. American University and New School were in the process of negotiating an agreement as of September 2018. Many of these unions refer to their workers as Academic Student Employees (ASEs) to reflect the fact that their membership may also include undergraduate students working in represented job classifications. In 2019, the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) proposed a new rule that said graduate students are not employees, which could affect unionization efforts at private universities, although the final rule has yet to be published.

Labor laws in the United States and Canada permit collective bargaining for only limited classes of student-employees. In the US, public and private institutions have different authorities governing collective bargaining rights. In public universities, state labor laws determine collective bargaining and employee recognition. In private universities, the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) has power to determine whether graduate students are considered employees, which would give them collective bargaining rights. The NLRB ruled that graduate students at private universities are employees in a 3–1 decision on August 23, 2016, setting the stage for widespread unionization efforts at universities such as Columbia, Johns Hopkins University, University of Chicago, Duke, Yale, Cornell, and Harvard.

In the U.S., many university administrators and university associations like the Association of American Universities have vigorously opposed the unionization of graduate student employees on their campuses through legal challenges on the grounds that unionization threatens academic freedom of institutions and harms the relationship between faculty and students, although recent research suggests that unionization neither negatively affects academic freedom nor harms faculty-student relationships. Many faculty associations like the American Association of University Professors support the right of graduate students to form unions.

In Finland and Sweden, graduate students are often regular employees and are represented by their respective professional unions, such as member unions of Akava in Finland.

## United States

The main issue over graduate student employee unionization in the United States is whether academic student employees should be classified as *employees* or *students*. The recognition of employee status would give graduate students the right to form a union and to bargain collectively. The position of many universities is that the work graduate student employees do is so intertwined with their professional education that collective bargaining will harm the educational process. Supporters of unionization argue that graduate employees' work is primarily an economic relationship. They point especially to universities' use of Teaching Assistants as part of a wider trend away from full-time, tenured faculty.

For tax purposes, the Internal Revenue Service considers the compensation of graduate student employees to be wages. When graduate students receive payment for teaching, it is not taxed on a 1042-S form (for scholarships), but on a W-2 (which is the form for employment income). The income from teaching is taxed differently from scholarships and treated like employment income.

### Public universities

Academic student employees who may be either graduate or undergraduate students at public colleges and universities in the United States are covered by state collective bargaining laws, where these laws exist. Graduate students employees are excluded from Federal bargaining rights under the Taft–Hartley Act's exclusion of state and local government employees.

The various state laws differ on which subgroups of academic student employees may bargain collectively, and a few state laws explicitly exclude them from bargaining. Some states have extended collective bargaining rights to graduate employees in response to unionization campaigns. As of 2004, 14 states including California and New York explicitly give collective bargaining rights to academic student employees; 11 states like Connecticut and New Mexico give public university employees the right to collectively bargain, but leaves eligibility for graduate employees unstated; Ohio excludes collective bargaining rights for graduate student employees while still providing the same rights to other university employees; and 23 states deny collective bargaining rights for all university employees.

### Private universities

Graduate student employees at private colleges and universities in the United States are covered by the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA). Initially, the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) rejected all private university employees including academic employees from being protected by the NLRA. In the *Trustees of Columbia* (1951) decision, the NLRB held that the act did not have jurisdiction in private universities because universities focus primarily on education and are not associated with significant commercial activity. However, two decades later in *Cornell v NLRB* (1970), the NLRB reversed *Columbia*, holding that due to changing economic realities and difficulties in distinguishing between commercial and noncommercial activities in private universities, the NLRA covers employees in private education institutions.

For the employee status of academic student employees, the NLRB's rulings have shifted in recent decades. In these decisions, the NLRB has grappled with two main conflicting legal arguments. The "primary purpose" approach holds that graduate students are not employees because the primary purpose of graduate students is to fulfill the role of a student rather than that of an employee. In contrast, the "compensated services" approach holds that graduate students are employees because they perform services for others and have distinct manager-worker relations with university administrators.

The "primary purpose" doctrine was first applied to graduate students in *Adelphi University and Adelphi University Chapter, American Association of University Professors* (1972) (*Adelphi University*) decision, in which the NLRB rejected graduate teaching and research assistants from collectively bargaining with faculty.

After years of rejecting employee status to graduate students, the NLRB overturned the *Adelphi University* (1972) decision. Under *New York University and International Union, United Automobile Aerospace and Agricultural Implement Workers of America, AFL–CIO* (2000) (*NYU*), the NLRB applied the "compensated services" legal approach, ruling for the first time that graduate students at private universities were considered employees, and hence protected by the NLRA. However, the NLRB later returned to its "primary purpose" approach in 2004 after a new Republican-appointed majority reversed *NYU*. In *Brown University and International Union, United Automobile, Aerospace and Agricultural Implement Workers of America, UAW AFL–CIO* (2004) (*Brown University*), the NLRB's 3–2 majority ruled that graduate students in private universities are not considered employees.

In recent years, NYU's graduate student union filed a case seeking to overturn *Brown University*, which in 2012 the NLRB announced that it would reconsider. However, NYU's graduate student union later agreed to withdraw its NLRB petition in return for union recognition by the private university. On December 17, 2014, graduate student unions affiliated with UAW at both Columbia University and The New School have filed petitions at the NLRB to overturn the Brown decision.

Following the NLRB's 2016 *Columbia University* decision, student unionization in certified bargaining units grew by 14,820 members. Much of this growth was due to ten newly certified student employee unions at private universities, following NLRB elections at Harvard and the New School, as well as voluntary recognitions of graduate employee unions at Georgetown University and Brown University.

## History

### Beginnings (1960s–1979)

Graduate student unionization began mostly in the late 1960s, influenced heavily by the New Left Movement and the UC Berkeley Free Speech Movement. The two movements sparked discussions on university democracy and students' relationship with the university. Throughout this period, only public university graduate students were able to form recognized unions. Although graduate students in private colleges were active in union organizing campaigns, they were greatly restricted by the *Columbia* (1951) and later *Adelphi University* (1972) decisions, which both barred the NLRA from protecting graduate students in private universities. The board ruled that graduate assistants were not employees since their relationship is primarily for learning purposes.

Teaching assistants at Rutgers University and the City University of New York (CUNY) were the first to be included under a collective bargaining agreement. Rutgers and CUNY included graduate assistants with the faculty unionization contract. The University of Wisconsin–Madison's Teaching Assistants Association was the first to be recognized as an independent employee bargaining unit in 1969 and was granted a contract in 1970. At the same time, graduate assistants at the University of Michigan organized a union, which later won a contract in 1975. The next to unionize was the University of Oregon and three Florida universities: University of Florida, Florida A&M, and the University of South Florida. Florida was the first state to unionize where the union membership density in the state was below 15 percent.

### Decline and inactivity (1980–1989)

Between 1981 and 1991, few universities recognized a graduate union—the quietest period of unionization. An exception was the University of Massachusetts Amherst, where 2,500 graduate assistants won recognition in November 1990 and a contract the following year covering teaching, research, and project assistants, and assistant residence directors. Teaching assistants at the University at Buffalo began a union campaign in 1975, but withdrew their petition to the State of New York Public Employee Relations Board (PERB). Other campuses from the State of New York University System, such as Albany, Binghamton, and Stony Brook, revived the union petition in 1984. Similarly, teaching assistants at the University of California at Berkeley started a union campaign in 1983. Eventually in 1993, exam readers and tutors, but not graduate assistants, were given collective bargaining rights at Berkeley. Full collective bargaining status to all teaching assistants was not given until 1999.

### Aggressive growth (1990–2004)

The 1990s brought about more aggressive and successful union drives in both public and private universities, which culminated in the NLRB's *NYU* (2000) decision, granting employee status and collective bargaining rights to private university graduate students. The number of unionized graduate employees nearly tripled from 14,060 unionized graduate students in 1990 to 38,750 graduate students in 2001.

Labor unions began more active efforts in providing support and resources for student unionization drives. The new 1995 leadership of the AFL–CIO created a summer program in 1996 to train student union organizers and reached out to students by sending its Organizing Institute recruiters onto college campuses. Additionally, national attention turned towards academic labor and unionization efforts. Journalist Scott Smallwood announced 2001 to be the "Year of the TA" following unionization victories in New York University, Temple University, and Michigan State University. Like the previous decades, the vast majority of graduate employee unions formed were from public universities. Despite aggressive unionizing drives in private universities like Yale, only NYU's graduate students obtained union recognition following the *NYU* decision.

In 1991, the University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee won recognition for a graduate-student union. Shortly thereafter, the University of Albany, Buffalo, Binghamton, and Stony Brook won recognition when the State of New York PERB ruled teaching assistants were employees and were granted collective bargaining rights. Several other public universities also won recognition in the 1990s. In 1995, the University of Kansas GTA union won their election, and signed their first union contract in 1997. Teaching and research assistants at the University of Massachusetts, Lowell and the University of Iowa approved a union contract in 1996. Wayne State University also negotiated a contract with teaching assistants in 1999. Besides SUNY, the University of California system was the second university system to unionize. In 1999, the California PERB ruled teaching assistants were allowed to collectively bargain with the University of California. Union elections were held at the University of California's Berkeley, Davis, Los Angeles, Santa Cruz, Santa Barbara, Riverside, and Irvine campuses—all of them approving a teaching assistant union. In 2000, union negotiations for all of the campuses were combined into UAW Local 2865, who bargains on behalf of all the campuses. Teaching assistants at the University of California, Merced also joined the union when the campus opened in 2006.

Several notable unionization efforts arose at private universities. Although pre-*NYU*-rulings by the NLRB did not permit graduate students to unionize at private universities, they also did not prohibit universities from recognizing unions. Teaching assistant unions formed at Yale and New York University. To gain bargaining status, the unions went on several strikes and led long union drive campaigns.

Throughout the 1990s and early 2000s, Yale graduate students organized a sustained union drive campaign, which remains ongoing. In response to poor pay and working conditions, Yale's graduate students formed Teaching Assistant Solidarity in 1987, which later became the Graduate Employees and Students Organization (GESO) in 1990. Students orchestrated multiple strikes to gain union recognition. GESO orchestrated a one-day walkout in December 1991 and a three-day strike in February 1992. Additionally, Yale graduate students participated in a walkout on April 6, 1995, to demand union recognition. Despite a later 600–120 vote in favor of union representation, the university refused to negotiate a contract. In 1996, teaching assistants at Yale refused to calculate and submit fall semester grades. The administration still refused to recognize the union and the strike eventually ended. A suit was filed by the NLRB on behalf of the striking Yale students claiming Yale's administration violated unfair-labor-practice law; however, a judge later dismissed the suit. GESO participated in a five-day strike along with other unions in Yale University in March 2003 for better wages and pensions and demand for union recognition. However, in a union voting drive the following May, Yale graduate students rejected unionization by a narrow 694–651 margin.

In 2000, the National Labor Relations Board reversed their previous rulings on unionization at private universities and permitted graduate assistants at New York University (NYU) to unionize. Later that year, graduate assistants at NYU signed their first and only contract.

Since 2000, more than twenty campuses have unionized. In 2001, the University of Massachusetts Boston signed their first contract with teaching and research assistants while Oregon State University won a contract—the second to receive a contract in Oregon. In 2002, Michigan State University and Temple University unionized. Despite a state law explicitly denying graduate assistants from unionizing, the Washington PERB ruled graduate assistants at the University of Washington could unionize. The University of Rhode Island also unionized that year.

### *Brown* era (2004–2016)

In 2004, the NLRB again reversed itself and prohibited Brown University and other private universities from unionizing. Unionization drives after 2004 are mostly characterized by a slowing of momentum in organizing activity, particularly in private universities. The NLRB's *Brown* decision in 2004 reversed the legal protections and collective bargaining rights that, under *NYU*, had covered graduate students in private universities. As a result, private university union drives have stalled in the courts in attempts to reverse the *Brown* decision. Graduate students in public universities, however, have continued to unionize.

A ruling by the Illinois Court of Appeals permitted the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign (2002), University of Illinois Chicago (2004), and University of Illinois Springfield (2006) and Southern Illinois University at Carbondale (2006) to unionize. The large California State University system, the third university system, unionized in 2006. Also in 2006, Western Michigan University teaching assistants unionized—the fourth Michigan university to do so. Central Michigan University graduate assistants are developed a union and signed their first contract in 2010. In 2014, more than 2,100 graduate assistants at the University of Connecticut won union recognition following one of the fastest organizing campaigns in graduate student unionization history.

Following the NLRB's *Brown* (2004) decision, NYU refused to bargain with the NYU graduate union after the expiration of their contract in 2005. Despite a 2005–06 strike, NYU graduate student employees union were not able to obtain union recognition. In April 2010, more than 1,000 NYU graduate assistants again filed an election petition with the NLRB. NLRB Acting Regional 2 Director Elbert F. Tellem denied the petition, deferring to the NLRB's 2004 decision in *Brown University.* But in language highly critical of *Brown*, Tellem observed that "The instant record clearly shows that these graduate assistants are performing services under the control and direction of" New York University "for which they are compensated. It is also clear on the record that these services remain an integral component of graduate education." Tellem criticized *Brown University* for being "premised on a university setting as it existed 30 years ago", and said that "The graduates have a dual relationship with the employer which does not necessarily preclude a finding of employee status." The *New York Times* said the Region 2 decision "lays the groundwork to overturn the 2004 ruling," and other media outlets agreed. NYU graduate students later filed a petition to overturn *Brown University*, which the NLRB agreed to review in 2012. The case was withdrawn in 2013, however, in an agreement with the university to regain union recognition. Two new petitions seeking to overturn *Brown University* were filed at the NLRB by the graduate student unions of Columbia University and The New School on December 17, 2014.

Recently, the NLRB has ruled research assistants at private, but university-affiliated, research centers for SUNY and CUNY are permitted to unionize.

### Post-*Columbia* era (2016–present)

On August 23, 2016, the NLRB reversed the 2004 Brown decision and ruled that student assistants are protected by the NLRA. *Columbia* was followed by a resurgence of graduate students calling for elections, with eight schools winning graduate union recognition votes since the decision. Unionization attempts since *Columbia* have been characterized by rapid establishment at the onset, followed by extensive internal challenges by the universities at which they are formed.

This reversal of Board case law has led to recent challenges within the administrations of higher-ed institutions. Nine universities, including Brown University, filed an amicus brief in 2016 in the challenge to the *Columbia* decision opposing graduate student unionization and the classification of graduate students as employees. In the brief, these universities argued that doing so would impinge on the academic freedoms of the university. University administrations have undertaken substantial measures to oppose unionization on their campuses.

## Causes of unionization

Academic student unionization is seen by some academics as a response to the growing corporatization of universities. Many graduate students and union officers actively critique privatization of the academy and point to privatization of the university as a major factor in choosing to unionize.

Unionization has also been attributed to increased teaching workloads and financial difficulties imposed on graduate students, as since the 1970s universities have transferred more instruction tasks from tenure track faculty to adjunct faculty and graduate students as cost saving measures. This is also in combination with the increased tuition and higher cost of living, the prospect of having to pay off an increasing loan debt, and poor job opportunities. Graduate students became more inclined to recognize themselves as employees, and turned towards unionization to better demand bread-and-butter issues such as increased stipends or wages and benefits such as health insurance and child care.

Additionally, increased labor union activity in academic sectors has played a key role in graduate employee unionization. During the sizable growth in the 1990s, graduate students were better able to access legal support, financial resources, and networking opportunities provided by the new leadership in the AFL–CIO and by unions such as UAW. The newly elected 1995 AFL–CIO leadership engaged college students by creating a Union Summer Internships program in 1996 to train students in union organizing. The AFL–CIO also sent Organizing Institute recruiters onto college campuses to build pro-labor solidarity networks and share information with student organizers about other universities' organizing efforts. Similarly, UAW plays a significant role in supporting graduate student organizers, some of whom see UAW as the most responsive union to academic student employees' needs in comparison with traditional education unions. UAW has won affiliations of important student bodies such as graduate student employees in the UC system and in NYU.

## Support and criticism

Some graduate students, notably organizers in the union local UAW 2865 representing student workers at nine campuses of the University of California, believe graduate employee unions empower students and gives potential to expand bargaining to items outside of the usual economic benefits or job security. UAW 2865's newest contract includes provisions that allow graduate students to control class sizes, extend financial opportunities to undocumented students, and provide gender-neutral bathrooms for transgender students.

Many institutions that represent faculty and teachers such as the American Association of University Professors and the National Education Association support graduate students' right to join a union and to bargain collectively.

Many university administrators and higher education-related associations like the American Council on Education and the Association of American Universities oppose graduate student unionization. They argue that unionization threatens academic freedom of institutions by making education policies subject to collective bargaining and harms the relationship between professors and students due to possible conflicts arising from the bargaining process. However, recent research suggests that unionization has either no impact or a weak positive impact to both academic freedom and faculty-student relationships.

## Example unions

## Further reading


title: Global workforce

abstract: Global workforce refers to the international labor pool of workers, including those employed by multinational companies and connected through a global system of networking and production, foreign workers, transient migrant workers, remote workers, those in export-oriented employment, contingent workforce or other precarious work. As of 2012, the global labor pool consisted of approximately 3 billion workers, around 200 million unemployed.

text:
# Global workforce

**Global workforce** refers to the international labor pool of workers, including those employed by multinational companies and connected through a global system of networking and production, foreign workers, transient migrant workers, remote workers, those in export-oriented employment, contingent workforce or other precarious work. As of 2012, the global labor pool consisted of approximately 3 billion workers, around 200 million unemployed.

## Structure of global labour

### New international division of labor

The global workforce, or international labor pool, reflects a new international division of labor that has been emerging since the late 1970s in the wake of other forces of globalization. The global economic factors driving the rise of multinational corporations—namely, cross-border movement of goods, services, technology and capital—are changing ways of thinking about labor and the structure of today's workforce. With roots in the social processes surrounding the shift to standardization and industrialization, post-industrial society in the Western world has been accompanied by industrialization in other parts of the world, particularly in Asia. As industrialization takes hold worldwide and more cultures move away from traditional practices in respect to work and labor, the ways in which employers think about and utilize labor are changing. Usually, barriers come into play such as different laws.

### Labor supply

The global supply of labor almost doubled in absolute numbers between the 1980s and early 2000s, with half of that growth coming from Asia. At the same time, the rate at which new workers entered the workforce in the Western world began to decline. The growing pool of global labor is accessed by employers in more advanced economies through various methods, including imports of goods, offshoring of production, and immigration. Global labor arbitrage, the practice of accessing the lowest-cost workers from all parts of the world, is partly a result of this enormous growth in the workforce. While most of the absolute increase in this global labor supply consisted of less-educated workers (those without higher education), the relative supply of workers with higher education increased by about 50 percent during the same period. From 1980 to 2010, the global workforce grew from 1.2 to 2.9 billion people. According to a 2012 report by the McKinsey Global Institute, this was caused mostly by developing nations, where there was a "farm to factory" transition. Non-farming jobs grew from 54 percent in 1980 to almost 73 percent in 2010. This industrialization took an estimated 620 million people out of poverty and contributed to the economic development of China, India and others. The Institute estimates that increased exports in developing countries contribute to one-fifth of non-farm jobs in those nations and that immigrants from developing countries contributed to 40 percent of the workforce in advanced ones. By 2008 foreign-born workers accounted for 17 percent of all STEM (science, technology, engineering and math) positions in the United States.

### Employment and unemployment

Employment is growing fastest in emerging and developing economies. Over the past 5 years, the incidence of long-term unemployment (the share of unemployed persons out of work for 12 months or more) has increased 60% in the advanced and developing economies for which data exist. Global unemployment is expected to approach 208 million in 2015, compared with slightly over 200 million in 2012.

From January 2012 to January 2013, Italy experienced the largest increase in its unemployment rate (+2.1 percentage points), followed by the Netherlands (+1.0 percentage point), and France (+0.6 percentage point). Over that same period, Canada experienced the largest decrease in its unemployment rate (−0.5 percentage points), followed by the United States (−0.4 percentage point).

The number of people employed in precarious work (also called "vulnerable employment")— employment that is poorly paid, insecure, unprotected, and cannot support a household—has increased dramatically in recent decades. This includes Part-time jobs, self-employment or freelancers, homeworkers, fixed-term or temporary work, on-call work, and other contingent workforce jobs.

These numbers show that, globally, the structure of the workforce has been changing. In addition to the economic and social factors described above, a large part of this restructuring is also due to demographic factors, changes in the structure of the world's population. In wealthier countries with more advanced economies, fewer people die from communicable diseases and, overall, life expectancies are much longer while birth rates are lower. In these areas, the overall median age is rising (see List of countries by median age). The youngest populations, primarily those in Southeast Asia and Africa, are those in which overall life expectancies are lower—many children and some adults still die from communicable diseases—but the birth rate is also high.

### Global worker mobility

The movement of individuals across national, regional, cultural, or linguistic boundaries has been referred to as "global mobility." This global workforce mobility impacts an employer's ability to provide goods or services to users and consumers. Management theory attempts to address these movements of globally mobile individuals ranging from business expatriates to more recently identified groups such as self-initiated expatriates, international business travelers, international commuters, and "flexpatriates" (short-term assignees and international commuters).

Movement of people across national borders is becoming increasingly common. Traditionally, this has been described in terms of push and pull forces that drive migrant workers and immigrant laborers toward more developed countries. However, not all labor mobility is outward movement toward more advanced economies. An increasing number of individuals move to less developed countries to provide new expertise or return their expertise to their country of origin. This includes a return movement or repatriation of internationally relocated individuals such as immigrants, refugees, sojourners, retirees, military personnel, international students, or other expatriates. Such movements of people may influence interstate relationships concerning politics, economics and culture. Thus, global workforce mobility research is relevant to both host and home country policies. From a focus on longer-term and assigned expatriation, current research is focusing on the drivers and dynamics of a range of new alternative forms of global mobility in the workforce. Reviews on global workforce mobility have been recently published by Caligiuri and Bonache, and Collings and Sheeran.

## Implications

### Social vulnerability

One issue related to the shift of employment to countries with an overall younger population has to do with the dependency ratio in differing countries. The dependency ratio is an age-population ratio of those typically not in the labor force (the dependent part) and those typically in the labor force (the productive part). A high dependency ratio can cause serious problems for a country if a large proportion of a government's expenditure is on health, social security & education, which are most used by the youngest and the oldest in a population. The fewer people of working age, the fewer the people who can support schools, retirement pensions, disability pensions and other assistances to the youngest and oldest members of a population, often considered the most vulnerable members of society.

### Downward pressure on wages

Another issue can arise in regard to the capital-labor ratio in the global population. Freeman (2010) holds that the new entrants to the global workforce since the 1980s brought little capital with them, either because they were poor or because the capital they had was of little economic value. He estimates that the entry of China, India and the Eastern Bloc into the global economy cut the global capital-labor ratio to around 55–60% of what it otherwise would have been. The capital-labor ratio, according to Freeman, is a critical determinant of the wages paid to workers and of the returns to capital. The more capital each worker has, the higher will be their productivity and pay. Even considering the high savings rate of new entrants—he cites World Bank estimates that China has a savings rate of 40% of GDP—he estimates it would take 30 or so years for the world to re-attain the capital-labor ratio among the countries that had previously made up the global economy. This, along with the effects of the Great Recession, could mean that downward pressure on wages and compensation, particularly in more advanced economies, will continue for the foreseeable future.

### Race to the bottom

"Race to the bottom" is a phrase coined to describe the potential outcome of companies searching for the lowest-cost in all their business needs. For example, lowest taxes and tariffs, land, materials, labor, etc. In terms of global labor arbitrage, the lowest-cost labor is often found in countries that have the fewest protections for workers. Such protections, collectively known as labor rights, include regulation of child labor, workplace safety, work hours, minimum wages, and the availability of collective bargaining. One potential outcome of widespread global labor arbitrage, then, is exploitation and even death of workers in countries that have the fewest protections. Another potential outcome is an undermining of the protections that are already in place in some countries; that is, a pressure to lower domestic and, ultimately, international labor standards. One example of this is employer abuse of guest worker programs wherein employers act to sponsor guest workers at lower wages in order to decrease the overall domestic standard wage for workers in a given occupation, such as with Information technology workers in the United States.

### Mitigating factors

However, other forces may mitigate these processes. Some observe that a growing number of multinationals, especially from wealthier areas, are starting to see the benefits of keeping more of their operations close to home. For many products, labor is a small and diminishing fraction of total costs. Long, complex supply chains, it turns out, are likely riskier than many firms may have realized. For example, when an epidemic such as SARS hits Asia or when an earthquake hits Japan, supply chains are disrupted. Also, as emerging economies boom, wages there are rising. The benefits of global labor arbitrage may disappear, particularly in basic manufacturing and especially in China, where wages have been rising the fastest.

## Further reading


title: ATP1A2

abstract: Sodium/potassium-transporting ATPase subunit alpha-2 is a protein which in humans is encoded by the ATP1A2 gene.

text:
# ATP1A2

**Sodium/potassium-transporting ATPase subunit alpha-2** is a protein which in humans is encoded by the *ATP1A2* gene.

## Function

The protein encoded by this gene belongs to the family of P-type cation transport ATPases and to the subfamily of Na+/K+-ATPases. Na+/K+-ATPase is an integral membrane protein responsible for establishing and maintaining the electrochemical gradients of Na and  ions across the plasma membrane. These gradients are essential for osmoregulation, for sodium-coupled transport of a variety of organic and inorganic molecules, and for electrical excitability of nerve and muscle. This enzyme is composed of two subunits, a large catalytic subunit (alpha) and a smaller glycoprotein subunit (beta). The catalytic subunit of Na+/K+-ATPase is encoded by multiple genes. This gene encodes an alpha 2 subunit.

## Clinical significance

Mutations in *ATP1A2* have been found to cause hemiplegic migraine and epilepsy in an autosomal dominant fashion, sometimes co-occurring in families. Additionally, it has been associated with an unusual form of migraine called alternating hemiplegia of childhood.

## Further reading

## InfoBox

| ATP1A2 | | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
|  | | | |
| Identifiers | | | |
| Aliases | ATP1A2, FHM2, MHP2, ATPase Na+/K+ transporting subunit alpha 2, DEE98, FARIMPD | | |
| External IDs | OMIM: 182340; MGI: 88106; HomoloGene: 47947; GeneCards: ATP1A2; OMA:ATP1A2 - orthologs | | |
|  | | | |
|  | | | |
|  | | | |
|  | | | |
| Orthologs  Species **Human** **Mouse**  Entrez   Ensembl   UniProt   RefSeq (mRNA)     NM\_000702   NM\_178405   RefSeq (protein)     NP\_000693   NP\_848492   Location (UCSC) Chr 1: 160.12 – 160.14 Mb Chr 1: 172.1 – 172.13 Mb  PubMed search | | | |
| Wikidata | | | |
| View/Edit Human View/Edit Mouse | | | |


title: Polar body biopsy

abstract: Polar body biopsy is the sampling of a polar body of an oocyte. It was first applied clinically in humans in 1987 after extensive animal studies. A polar body is a small haploid cell that is formed concomitantly as an egg cell during oogenesis, but which generally does not have the ability to be fertilized. After sampling of a polar body, subsequent analysis can be used to predict viability and pregnancy chance of the oocyte, as well as the future health of a person resulting from such a pregnancy. The latter use makes it a form of preimplantation genetic screening (PGS). Compared to a blastocyst biopsy, a polar body biopsy can potentially be of lower costs, less harmful side-effects, and more sensitive in detecting abnormalities.

text:
# Polar body biopsy

**Polar body biopsy** is the sampling of a polar body of an oocyte. It was first applied clinically in humans in 1987 after extensive animal studies. A *polar body* is a small haploid cell that is formed concomitantly as an egg cell during oogenesis, but which generally does not have the ability to be fertilized.

After sampling of a polar body, subsequent analysis can be used to predict viability and pregnancy chance of the oocyte, as well as the future health of a person resulting from such a pregnancy. The latter use makes it a form of preimplantation genetic screening (PGS). Compared to a blastocyst biopsy, a polar body biopsy can potentially be of lower costs, less harmful side-effects, and more sensitive in detecting abnormalities.

## Techniques

The first polar body is removed from the unfertilised oocyte, and the second PB from the zygote, shortly after fertilization. The biopsy and analysis of the first and second polar bodies can be completed before fertilization, which is the moment from which the zygote is generally considered an embryo and may become protected by law.

By screening the first polar body for chromosomal anomalies, non-viable eggs can be reliably identified, though eggs with normal first polar bodies can still be affected by errors. This method was initially performed with fluorescence in situ hybridization (FISH), then by hybridizing a sample into lymphocytes to observe it in metaphase, and more recently by microarrays, which are fully automated and make it easier to distinguish between chromosome vs. chromatid abnormalities.

The main advantage of the use of polar bodies in PGD is that they are not necessary for successful fertilisation or normal embryonic development, thus ensuring no deleterious effect for the embryo. One of the disadvantages of PB biopsy is that it only provides information about the maternal contribution to the embryo, which is why cases of autosomal dominant and X-linked disorders that are maternally transmitted can be diagnosed, and autosomal recessive disorders can only partially be diagnosed. Another drawback is the increased risk of diagnostic error, for instance due to the degradation of the genetic material or events of recombination that lead to heterozygous first polar bodies. It is generally agreed that it is best to analyse both polar bodies in order to minimize the risk of misdiagnosis. This can be achieved by sequential biopsy, necessary if monogenic diseases are diagnosed, to be able to differentiate the first from the second polar body, or simultaneous biopsy if FISH is to be performed.

In theory, molecular analysis of polar bodies may include epigenetic profiling in the near future.

## Target diseases

### Aneuploidy

Several studies have suggested that polar body screening for aneuploidy may not be optimal. When the majority of errors occur in chromatids rather than entire chromosomes (a condition correlated with the age of the mother), screening only the first polar body will fail to detect a large percentage of defective eggs. As mentioned earlier, chromosomal abnormality in the first polar body can result in a healthy embryo, meaning that eggs may in fact be wasted as a result of the screening. Polar body testing will also be unable to detect post-zygotic errors in an oocyte.

Because euploid polar bodies contain the same chromosomes as the oocyte, they can be used as a source of genetic material that is easily accessed without destroying the egg. This presents a research advantage by minimizing damage to the oocytes under investigation.

## Usage

Polar body biopsy is used mainly by two PGD groups in the USA and by groups in countries where cleavage-stage embryo selection is banned.


title: Rediul Mare

abstract: Rediul Mare is a village in Dondușeni District, Moldova.

text:
# Rediul Mare

**Rediul Mare** is a village in Dondușeni District, Moldova.

## Notable people

## InfoBox

| Rediul Mare | |
| --- | --- |
| Village | |
| Rediul Mare Church | |
| Rediul MareLocation in Moldova | |
| Coordinates: 48°14′N 27°31′E / 48.233°N 27.517°E / 48.233; 27.517 | |
| Country | Moldova |
| District | Dondușeni District |
| Population (2014 census) | |
| Total | 920 |
| Time zone | UTC+2 (EET) |
| Summer (DST) | UTC+3 (EEST) |


title: Morten Steenwinkel

abstract: Morten Steenwinkel, was a Danish architect and painter.

text:
# Morten Steenwinkel

**Morten Steenwinkel** (1595, Varberg  1646, Copenhagen), was a Danish architect and painter.

## Biography

According to Houbraken he was a good animal painter specialized in horses. In 1640 he came to the court of Christian IV where one of his life-sized horses was so well-painted that *a live horse sprang at it thinking it was real*.

According to the RKD he was the teacher of the Danish painter Bernhard Keil and the son of Hans Steenwinkel. He traveled to Italy in 1629. In 1632 he was back north where he became a member of the Antwerp Guild of Saint Luke. He was followed by Adriaen Hansz Muiltjes.

Media related to Morten Steenwinkel at Wikimedia Commons


abstract: Shushrusha Citizens' Co-operative Hospital is located in Shivaji Park, Mumbai. It was founded in 1966 by Dr. V.S. Ranadive as a hospital co-operative initiative.

text:
# Shushrusha Citizens' Co-operative Hospital

**Shushrusha Citizens' Co-operative Hospital** is located in Shivaji Park, Mumbai. It was founded in 1966 by Dr. V.S. Ranadive as a hospital co-operative initiative.

## Community services

The hospital provides no-cost services for prevention and treatment for physical and mental ailments. Services include:

* Operation theaters
* Cardiac care
* In-home medical and nursing
* Emergency medical services
* Joint replacement
* Stroke clinic
* Cardiac ambulance
* Blood bank
* Pathology
* Ophthalmic
* Imaging
* Intensive care
* High dependency
* Pediatric
* Dialysis
* Outpatient
* Audiometry

Projects include:

* Smile Train: Cleft lip, cleft palate and related deformities are treated at no charge to patients.
* Shushrusha is a member of the Federation of Bombay Blood Banks.
* Sakhi, sisterhood of strength, the clinic for Women.
* Swachh Bharat Abhiyan with the senior citizens group, the Center for the Study of Social change.
* *Swaasthya*, a monthly health magazine, an ongoing publication started at the main campus in Dadar: Editor, Dr. Rekha Bhatkhande, the medical director at Vikhroli and serves both campuses and the community.
* 'DILASA Centre, started by the hospital during 2010 for senior citizens, had various projects completed.

## InfoBox

| Shushrusha Citizens' Co-operative Hospital Shivaji Park, Mumbai | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Geography | |
| Location | 698-B, Ranade Road, Shivaji Park, Dadar (W), Mumbai – 400028. India., Mumbai, Maharashtra, India |
| Organisation | |
| Care system | Co-Operative |
| Type | Academic |
| Services | |
| Beds | 200 Main Campus |
| History | |
| Opened | 1964–66 main campus<br>2014 Shushrusha's Suman Ramesh Tulsiani Hospital Vikhroli campus |
| Links | |
| Website | http://www.shushrushahospital.org |
| Lists | Hospitals in India |


title: Micranthes odontoloma

abstract: Micranthes odontoloma is a species of flowering plant known by the common name brook saxifrage. It is native to much of western North America, where it can be found in many types of moist and rocky habitat types. It is a perennial herb. It produces a clump of leaves with rounded, toothed, or scalloped blades on long, thin petioles. The branching inflorescence arises on a slender, erect peduncle up to half a meter tall bearing many flowers. Each flower has five teardrop-shaped white petals with threadlike bases, and stamens with flat, narrow filaments that sometimes resemble additional petals. The leaves are edible, and can be cooked to reduce their toughness.

text:
# Micranthes odontoloma

***Micranthes odontoloma*** is a species of flowering plant known by the common name **brook saxifrage**. It is native to much of western North America, where it can be found in many types of moist and rocky habitat types. It is a perennial herb. It produces a clump of leaves with rounded, toothed, or scalloped blades on long, thin petioles. The branching inflorescence arises on a slender, erect peduncle up to half a meter tall bearing many flowers. Each flower has five teardrop-shaped white petals with threadlike bases, and stamens with flat, narrow filaments that sometimes resemble additional petals.

The leaves are edible, and can be cooked to reduce their toughness.

## InfoBox

| *Micranthes odontoloma* | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
|
| Scientific classification | |
| Kingdom: | Plantae |
| *Clade*: | Tracheophytes |
| *Clade*: | Angiosperms |
| *Clade*: | Eudicots |
| Order: | Saxifragales |
| Family: | Saxifragaceae |
| Genus: | *Micranthes* |
| Species: | ***M. odontoloma*** |
| Binomial name | |
| ***Micranthes odontoloma***<br>(Piper) A. Heller | |
|
| Synonyms | |
| *Saxifraga odontoloma* | |


abstract: The North Wales International Music Festival is a classical music festival held annually in St Asaph Cathedral in North Wales. It was founded by William Mathias in 1972 and takes place every September. William Mathias was artistic director of the Festival for twenty years until his death in 1992. He was followed by Geraint Lewis and Ann Atkinson, who was also in post for twenty years before stepping down in 2023. Paul Mealor was announced as the festival's new artistic director on 2 October 2023.

text:
# North Wales International Music Festival

The **North Wales International Music Festival** is a classical music festival held annually in St Asaph Cathedral in North Wales. It was founded by William Mathias in 1972 and takes place every September. William Mathias was artistic director of the Festival for twenty years until his death in 1992. He was followed by Geraint Lewis and Ann Atkinson, who was also in post for twenty years before stepping down in 2023. Paul Mealor was announced as the festival's new artistic director on 2 October 2023.

## InfoBox

| North Wales International Music Festival | |
| --- | --- |
| Genre | Classical |
| Years active | 1972-Present |
| Founders | William Mathias |
| Website | www.nwimf.com |


title: Osiedle Leśna Dolina, Białystok

abstract: Leśna Dolina is one of the districts of the Polish city of Białystok. It has many green areas, with trees and fields. Most of the district is residential, with blocks of flats and houses.

text:
# Osiedle Leśna Dolina, Białystok

**Leśna Dolina** is one of the districts of the Polish city of Białystok. It has many green areas, with trees and fields. Most of the district is residential, with blocks of flats and houses.

## History

Leśna Dolina was the third unit of the housing estate built by the "Słoneczny Stok" housing cooperative (The first was "Sloneczny Stok" district and the second was Zielone Wzgórza. The first blocks were built at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s in the area where Armii Krajowej Street runs today. They were still blocks made of large slab technology. Similar to Zielone Wzgórza, service and commercial premises are located on the lower ground floors, from the street side. In the early 1990s, the second church was built in this part of the residential complex. It is the Orthodox Church of the Resurrection, erected according to the design of Jan Kabac, Jerzy Uścinowicz and Władysław Ryżyński.

## InfoBox

| Leśna Dolina | |
| --- | --- |
| District (*osiedle*) of Białystok | |
| Boboli Street in the district | |
|  | |
| Coordinates: 53°08′10″N 23°05′21″E / 53.136022°N 23.089271°E / 53.136022; 23.089271 | |
| Country | Poland |
| Voivodeship | Podlaskie |
| City | Białystok |
| Area | |
| Total | 2.655 km2 (1.025 sq mi) |


title: Raji people

abstract: The Raji people are a community found in Uttarakhand, India and some parts of western Nepal. As of 2001, the Raji people are classified as a Scheduled Tribe under the Indian government's reservation program of positive discrimination. They call themselves Bot Tho. Others also call them Forest Raji and Forest Rawat. They traditionally hunt for a living, especially porcupine and bats, and dig wild yams and other forest foods. Some families have a trade agreement with local traders (Bhotiya) to sell their handmade wooden bowls while others have branched out into carpentry, selling other woodenwares such as plowshares and house building planks. Raji women have also been employed as rock crushers for construction projects. Households who were forcibly settled by the Government of India in the last generation mostly have subsistence-size garden plots and a few cattle as well.

text:
# Raji people

The **Raji people** are a community found in Uttarakhand, India and some parts of western Nepal. As of 2001, the Raji people are classified as a Scheduled Tribe under the Indian government's reservation program of positive discrimination.

They call themselves Bot Tho. Others also call them Forest Raji (Ban Raji) and Forest Rawat (Ban Rawat). They traditionally hunt for a living, especially porcupine and bats, and dig wild yams (Dioscorea spp.) and other forest foods. Some families have a trade agreement with local traders (Bhotiya) to sell their handmade wooden bowls while others have branched out into carpentry, selling other woodenwares such as plowshares and house building planks.

Raji women have also been employed as rock crushers for construction projects. Households who were forcibly settled by the Government of India in the last generation mostly have subsistence-size garden plots and a few cattle as well.

## Language

Raji speak a Tibeto-Burman language which they call Bat-Kha among communities in the Pithoragarh region and Bot-Kha in the Champawat region of Uttarakhand. It is classified by linguists as Rawat (ISO 639-3 jnl; Glottocode Rawa1264). It is in the same language sub-group with the languages named Raji spoken in Nepal (ISO 639-3 rji; Glottocode Raji1240) and Raute (ISO 639-3 rau; Glottocode Raut1239) which is also spoken in Nepal. The three languages are currently classified in their own Sino-Tibetan language sub-group called Raji-Raute. This language sub-group shows some affinity to areal Mahakiranti group Himalayish languages such as Kham Magar and Dhut Magar.

## Raji people in Nepal

The Central Bureau of Statistics of Nepal classifies the Raji as a subgroup within the broader social group of Mountain/Hill Janajati. At the time of the 2011 Nepal census, 4,235 people (0.0% of the population of Nepal) were Raji. The frequency of Raji people by province was as follows:

The frequency of Raji people was higher than national average (0.0%) in the following districts:


title: Gmina Świerklaniec

abstract: Gmina Świerklaniec is a rural gmina in Tarnowskie Góry County, Silesian Voivodeship, in southern Poland. Its seat is the village of Świerklaniec, which lies approximately 7 kilometres (4 mi) east of Tarnowskie Góry and 21 km (13 mi) north of the regional capital Katowice. The gmina covers an area of 44.26 square kilometres (17.1 sq mi), and as of 2019 its total population is 12,328.

text:
# Gmina Świerklaniec

**Gmina Świerklaniec** is a rural gmina (administrative district) in Tarnowskie Góry County, Silesian Voivodeship, in southern Poland. Its seat is the village of Świerklaniec, which lies approximately 7 kilometres (4 mi) east of Tarnowskie Góry and 21 km (13 mi) north of the regional capital Katowice.

The gmina covers an area of 44.26 square kilometres (17.1 sq mi), and as of 2019 its total population is 12,328.

## Villages

Gmina Świerklaniec contains the villages and settlements of Nakło, Nowe Chechło, Orzech and Świerklaniec.

## Neighbouring gminas

Gmina Świerklaniec is bordered by the towns of Miasteczko Śląskie, Piekary Śląskie, Radzionków and Tarnowskie Góry, and by the gminas of Bobrowniki and Ożarowice.

## InfoBox

| Gmina Świerklaniec Świerklaniec Commune | |
| --- | --- |
| Gmina | |
|  | |
| Coordinates (Świerklaniec): 50°26′N 18°57′E / 50.433°N 18.950°E / 50.433; 18.950 | |
| Country | Poland |
| Voivodeship | Silesian |
| County | Tarnowskie Góry |
| Seat | Świerklaniec |
| Area | |
| Total | 44.26 km2 (17.09 sq mi) |
| Population (2019-06-30) | |
| Total | 12,328 |
| Density | 280/km2 (720/sq mi) |
| Website | https://swierklaniec.pl/ |


title: Jakarta Undercover

abstract: Jakarta Undercover is a 2007 Indonesian movie, based on the bestseller novel by Moammar Emka. The film was directed by Lance, written by Joko Anwar, and stars Luna Maya, Lukman Sardi, Verdi Solaiman, Christian Sugiono, Laura Annonetta, and Ammee Juliette. This film was released on March 22, 2007.

text:
# Jakarta Undercover

***Jakarta Undercover*** is a 2007 Indonesian movie, based on the bestseller novel by Moammar Emka. The film was directed by Lance, written by Joko Anwar, and stars Luna Maya, Lukman Sardi, Verdi Solaiman, Christian Sugiono, Laura Annonetta, and Ammee Juliette. This film was released on March 22, 2007.

## Plot

After accidentally killing her temperamental father in order to save her mom from his abuse, Vickytra (Luna Maya) flees from Medan to Jakarta with her autistic brother, Ara (Kenshiro Arashi). To make ends meet in Jakarta, Viki poses as a transvestite and works as a striptease dancer. With no one to watch over her brother, Vicky brings Ara every night to the club where she works and hides him in one corner of the room at the club. One day, Ara accidentally witnesses an act of murder by Haryo (Lukman Sardi), son of an official, and his friends. Realizing his crime was witnessed by Ara, Haryo and his friends chase Viki and Ara, determined to silence the two before they go to the police. For the sake of saving his brother's life, Viki secretly flees from one place to another in order to escape Haryo and friends.

## Information

*

## InfoBox

| Jakarta Undercover | |
| --- | --- |
| Promotional poster | |
| Directed by | Lance Laggong |
| Screenplay by | Joko Anwar |
| Based on | novel by same titled by Moammar Emka |
| Produced by | Erwin Arnada
Luna Maya |
| Starring | Luna Maya
Lukman Sardi
Christian Sugiono
Verdi Solaiman
Adri Valery Wens (Val Wens)
Ray Sahetapy |
| Cinematography | Yadi Sugandi |
| Edited by | Cesa David Luckmansyah |
| Music by | Andi Ayunir |
| Production
company | Starvision Plus |
| Distributed by | Starvision Plus |
| Release date | * March 22, 2007 (2007-03-22) |
| Running time | 100 minutes |
| Country | Indonesia |
| Language | Indonesia |


abstract: Pogrom: Kishinev and the Tilt of History is a 2018 non-fiction book by Steven J. Zipperstein on the events leading to the Kishinev Pogrom, the atrocities of the event itself, and its legacy.

text:
# Pogrom: Kishinev and the Tilt of History

*Pogrom: Kishinev and the Tilt of History* is a 2018 non-fiction book by Steven J. Zipperstein on the events leading to the Kishinev Pogrom, the atrocities of the event itself, and its legacy.

## Synopsis

The book begins with Zipperstein detailing the events leading to the Pogrom. In 1903, many Christians were struggling as farmers and other lower class jobs whereas many Jews were finding much more success, living in large homes that formerly belonged to Christians. Religious differences also led to many Christians viewing the Jews as different or even lesser peoples. As tensions rose, synagogues warned their members to leave before a greater conflict arose. Many chose to remain and in April, the violence and harassment intensified. Tensions peaked when Kishinev's daily newspaper wrote an article accusing Jews of killing a Christian boy for his blood. The article enraged many Christians and antisemites used it to justify violence against Jews as self-defense, which Zipperstein states caused them to view the Pogrom as a way to defend Christians from the domination of Jews, rather than an attack. He further states that the event was also fueled by social and economic reasons.

On April 19 and 20, 1903, the three-day Kishinev Pogrom massacre began in Kishinev, Russia (today Chișinău, Republic of Moldova). Mobs of laborers and artisans attacked the 50,000 Jews that lived in the city, feathering them, ravaging homes, raping, and killing. The attackers destroyed homes and synagogues, ravaging Jews. Pogromists broke into stores, raped women, and used pitchforks, guns, and other weapons to viciously attack men, women, and children. Zipperstein noted that many of the crimes done were by neighbors and former friends who had known the Jews for many years. Very few civilians and policemen helped protect the Jews. According to Zipperstein, most officials supported the Pogrom, confiscating weapons from Jews and helping the attackers. Zipperstein writes that when a Jew asked an officer for help, the officer did not budge, saying that this was what the Jews deserved. The mob continued their rampage all around the city, shouting slogans such as "Death to the Jews." The end result was 49 killed, 95 seriously wounded, 400 more wounded, and 1500 homes destroyed.

### Zipperstein's analysis

After compiling papers, guidebooks, newspapers, and transcripts, Zipperstein saw that there was controversial and contradictory information about the event. One misunderstanding is that the Jewish people were cowardly and ran away from the attack, which Zipperstein states is not true and that they stood up for themselves, guarding areas for protection and finding defense weapons such as bats and metal objects. A poem criticizing the Jewish people was written by Russian Jewish and Zionist poet Hayim Nahman Bialik, which Zipperstein states is contradicted by evidence that a group of over 250 Jewish men rounded up to fight back.

Another conclusion that Zipperstein investigated centered around accusations of the Tsar supporting Pogroms and that they were organized by authoritative figures. He supports this claim, citing things such as a letter written by Nicholas II to his mother as evidence, as the tsar regarded the Pogromists as "loyal people," rather than criticizing them. He also cites the slow support for victims, stating that Russia had anti-semitic support, pointing to how Russian officials and police were not ordered to help the Jews and the little support that was sent was only to protect the tsar's reputation.

Zipperstein also discusses the significance of the Kishinev Pogrom and illustrates how it is a symbol of the Jewish plight in 20th century Europe. The Pogrom became a representation of the discrimination Jews were facing, as they were not only ruthlessly and mercilessly attacked with little to no help, but were also shamed in poem and writing after the event. Zipperstein argues that as a result of the Pogroms such as this in Russia and other countries, many Jews were forced to emigrate, largely to the United States and Palestine, leading to a global displacement of Jews all across Europe. He also argues that as Kishinev was home of many powerful Zionists and was well known throughout all of Russia, this led to the news of the Pogrom being spread further than if it had occurred in a lesser known town.

## Reception

Writing in *Tablet*, cultural critic Rokhl Kafrissen called the book "a pivotal moment in the study of pogroms" that "exploded many of the myths of Kishinev".

Author, screenwriter and film director Nicholas Meyer has said that his new “The Adventures of the Peculiar Protocols,” was inspired by *Pogrom: Kishinev and the Tilt of History.*

## InfoBox

Pogrom: Kishinev and the Tilt of History
|  | |
| --- | --- |
| Author | Steven J. Zipperstein |
| Language | English |
| Genre | History |
| Publisher | Liveright |
| Publication date | March 27, 2018 |
| Media type | Print (hardback) |
| Pages | 288 |
| ISBN | 978-1631492693 |


title: Mosaik Solutions

abstract: Mosaik Solutions was a company that specializes in wireless coverage data and wireless coverage maps, based in Memphis, Tennessee before being acquired by Ookla. The company collects and crowdsources carrier signal quality from major telecommunications providers or users who have its consumer or enterprise mobile application installed. The data is used to provide insights into places around the world without access to cellular coverage and the development of new coverage patterns, as well as to provide maps showing what provider offers the best service in an area. In 2011, the Federal Communications Commission (FCC), recognized Mosaik Solutions as the "industry standard" for the presence of wireless service at the census-block level.

text:
# Mosaik Solutions

**Mosaik Solutions** (formerly American Roamer) was a company that specializes in wireless coverage data and wireless coverage maps, based in Memphis, Tennessee before being acquired by Ookla.

The company collects and crowdsources carrier signal quality from major telecommunications providers or users who have its consumer or enterprise mobile application installed. The data is used to provide insights into places around the world without access to cellular coverage and the development of new coverage patterns, as well as to provide maps showing what provider offers the best service in an area.

In 2011, the Federal Communications Commission (FCC), recognized Mosaik Solutions as the "industry standard" for the presence of wireless service at the census-block level.

## History

In 2016, Mosaik purchased **Sensorly**, a free app developed to crowdsource cellular network performance service and provide coverage mapping for wireless networks worldwide.

## Products and services

### MapELEMENTS

MapELEMENTS software is a visualization tool that allows users to analyze data from the largest cellular coverage database in the world.

### CellMaps

CellMaps is an interactive mapping solution that allows companies to show their network coverage directly on their website through an iframe or API. In 2013 Mosaik launched an android app for CellMaps that provides data directly from carriers so that users can determine what carrier meets their needs in a given area. On the map you can overlay multiple carriers, zoom to street-view level, and drop a pin onto any given spot to get a breakdown of carrier service in that area.

### Signal Insights App

Signal Insights is an SaaS platform service available for android users that measures and analyzes the customer's experience in cellular or Wi-Fi networks. Indoor mode allows a user to upload a building floor plan and then map and test specific points in the building for cellular or Wi-Fi connectivity.

### Sensorly App

Sensorly is a free app that crowdsources cellular network performance to provide coverage mapping worldwide and mobile speed data to help consumers make informed decisions when choosing a cellular carrier. In February 2017, Sensorly launched Map Trip, a feature that allows users to map their routes and share with others their signal data at a particular point in real time.

### TowerSource

TowerSource is a resource for locating cell towers and identifying ownership, availability, fiber routes, type and height. It was acquired by Mosaik Solutions in September 2014.

### Network Validator

Network Validator is a SaaS solution designed for users to quickly determine whether global cellular networks exist - by country, operator and wireless technology.

### CoverageRight

CoverageRight is composed of licensed GIS file datasets that identify the marketed coverage of wireless operators in the United States and worldwide. It enables users to perform spatial analyses, monitor competitive build-outs, analyze coverage trends and assemble roaming footprints. This data has been utilized by the FCC to analyze wireless coverage nationwide.

### Network QoE

Network QoE is an enterprise platform that uses crowdsourced data from cellular devices to detect wireless network issues including 3G, 4G and wifi accessibility, network coverage holes and data performance issues.

### Wireless Spectrum Report

In March 2017, Mosaik Solutions launched the Wireless Spectrum Report, a tabular dataset detailing facts about spectrum ownership and availability in the United States.

*


title: Marie Rasmussen

abstract: Marie Bagger Rasmussen is a retired pole vaulter from Denmark, who after her marriage was named as Marie Bagger Bohn. She represented her native country in the women's pole vault event at the 2000 Summer Olympics in Sydney, Australia, finishing in eighth place. She set her personal best there on September 9, 2000.

text:
# Marie Rasmussen

**Marie Bagger Rasmussen** (born November 1, 1972) is a retired pole vaulter from Denmark, who after her marriage was named as **Marie Bagger Bohn**. She represented her native country in the women's pole vault event at the 2000 Summer Olympics in Sydney, Australia, finishing in eighth place. She set her personal best there (4.35 metres) on September 9, 2000.

## Competition record

| Year | Competition | Venue | Position | Notes |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| Representing  Denmark | | | | |
| 1997 | Universiade | Catania, Italy | (q) | 3.60 m |
| 1998 | European Indoor Championships | Valencia, Spain | 11th | 3.95 m |
| | European Championships | Budapest, Hungary | 20th (q) | 4.00 m |
| 1999 | Universiade | Palma de Mallorca, Spain | 10th | 3.70 m |
| 2000 | European Indoor Championships | Ghent, Belgium | 10th (q) | 4.20 m |
| | Olympic Games | Sydney, Australia | 8th | 4.35 m |
| 2001 | World Championships | Edmonton, Canada | 14th (q) | 4.25 m |


title: Mickey Volcan

abstract: Michael Stephen Volcan is a Canadian former professional ice hockey defenceman who played 162 National Hockey League games for the Hartford Whalers and Calgary Flames from 1980 until 1984. He recorded eight goals and 33 assists in his career. Volcan was a third round draft pick, 50th overall by the Whalers in the 1980 NHL Entry Draft. He was the youngest player in the NHL in the 1980–81 season. Volcan retired following the 1990–91 season. Volcan was born in Edmonton, Alberta. Volcan played two seasons of junior hockey for the St. Albert Saints of the Alberta Junior Hockey League, where he was a teammate of future NHLers Mark Messier and Troy Murray, before joining the Portland Winter Hawks for the 1979 Western Hockey League playoffs. He then played one season of college hockey with University of North Dakota. On January 15, 1983, Volcan and Garry Howatt become the only active players to officiate an NHL game when a snowstorm prevented a referee, Ron Fournier, and a linesman, Ron Asselstine, from reaching the Hartford Civic Center for the beginning of a game between the Whalers and Devils. The two players stepped down after the first period once the officials arrived.

text:
# Mickey Volcan

**Michael Stephen Volcan** (born March 3, 1962) is a Canadian former professional ice hockey defenceman who played 162 National Hockey League games for the Hartford Whalers and Calgary Flames from 1980 until 1984. He recorded eight goals and 33 assists in his career. Volcan was a third round draft pick, 50th overall by the Whalers in the 1980 NHL Entry Draft. He was the youngest player in the NHL in the 1980–81 season. Volcan retired following the 1990–91 season.

Volcan was born in Edmonton, Alberta. Volcan played two seasons of junior hockey for the St. Albert Saints of the Alberta Junior Hockey League, where he was a teammate of future NHLers Mark Messier and Troy Murray, before joining the Portland Winter Hawks for the 1979 Western Hockey League playoffs. He then played one season of college hockey with University of North Dakota.

On January 15, 1983, Volcan (as a member of the Hartford Whalers) and Garry Howatt (as a member of the New Jersey Devils) become the only active players to officiate an NHL game when a snowstorm prevented a referee, Ron Fournier, and a linesman, Ron Asselstine, from reaching the Hartford Civic Center for the beginning of a game between the Whalers and Devils. The two players stepped down after the first period once the officials arrived.

## Career statistics

### Regular season and playoffs

|  | | |  | Regular season | | | | |  | Playoffs | | | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| Season | Team | League | | GP |  |  | Pts | PIM | | GP | G | A | Pts | PIM |
| 1977–78 | St. Albert Saints | AJHL | | 60 | 28 | 40 | 68 | 106 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 1977–78 | Portland Winterhawks | WCHL | |  |  |  |  |  | | 8 | 1 | 1 | 2 | 2 |
| 1978–79 | St. Albert Saints | AJHL | | 49 | 20 | 49 | 69 | 107 | | 5 | 2 | 2 | 4 | 4 |
| 1978–79 | Portland Winterhawks | WHL | |  |  |  |  |  | | 4 | 1 | 0 | 1 | 0 |
| 1979–80 | University of North Dakota | WCHA | | 33 | 2 | 14 | 16 | 38 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 1980–81 | Hartford Whalers | NHL | | 49 | 2 | 11 | 13 | 26 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 1980–81 | Binghamton Whalers | AHL | | 24 | 1 | 9 | 10 | 26 | | 6 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 14 |
| 1981–82 | Hartford Whalers | NHL | | 26 | 1 | 5 | 6 | 29 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 1981–82 | Binghamton Whalers | AHL | | 33 | 4 | 13 | 17 | 47 | | 14 | 4 | 8 | 12 | 40 |
| 1982–83 | Hartford Whalers | NHL | | 68 | 4 | 13 | 17 | 73 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 1983–84 | Calgary Flames | NHL | | 19 | 1 | 4 | 5 | 18 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 1983–84 | Colorado Flames | CHL | | 30 | 8 | 9 | 17 | 20 | | 5 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 11 |
| 1984–85 | Moncton Golden Flames | AHL | | 63 | 8 | 14 | 22 | 44 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 1985–86 | Nova Scotia Oilers | AHL | | 66 | 12 | 36 | 48 | 114 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 1986–87 | Baltimore Skipjacks | AHL | | 72 | 8 | 36 | 44 | 118 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 1987–88 | JYP Jyväskylä | FIN | | 29 | 7 | 4 | 11 | 78 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 1988–89 | EV Landshut | GER | | 16 | 9 | 15 | 24 | 49 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 1988–89 | EHC Chur | NLB | | 7 | 6 | 4 | 10 | 26 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 1989–90 | Krefelder EV 1981 | GER-2 | | 25 | 8 | 27 | 35 | 60 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 1989–90 | SC Riessersee | GER-2 | | 10 | 5 | 7 | 12 | 39 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 1990–91 | Phoenix Roadrunners | IHL | | 59 | 13 | 29 | 42 | 103 | | 11 | 0 | 6 | 6 | 11 |
| AHL totals | | | | 258 | 33 | 108 | 141 | 349 | | 20 | 4 | 8 | 12 | 54 |
| NHL totals | | | | 162 | 8 | 33 | 41 | 146 | |  |  |  |  |  |

## InfoBox

| Mickey Volcan | | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| Born | (1962-03-03) March 3, 1962
Edmonton, Alberta, Canada | | |
| Height | 6 ft 0 in (183 cm) | | |
| Weight | 180 lb (82 kg; 12 st 12 lb) | | |
| Position | Defence | | |
| Shot | Right | | |
| Played for | Hartford Whalers
Calgary Flames | | |
| NHL draft | 50th overall, 1980
Hartford Whalers | | |
| Playing career | 19801991 | | |


title: Nothing to Envy

abstract: Nothing to Envy: Ordinary Lives in North Korea is a 2009 nonfiction book by Los Angeles Times journalist Barbara Demick, based on interviews with North Korean refugees from the city of Chongjin who had escaped North Korea. In 2010, the book was awarded the BBC Samuel Johnson Prize for Non-Fiction. It was also a nonfiction finalist for the National Book Award in 2010. The title comes from the children's theme song of the 1970 North Korean film We Have Nothing to Envy in the World. Demick interviewed more than 100 defectors and chose to focus on Chongjin because it is likely to be more representative than the capital Pyongyang. Demick briefly discusses the examination of one of the female interviewees into a position of Kippumjo. The events covered include the famine of the 1990s, with the final chapters describing the route that the main subjects of the book took in order to reach Seoul, South Korea, followed by an epilogue describing the effects of the November 30, 2009 currency reform.

text:
# Nothing to Envy

***Nothing to Envy: Ordinary Lives in North Korea*** is a 2009 nonfiction book by *Los Angeles Times* journalist Barbara Demick, based on interviews with North Korean refugees from the city of Chongjin who had escaped North Korea. In 2010, the book was awarded the BBC Samuel Johnson Prize for Non-Fiction. It was also a nonfiction finalist for the National Book Award in 2010. The title comes from the children's theme song of the 1970 North Korean film *We Have Nothing to Envy in the World* (Korean: 세상에 부럼 없어라; RR: *Sesang-e burom opsora*).

Demick interviewed more than 100 defectors and chose to focus on Chongjin because it is likely to be more representative than the capital Pyongyang. Demick briefly discusses the examination of one of the female interviewees into a position of Kippumjo. The events covered include the famine of the 1990s, with the final chapters describing the route that the main subjects of the book took in order to reach Seoul, South Korea, followed by an epilogue describing the effects of the November 30, 2009 currency reform.

## Narrative presentation

Demick's writing represents a well researched body of work about lives from such a secretive country, with enough personal details of daily life in North Korea not commonly found. Facts are presented to portray an accurate image of the state and plight North Koreans have faced, but also mentions brighter moments such hardships can create. For example, the author highlights one interviewee's fond memories of courtship, in some ways only made possible by the power-outs and lack of electricity so common in the nation. Demick also had experience working as a journalist, often reporting on North Korea specifically, and the book features follow-up pieces based on the people's stories.

### Absurdity

Throughout the book, Demick describes the harsh experiences her subjects faced, much of it stemming from the "Arduous March", which involved massive, chronic starvation, as well as more recent episodes of wide-scale economic plight caused by the North Korean government's currency 2009 revaluation, explained as "a trick". (p. 287) One interviewee in particular, who considered herself loyal to socialist ideals, managed to survive and feed her family by repeatedly "starting another business". (p. 148)

Facts about such contextual conditions are provided and presented in an informative and telling journalistic style. Keen insight is also provided into the personal experiences, attitudes and views about events, such as one most North Koreans remember, of what it was like for them as individuals on the day Kim Il Sung died (p. 91), and how compulsive and competitive massive weeping rallies became in the days that followed. Such depictions of a deteriorating society are contrasted and weighed against personal loyalties, with one interviewee comparing his love with liberty and life, as expressed by a Hungarian poet. (p. 279)

"Absurd" is often used as the way to portray the catalysts for such calamities in *Nothing to Envy*: "Along with rice and corn, soybeans have been banned from the market with the absurd explanation that they might be taken into China and resold to the enemy in South Korea." (p. 287) "The North Korean government offered a variety of explanations, from the patently absurd to the barely plausible." (p. 69) The name of the city where the featured interviewed people originate from, Chongjin, means "clear river crossing", a strictly prohibited act of treason for its residents pertaining to the border between North Korea and China, yet risked by the book's subjects.

### Dogs and doctors

Dr. Kim is another featured interviewee who, through much of the book, also considers herself an ardent loyalist to North Korean socialism. As a doctor, particularly a busy one in a nation that has many people suffering from the effects of chronic starvation, lack of modern or even basic medicine, corruption and bribery (p. 218), her skills are in demand and she is relatively higher on the social class compared to other people interviewed in *Nothing to Envy*. "Her hospital became so strapped that it remained unheated, bandages were fashioned from cut-up bedding, and beer bottles substituted for IV pouches."

Upon escaping to China in order to avoid impending starvation, Dr. Kim experiences a stark revelation. Her experience is captured to depict both her personal, psychological perspective, as well as suddenly realizing such drastic difference in societies she is confronted with:

> She still wanted to believe that her country was the best place in the world. The beliefs she had cherished for a lifetime would be vindicated. But now she couldn't deny what was staring her plainly in the face: dogs in China ate better than doctors in North Korea.
>
> *Nothing to Envy*, ~ p. 220

## Main interviewees

The six main interviewees in the book (using names different than their real ones to avoid any retribution to relatives left in North Korea) are:

* Mrs. Song – a pro-regime housewife with good *songbun* and past head of the block's *inminban* citizen's co-operative spying/reporting organisation reporting directly to secret police (State Security Department)
* Oak-hee – Mrs. Song's rebellious, yet eventually enterprising, daughter, who is critical of the regime and only performs good "socialist" activities to avoid suspicion and/or getting in trouble
* Mi-ran – (the main character) daughter of a kaolin miner, a South Korean POW, so with bad *songbun*, disqualifying her from advancement, but one that may finally be improved with work; is accepted at a teacher's college and begins teaching kindergarten classes right at the start of the country's devastating economic collapse
* Jun-sang – a student with Zainichi Korean ancestry and Mi-ran's secret boyfriend in North Korea; becomes a privileged university student in Pyongyang but still develops a critical outlook on the regime and begins listening to "subversive" South Korean radio and television
* Kim Hyuck – a kotchebi street-boy whose father commits him to an orphanage and must struggle to survive and fend for himself
* Dr. Kim – a doctor with relatives in China; goes from privilege and prestige to starvation and helplessness in treating her starving fellow citizens

## Representation in other media

An animated feature film based on the book and sharing the same title was planned to be directed by Andy Glynne. The project launched in 2012 and a pilot was released in 2015. Its status as of January 2018 is not clear.

## Chongjin

The author chose to interview defectors from the city of Chongjin, because the national capital city of Pyongyang, from where whatever little information that is available about North Korea typically emanates, is a Potemkin village. The North Korean government divides the population into many classes, and only high class elites are permitted to live in Pyongyang. Chongjin is North Korea's third largest city and an industrial center for what little the nation manufactures. Demick mentions Chongjin prisons in *Nothing to Envy*, including the political prison camp Kwan-li-so No. 26, Chongori reeducation camp Kyo-hwa-so No. 12, and the Nongpo Detention Center.

## Honors and awards

### Reception

*Nothing to Envy* has been widely praised, including accolades from the *Daily Telegraph*, *Guardian*, *New York Times*, *The Times* , *Financial Times*, *Scotsman*, *Waterstone's Books Quarterly*, *New Statesman*, *Scotland on Sunday*, *Spectator*, *Irish Times* and *Literary Review*, where journalist and historian Jonathan Mirsky described Demick's work as a "fair, modest and informative book": "There is much to learn from this carefully written book that draws few conclusions beyond well-grounded individual cases." *The New Yorker* and *The Paris Review* have published excerpts of *Nothing to Envy*. The Guardian ranked *Nothing to Envy* #73 in its list of 100 Best Books of the 21st Century.

## InfoBox

Nothing to Envy
|  | |
| --- | --- |
| Author | Barbara Demick |
| Subject | North Korea |
| Publisher | Spiegel & Grau |
| Publication date | December 29, 2009 |
| Publication place | United States |
| Pages | 336pp (hardback) |
| ISBN | 0385523904 |
| Dewey Decimal | 951.93 |


title: Etymology of Cooch Behar

abstract: Cooch Behar is the district headquarters and the largest town of Cooch Behar district in the Indian state of West Bengal. The name Cooch Behar is derived from two words—Cooch, a corrupted form of the word Koch, the name of the Koch tribes, and the word behar is derived from vihara meaning land, Koch Behar means land of the Koches. The Historical Kamtapur comprises the total North Bengal maximum parts of Assam, some parts of present Bangladesh and few parts of Bhutan.

text:
# Etymology of Cooch Behar

**Cooch Behar** is the district headquarters and the largest town of Cooch Behar district in the Indian state of West Bengal. The name *Cooch Behar* is derived from two words—*Cooch*, a corrupted form of the word *Koch*, the name of the Koch tribes, and the word *behar* is derived from *vihara* meaning *land*, Koch Behar means *land of the Koches*.

The Historical **Kamtapur** comprises the total North Bengal maximum parts of Assam, some parts of present Bangladesh and few parts of Bhutan.

## Historical evidence

In the olden days a greater part of the Kamrup made up the Koch state. The state of Kamrup was made up of four *Pithas*. Out of that Cooch Behar was a part of Ratna Pitha. In the beginning of the 16th century, this state emerged as a powerful kingdom. In the beginning this state was known as Pragjyotish, Lohitya, Kamrup, Kamta, etc. In Bhaskar Verma's Tamralipi we found the name of 'Kamrup'. In the travel logs of Xuanzang and Harischaritra we also discover the name of Kamrup. In 1586 British businessman Ralph Fich have stated the name 'Couch'. In Akbarnama we also found the name of 'Koch'. Stephen Casilla have stated the name 'Coch' and the capital as 'Biar'. In the 17th century Von Dan Brooke's map there is a place mentioned as 'Ragiawerra Cosbhaar'. In one of the description by a Dutch Sailor we found the name 'Kosbia'.

In the 'Bishwakosh' (Bengali for Encyclopedia) written by Nagendra Nath Bose, he stated that in the beginning the state of Cooch Behar was first stated as 'Bihar'. Later to distinguish between Mughal occupied province of Bihar the name of the state was changed to Koch Bihar, but this theory have some doubts as well. The kings of Koch dynasty such as Biswa Singha, Nara Narayan, Pran Narayan, etc. have their title of 'Kamteshwar'. The state of Cooch behar have been stated in various book, in different times as 'Bihar' or 'Behar' or 'Nijo Behar'. Even in the Cooch Behar Royal Government's letters, Notices, records, deeds, etc. we can see these names. But there are many theories or stories behind the naming of Cooch Behar.

## Possible causes

* The word Cooch Behar means the area where Koch people move about or stay.
* The word may have been given for the area where Kochkumari and Mahadev moved about.
* To distinguish from the Mughal occupied province of 'Bihar'.
* From the Bengali word 'Krore' to 'Koch'. In the fear of Parshuram the Khatriyas took shelter in the 'Krore' or 'Koch' of Bhagabati.
* From the Bengali word 'sankoch' or fear to koch. To bring out the fearing condition of the Khatriyas from Parashuram.
* Many people say that due to the situation on the bank of the Sankosh River it had turn from 'kosh' to 'koch'.
* From 'Kochk' to 'Kock'. In Dhruvananda Mishra's Kulkarika, the residents of 'Kochok' have been named 'Koch'..
* The Buddhist monasteries are called 'Bihar'. It is estimation that there was an influence of Buddhism in the area.
* Many Kings of Koch Bihar have been named 'Bihareshwar'.
* In the Tantra Books the name of Cooch Behar is 'Kochbadhupur'. It is told that this area is a favourite area of Mahadev to roam about or bihar.
* According to Buknan the name may have come from the Kush grass.

## The history of the official present name

In the times of East India Company the following English spellings were used such as: Cooch-Bihar, Coss-Beyhar, Kuch Behar, Kutch-Behar, Cooch-Behaar, Cooch-Behar, Kooch-Behar, Koch-Bihar, Koch Vihar, Koosh-Beyhar, etc.

The Bengali names are as follows:
কোচবিহার, কুচবিহার, কঁুচবিহার, কোচবেহার, etc.

The debate behind the names has still not stopped. Officially and non-officially in both Bengali and English various names are used. To stop these spelling doubts Maharaja Nipendra Narayan on 13 April 1896. published a notice in the Cooch Behar Gazette. The Notice was as below:

> Cooch Behar Gazette
> Page 28, Part I 1896
> Dt. 13.4.1896
> Notice by the superintendent of the State
> His Highness the Maharaja Bhup Bahadur having signified his approval of the use of the spelling 'Cooch Behar', all other spelling of the word should be dropped.
> D.R. Lyall Superintendent of the State
> Cooch Behar.

Nowadays only the English spelling Cooch Behar and in Bengali কোচবিহার is used. But still the Cooch Behar Palace Tickets and the sign board displays the name 'Koch Bihar' which is now maintained by Archaeological Survey of India.

## Sources

* Translation of *Itikathai Kochbihar* by Dr. Nripendranath Pal