title: Geoffrey Garrett

abstract: Geoffrey Garrett is an Australian political scientist, academic administrator, and the current dean of the University of Southern California Marshall School of Business. He has served as a professor of political science at the University of Oxford, Stanford University, Yale University, the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), the University of Southern California (USC) and the University of Sydney. He was also the dean of the University of Sydney Business School and the University of New South Wales Business School. He was the dean of the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania from July 2014 until June 2020. On 1 July 2020 Garrett became the 18th dean of the USC Marshall School of Business.

text:
# Geoffrey Garrett

**Geoffrey Garrett** is an Australian political scientist, academic administrator, and the current dean of the University of Southern California Marshall School of Business. He has served as a professor of political science at the University of Oxford, Stanford University, Yale University, the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), the University of Southern California (USC) and the University of Sydney. He was also the dean of the University of Sydney Business School and the University of New South Wales Business School (UNSW Business School). He was the dean of the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania from July 2014 until June 2020.

On 1 July 2020 Garrett became the 18th dean of the USC Marshall School of Business.

## Early life

Geoffrey Garrett was born in Australia, and he graduated from the Australian National University. He was a Fulbright Scholar at Duke University, where he earned a master's degree and a PhD in 1990.

## Career

Garrett was a fellow in politics at University College, Oxford, from 1986 to 1988. He joined the Department of Political Science at Stanford University as an assistant professor in 1988, and rose to tenured full professor in 1997. He was a professor of Political Science at Yale University from 1999 to 2001, and a professor of Political Science at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) from 2001 to 2005. He was also the dean of the UCLA International Institute and vice provost of international studies. He was professor of international relations, business administration, communication and law at the University of Southern California from 2005 to 2008, and the president of the Pacific Council on International Policy from 2005 to 2009.

Garrett returned to Australia in 2009, where he was a professor of political science at the University of Sydney and the founding CEO of its United States Studies Centre from 2008 to 2012. He was the dean of the University of Sydney Business School from 2012 to 2013, and the dean of the Australian School of Business, now known as the UNSW Business School, from 2013 to 2014. Garrett succeeded Thomas S. Robertson as the dean of the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania on 1 July 2014. He was also the Reliance Professor of Management and Private Enterprise in the Management Department at Wharton and Professor of Political Science.

He serves on the advisory board of *Global Policy*.

Garrett rejoined the University of Southern California as the Marshall School Dean, Robert R. Dockson Dean’s Chair in Business Administration, and Professor of Management and Organization on 1 July 2020

Garrett serves on the boards of advisors of the Indian School of Business and the Tsinghua University School of Economics and Management. He is also a fellow of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia.

## Controversy

After several of USC Professor Greg Patton's students complained to the university about the professor using a common Chinese Mandarin filler word during academic lecture that equated to the English word "that", which the students mistook for a racial pejorative, Geoffrey Garrett advised students that the professor would no longer be teaching the course. "It is simply unacceptable for the faculty to use words in class that can marginalize, hurt and harm the psychological safety of our students," he said. Other USC students backed Prof Greg Patton's academic use of the word, with many on social media noting that Prof Patton's punishment appeared to be discrimination against speakers of Chinese.

## Works

* Garrett, Geoffrey (1998). *Partisan Politics in the Global Economy*. New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521446907.
* Dobbin, Frank; Garrett, Geoffrey; Simmons, Beth, eds. (2008). *The Global Diffusion of Democracy and Markets*. New York: Cambridge University Press.
* Alt, James; Chambers, Simone; Garrett, Geoffrey; Levi, Margaret; McClain, Paula, eds. (2010). *The Encyclopedia of Political Science*. Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly Press.

## InfoBox

| Geoffrey Garrett | |
| --- | --- |
| Alma mater | Australian National University<br>Duke University |
| Occupation(s) | Political scientist, academic administrator |
| Employer | University of Southern California |
| Title | Dean of the USC Marshall School of Business |


title: Garry Shephard

abstract: Garry Shephard is a Welsh former semi-professional football player, who played as a striker. He was a prolific goalscorer and fans' favourite for non-league sides Newport County and Merthyr.

text:
# Garry Shephard

**Garry Shephard** is a Welsh former semi-professional football player, who played as a striker. He was a prolific goalscorer and fans' favourite for non-league sides Newport County and Merthyr.

## Personal

Garry is the father of former Newport County right-back Liam Shephard and former Haverfordwest County midfielder Corey Shephard. Shephard runs a T-shirt/kit supplying and embroidery business in his local Rhondda Valleys

## InfoBox

Garry Shephard
| Personal information | | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| Full name | Garry Shephard | | |
| Date of birth | (1976-03-30) 30 March 1976 | | |
| Place of birth | Ton Pentre, Wales | | |
| Height | 1.75 m (5 ft 9 in) | | |
| Position(s) | Striker | | |
| Senior career\* | | | |
| Years | **Team** | **Apps** | **(Gls)** |
| 1996–1999 | Merthyr Tydfil | ? | (?) |
| 1999–2005 | Newport County | 136 | (47) |
| 2005–2010 | Merthyr Tydfil | ? | (?) |
| 2010–2015 | Merthyr Town | ? | (?) |
| Managerial career | | | |
| 2007–2010 | Merthyr Tydfil | | |
| 2010–2015 | Merthyr Town | | |
| \*Club domestic league appearances and goals, correct as of 22 June 2012 | | | |


title: PillPack

abstract: PillPack, Inc. is an American online pharmacy which is a subsidiary of Amazon. It is based in Manchester, New Hampshire, United States. The company was founded in 2013.

text:
# PillPack

**PillPack, Inc.** is an American online pharmacy which is a subsidiary of Amazon. It is based in Manchester, New Hampshire, United States. The company was founded in 2013.

## History

The company was founded in 2013 by TJ Parker and Elliot Cohen. By 2014 the IDEO incubated company was licensed in 31 states and shipping medication in dosage packets with robots handling the packaging process. Software development and management were based in Somerville, Massachusetts, with pharmacy fulfillment operations at the Millyard complex in Manchester, New Hampshire, former site of the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company.

In April 2016, Express Scripts announced it would remove PillPack from its pharmacy benefit manager network at the end of the month, saying the company had misrepresented itself as a physical pharmacy rather than mail-order. PillPack alleged that Express Scripts was simply trying to give an anti-competitive advantage to its own mail-order pharmacy. PillPack launched the website FixPharmacy.com and began a publicity campaign, urging affected customers (which represented about a third of its business) to complain to Express Scripts. Express Scripts agreed to allow PillPack to remain in its network before the suspension took effect.

In June 2018, Amazon.com acquired the company for a reported US$753 million. In November 2019, the company changed their branding from "PillPack, an Amazon company" to "PillPack by Amazon Pharmacy".

In June 2019, the federal district court for Rhode Island ruled that former CVS Caremark head John Levin violated his 18-month non-compete agreement by working at PillPack in a position responsible for insurance payment negotiations.

In June 2020, PillPack announced plans to build a customer service call center in Meridian, Idaho, to expand upon its existing call center in Salt Lake City, Utah.

In December 2021, Parker and Cohen were removed from Amazon Pharmacy management. Parker was replaced in the reporting chain by Amazon Alexa VP John Love, and Neil Lindsay, who had previously overseen Amazon Prime, was put in charge of both Amazon Pharmacy and Amazon Care. Axios described the two as being "demoted to consultants" but Amazon said it was not a demotion, and that they remain Amazon employees.

In May 2022, PillPack agreed to pay $5.79 million to the federal government and some states settle a Department of Justice lawsuit. The complaint alleged that from April 2014 to November 2019, the company sent a larger amount of insulin to Medicare and Medicaid patients than allowed, then falsely reported the remaining supply those patients had in order to avoid penalties.

## InfoBox

PillPack, Inc.
|
|  |
| Company type | Division |
| Industry | Pharmaceutical |
| Founded | 2013 (2013) |
| Founders | TJ Parker <br>Elliot Cohen |
| Headquarters | Manchester, New Hampshire, United States |
| Area served | United States |
| Services | Online retailer |
| Parent | Amazon |
| Website | pillpack.com |


title: Naphtali (name)

abstract: Naphtali is the sixth son of Jacob in the Bible and the founder of the Israelite Tribe of Naphtali. Naphtali, Naftali or Naftoli may also refer to:

text:
# Naphtali (name)

**Naphtali** is the sixth son of Jacob (and second son with Bilhah) in the Bible and the founder of the Israelite Tribe of Naphtali.

**Naphtali**, **Naftali** or **Naftoli** may also refer to:

## Given name

### Naftali

### Naphtali

* Naphtali Busnash (assassinated 1805), statesman and chief of the Algerian Jews
* Naphtali Cohen (1649–1718), also known as Naphtali Katz, Russo-German rabbi and kabalist
* Naphtali Daggett (1727–1780), American academic and educator, first professor of Yale University and later university president
* Herz Cerfbeer of Medelsheim (1730–1793), Yiddish birth name Naphtali Ben Dov-Beer, French Jewish philanthropist
* Naphtali Friedman (1863–1921), Jewish Lithuanian lawyer and politician in the Russian Empire and Lithuania
* Naphtali Keller (1834–1865), Austrian Jewish scholar
* Naphtali Tuli Kupferberg (1923–2010), American counterculture poet, author, cartoonist, pacifist anarchist, publisher and co-founder of the band The Fugs
* Naphtali Lewis (1911–2005), American papyrologist and Egyptologist
* Naphtali Luccock (1853–1916), American bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church
* Naphtali Hirsch Treves, kabbalist and scholar of the 16th century
* Naphtali Hirz Wessely (1725–1805), German Jewish Hebraist, educator and advocate of reform

### Naftoli

* Naftoli Shapiro (1906–1981), Orthodox Talmudic scholar and rosh yeshiva in Glasgow, Scotland
* Naftoli Trop (1871–1928), Talmudist and rosh yeshiva in Poland

## Surname

* ben Naphtali (first name in dispute), a rabbi and Masorete who flourished about 890–940 C.E.
* Peretz Naftali (1888–1961), Zionist activist and Israeli politician
* Timothy Naftali, director of the Richard Nixon Presidential Library and Museum


title: Omaha Road Bridge Number 15

abstract: Omaha Road Bridge Number 15 is a swing bridge that spans the Mississippi River in St. Paul, Minnesota, United States. It was built in 1915 by the Chicago, St. Paul, Minneapolis and Omaha Railway, though it, and the line from St. Paul to Mendota, was jointly owned with the Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul Railway. The causeway curves around Pickerel Lake in Lilydale, Minnesota, before crossing into St. Paul. The bridge was designed by I.F. Stern of Chicago. It is unusually shaped, because the swing span is asymmetrical. According to local legend, the original bridge design had equal length spans on either side of the center pivot. Once the bridge was completed, the owner of the property on the south side of the river did not want the swing span crossing his land. In response, the owner removed most of the south end of the swing span and added a concrete counterweight to compensate for the lost material. Legends aside, the reason for the "bobtail" configuration of the bridge is that the section of the river deep enough for navigation at that point is not wide enough to accommodate a full-sized swing bridge. The counterweight is necessary to keep both ends of the bridge in balance over the center pier, which is near the right descending bank. While the legend may be an appealing one, it cannot withstand the fact that no qualified bridge engineer would lavish the material and effort required to build a swing span over land. The bridge forces barge traffic heading up river to cross over to their respective port (south) shore of the river, while those heading downstream are able to maintain their normal traffic pattern. An earlier bridge in this location, built in 1869, was a wooden Howe truss design. This was one of the original 15 bridges spanning the Mississippi River. The first bridge was an 8-span drawbridge, but much of the superstructure had to be replaced in 1877 because of decay in the original pine chords. It was a joint bridge of the Minnesota Valley Railroad Company and the Minnesota Central Railroad Company

text:
# Omaha Road Bridge Number 15

**Omaha Road Bridge Number 15** is a swing bridge that spans the Mississippi River in St. Paul, Minnesota, United States. It was built in 1915 by the Chicago, St. Paul, Minneapolis and Omaha Railway (Omaha Road), though it, and the line from St. Paul to Mendota, was jointly owned with the Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul Railway (Milwaukee Road). The causeway curves around Pickerel Lake in Lilydale, Minnesota, before crossing into St. Paul.

The bridge was designed by I.F. Stern of Chicago. It is unusually shaped, because the swing span is asymmetrical. According to local legend, the original bridge design had equal length spans on either side of the center pivot. Once the bridge was completed, the owner of the property on the south side of the river did not want the swing span crossing his land. In response, the owner removed most of the south end of the swing span and added a concrete counterweight to compensate for the lost material.

Legends aside, the reason for the "bobtail" configuration of the bridge is that the section of the river deep enough for navigation at that point is not wide enough to accommodate a full-sized swing bridge. The counterweight is necessary to keep both ends of the bridge in balance over the center pier, which is near the right descending bank. While the legend may be an appealing one, it cannot withstand the fact that no qualified bridge engineer would lavish the material and effort required to build a swing span over land.

The bridge forces barge traffic heading up river to cross over to their respective port (south) shore of the river, while those heading downstream are able to maintain their normal traffic pattern.

An earlier bridge in this location, built in 1869, was a wooden Howe truss design. This was one of the original 15 bridges spanning the Mississippi River. The first bridge was an 8-span drawbridge, but much of the superstructure had to be replaced in 1877 because of decay in the original pine chords. It was a joint bridge of the Minnesota Valley Railroad Company (predecessor of the Omaha Road) and the Minnesota Central Railroad Company (predecessor of the Milwaukee Road)

## Bibliography

* Mailer, Stan (2004). *The Omaha Road: Chicago, St. Paul, Minneapolis & Omaha*. Mukilteo, Washington: Hundman Publishing. ISBN 0-945434-04-9. OL 8448884M.

## InfoBox

| Omaha Road Bridge #15 | |
| --- | --- |
| The south end of the bridge, showing the concrete "bobtail". | |
| Coordinates | 44°55′24″N 93°07′02″W / 44.92333°N 93.11722°W / 44.92333; -93.11722 |
| Carries | One track of the Union Pacific Railroad and Soo Line Railroad |
| Crosses | Mississippi River |
| Locale | St. Paul, Minnesota |
| Maintained by | Union Pacific Railroad |
| ID number | 15 |
| Characteristics | |
| Design | Swing bridge |
| Total length | 1,055 feet (322 m) |
| Width | One track |
| Longest span | 185 feet (56 m) |
| Clearance below | 22 feet (6.7 m) |
| History | |
| Opened | 1916 |
| Location | |
|  | |


title: Pierre-Aurèle Asselin

abstract: Pierre-Aurèle Asselin (1881–1964) was a French Canadian furrier and tenor singer. Asselin came from a musical family; he was the brother of mezzo-soprano Marie-Anne Asselin and great uncle of pianist André Asselin. Asselin was born in the town of Sainte-Famille on Île d'Orléans in 1881. He moved with his family to Montreal around 1901, and, in 1903, he married Cora Laviolette in Notre-Dame cathedral.

text:
# Pierre-Aurèle Asselin

**Pierre-Aurèle Asselin** (18811964) was a French Canadian furrier and tenor singer. Asselin came from a musical family; he was the brother of mezzo-soprano Marie-Anne Asselin and great uncle of pianist André Asselin.

Asselin was born in the town of Sainte-Famille on Île d'Orléans in 1881. He moved with his family to Montreal around 1901, and, in 1903, he married Cora Laviolette in Notre-Dame cathedral.

## Singing career

Asselin began a career as a furrier soon after his marriage. He would remain a furrier until his retirement. Asselin sang in church for some time, but it would not be until 1916, when he was 35, that he would make his first professional performance. He performed for Ladies' Morning Musical Club of Quebec City, a club devoted to classical music appreciation. He was well received and, within a year, had signed a contract with Columbia Records. Under this contract, he recorded arias from French operas, various songs from operettas, and other classical songs.

Asselin also gave live performances. In April 1917, he performed in the oratorio Les Sept Paroles du Christ at the Montreal Cathedral. His first solo concert followed that October. He joined the Sociéte nationale d'opéra comique, but it quickly disbanded. In September 1918, he appeared at the Cartier Theatre and the Orpheum Theatre, alongside Blanche Gonthier.

Starting in November 1918, Asselin made recordings for the Edison recording label. His recordings were released in several formats, including Royal Purple Grand Opera Cylinder Records 29000 series, the Blue Amberol 27000 cylinder series and the Edison Diamonds 74000 series of disks. Through Edison, Asselin released a variety of recordings of arias and other serious classical works. Asselin continued recording with Edison until December 1920.

In May 1921, Asselin resigned with Columbia Records. He recorded eight songs in New York with them, which included arias by Donizetti, Godard, and Massenet, two duets with Guillaume Dupuis using contemporary melodies and a duet with Blanche Gonthier of Sur le lac d'argent by Fauré.

Asselin made his last recording for the Brunswick record company in 1929. Soon after, he disappeared from professional music and focused his efforts on his fur business. Asselin died in Montreal on December 27, 1964, leaving his fur business to his son Raymond.

## Recordings

\[see the talk page regarding Edison recordings\]

1917

* *Columbia 3069* Side A: **Aime-moi** by Bemberg (Tenor solo in French, with orchestra) (3:27) Side B: **Noël du mariage** by Choudens (Tenor solo in French, with orchestra) (3:13)
* *Columbia E3203* Side A: **À l'inconnue** by Cécile Chaminade (Tenor solo in French, with orchestra) (3:30) Side B: **Madrigal** by Cécile Chaminade (Tenor solo in French, with orchestra) (3:12)
* *Columbia E3213* Side A: **Priez, aimez, chantez** by Gregh (Tenor solo in French, with orchestra) (3:10) Side B: **Tu me dirais** by Chaminade (Tenor solo in French, with orchestra) (2:50)

1918

* *Columbia E3454* Side A: **Ouvre à l'amour** (Tenor solo in French, with orchestra) (3:32) Side B: **Ivresse d'oiseaux** (Tenor solo in French, with orchestra) (3:18)
* *Columbia E3701* Side A: **L'adieu du matin** by Pessard (Tenor solo in French, with orchestra) (3:15) Side B: **Crédo** by Faure (Bass solo in French by J.M. Magnan, with orchestra) (3:26)
* *Edison Blue Amberol 27182* **Cantique de Noël** by Adolphe Adam (Tenor solo in French, with orchestra)
* *Edison Blue Amberol 27183* **Madrigal** by Cécile Chaminade (Tenor solo in French, with orchestra)

1919

1920

1921

* *E7183 Columbia* Side A: **Berceuse** from the opera Jocelyn (Tenor solo in French, with orchestra) (2:34) Side B: **Sur les bords de la Riviera** (Tenor in French, with Baritone Guillaume Dupuis and orchestra) (2:53)
* *E7195 Columbia* Side A: **Ah fuyez, douce image** from Manon by Massenet (Tenor solo in French, with orchestra) (2:56) Side B: **Ange si pur** from La favorite by Donizetti (Tenor solo in French, with orchestra) (2:46)

1922

* *E7208 Columbia* Side A: **Sur le lac d'argent** by Fauré (Tenor in French, with Soprano Blanche Gauthier, and orchestra) (3:04) Side B: **Pour toi** by Codini and Courtioux (Tenor solo in French, and orchestra) (3:14)


title: Yolmo language

abstract: Yolmo (Hyolmo) or Helambu Sherpa, is a Tibeto-Burman language of the Hyolmo people of Nepal. Yolmo is spoken predominantly in the Helambu and Melamchi valleys in northern Nuwakot District and northwestern Sindhupalchowk District. Dialects are also spoken by smaller populations in Lamjung District and Ilam District and also in Ramecchap District. It is very similar to Kyirong Tibetan and less similar to Standard Tibetan and Sherpa. There are approximately 10,000 Yolmo speakers, although some dialects have larger populations than others.

text:
# Yolmo language

**Yolmo** (Hyolmo) or **Helambu Sherpa**, is a Tibeto-Burman language of the Hyolmo people of Nepal (ISO 639-3: scp, GlottoCode: yolm1234). Yolmo is spoken predominantly in the Helambu and Melamchi valleys in northern Nuwakot District and northwestern Sindhupalchowk District. Dialects are also spoken by smaller populations in Lamjung District and Ilam District and also in Ramecchap District (where it is known as Syuba). It is very similar to Kyirong Tibetan and less similar to Standard Tibetan and Sherpa. There are approximately 10,000 Yolmo speakers, although some dialects have larger populations than others.

## Language name

Yolmo is both the name of the language (glottonym), and the ethnic group of people who speak the language (ethnonym). Yolmo is also written *Hyolmo, Yholmo* or *Yohlmo*. The 'h' in all of these spellings marks that the word has low tone. Sometimes the language is referred to as *Yolmo Tam*, *tam* is the Yolmo word for 'language'.

The language is also referred to as Helambu Sherpa. This usage was common in the 1970s (see, for example, Clarke's work from the early 1980s). This name appears to have been an attempt by Yolmo speakers to align themselves with the widely recognised and prosperous Sherpas of the Solu-Khumbu district. While there are many cultural affinities between the two groups, the Sherpa language is not mutually intelligible with Yolmo. With a growing recognition of Nepal's ethnic minorities (Janajati), Yolmo people have moved away from associating themselves with the Sherpas in recent decades.

## Language family

Yolmo is part of the family of languages called Kyirong-Kagate. The languages of this family are located along the Himalayan hills and mountains mostly on the Nepal side of the border, although Kyirong is in the Tibet Antonymous Region. Along with Yolmo, Kyirong and Syuba, other languages in the family include Tsum, Nubri and Gyalsumdo.

The language family is better considered be Kyirong-Yolmo. Yolmo has far more speakers (at least 10,000) than Kagate (Syuba) (1,500), Yolmo speakers are found in multiple districts, including Melamchi, Lamjung and Ilam, while Kagate speakers are based in Ramechhap. Also, *Kagate* is an exonym, and speakers now prefer the endonym *Syuba*, which carries less pejorative stigma than the caste-associated term *Kagate* ('papermaker').

This is part of a larger cluster of Tibetic languages, which all have their roots in the language that was the basis for Classical Tibetan.

## History

Yolmo speakers traditionally reside in the Helambu and Melamchi Valley regions in the Nuwakot and Sindhupalchowk districts of Nepal. Yolmo speakers migrated to the area, across the Himalaya, from the Kyriong, in what is now Southwest Tibet, over 300 years ago. This migration appears to have occurred slowly over multiple generations, rather than one large migration event. Main villages where Yolmo speakers reside include Melamchi Ghyang, Tarke Ghyang, Nakote, Kangyul, Sermathang, Norbugoun, Timbu, and Kutumsang.

Yolmo speakers are Buddhist, with the role of head Lama patrilineal. Yolmo Lamas are called upon to perform religious rituals for the Tamang-speaking communities that live in villages below the Yolmo-inhabited areas. This has created a strong socio-cultural link between the two groups that is reflected in traditional marriage practice where Tamang women marry into Yolmo villages. There is also a distinct local tradition of *pòmbo* (often referred to as 'shamanism' in the literature on this topic). The *pòmbo* tradition, passed from father to son, is focused on healing, particularly with regard to 'soul loss'. This practice appears to be evolving fit with the modern focus on Buddhism among Yolmo people. For example, *pòmbo* blood sacrifices are no longer performed as commonly. While there are similarities, including a shared etymology, these local practitioners are not formally associated with the Bon of Tibet.

Traditionally Yolmo people were yak herders and traders. They currently practice a combination of mixed agriculture involving livestock herding, hotel management, restaurants, and trading. Although outward migrants would often return to village life, speakers of Yolmo are increasing settling in Kathmandu, or moving overseas, which has an effect on transmission of the language as speakers move towards dominant languages of formal education such as Nepal and English.

For more on the history of Yolmo speakers, see the Yolmo people page.

## Dialects

There are a number of dialects of Yolmo, spread throughout Nepal, thanks to migration in recent centuries, including in Lamjung and Ilam. There are also closely related languages that should be considered when discussing Yolmo, including Kagate (Syuba) and Langtang. Some of these varieties have been documented in more detail than others. Some of the dialects also have more mutual intelligibility, which means it is easier for the speakers to understand each other. Below is a list of established dialects, including what is known about each.

### Melamchi Valley Yolmo

The variety of Yolmo documented by Anna Marie Hari is mostly spoken in the Melamchi Valley area. Hari documented the variety of Yolmo mostly spoken around the villages of Sermathang and Chhimi. Hari also encountered speakers from other areas in the Melamchi and Helambu valleys, and suggested there are two dialects across this area. mostly distinguished by vocabulary. The two dialects are the 'western' dialect, mostly in Nuwakot district and the 'eastern' dialect, which Hari's work focuses on. While discussing these dialects Hari also observes that the variety spoken around Tarkeghyang is different again, suggesting there may be more than two dialects spoken in the area.

Hari produced a Yolmo-Nepali-English dictionary of the language with Chhegu Lama, and a sketch grammar. Hari also translated the New Testament of the Bible into Yolmo. Original cassette recordings of her work have been digitised and archived with PARADISEC. Unless otherwise stated, all discussion of the grammar of Yolmo on this page is drawn from the work on Melamchi Valley Yolmo.

### Langtang

Northwest of the Yolmo-speaking areas in the Langtang valley of the Rasuwa District are three villages that speak a language that is mutually intelligible with Yolmo. This language also shares features with Kyirong and is likely part of a dialect continuum between Yolmo and Kyirong.

### Lamjung Yolmo

Lamjung Yolmo is spoken by around 700 people in five villages of the Lamjung District of Nepal. Yolmo speakers have been residing in this area for over a century. Gawne has written a sketch grammar and a Lamjung Yolmo-Nepali-English dictionary. There is also a digital archive of Lamjung Yolmo recordings archived with PARADISEC.

### Ilam Yolmo

A dialect of Yolmo is reportedly spoken in the Ilam District of far east Nepal. There is very little documentation of this variety, but it is mutually intelligible with Syuba. Recordings from the dialect are available as a subset of an online collection of Syuba materials archived with PARADISEC.

### Syuba (Kagate)

Although Syuba has a distinct name, and a separate ISO 639-3 code (SYW), linguistically it can be considered a dialect of Yolmo. Syuba speakers say their families migrated to the area more than a century ago. Hari, who worked on both Yolmo and Syuba observes that "to quite a large extent they are mutually intelligible dialects". The lexical similarity between Syuba and Melamchi Valley Yolmo is at least 79%, with the similarity between Syuba and Lamjung Yolmo even higher (88%). There is a higher level of similarity between Yolmo and Syuba than there is between either of these languages and Kyirong. This all suggests that the separated dialects may have more in common with each other than with the main dialect area. In 2016 the Syuba community published a Syuba-Nepali-English dictionary.

Three open access collections of Syuba, MH1 digitised from Monika Hölig's 1970s recordings, SUY1 documentation by Lauren Gawne (2009-2016), MTC1 a 2013 BOLD documentation by the Mother Tongue Centre Nepal.

## Language vitality

Using the Expanded Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (EGIDS), Ethnologue gives Yolmo a vitality rating of 6a 'Vigorous', but does not cite a source for this claim. The vitality of the language varies depending on the location. In the Melamchi Valley area the language is spoken mostly by older adults. The younger generations having largely shifted to Nepali, though the language is being maintained for religious practices. The shift towards Nepali for younger speakers has also been observed in Lamjung, as this is the language used in schools. The Syuba variety in Ramechhap is currently still spoken across all generations, including children. Mitchell & Eichentopf give it an EGIDS rating of 6a 'Vigorous', which is the likely reference for the Ethnologue rating. This is a recent survey with primary data presented, and is in concord with the first author's own observations of this community. There is insufficient data on the Ilam or Langtang variety to assess their vitality at this stage.

## Language contact

The majority of Yolmo speakers are minimally bilingual in the national language Nepali. For older speakers Nepali was mostly used for interaction with people outside their community, and they may be less proficient, while younger speakers are likely to have attended school in Nepali and are proficient.

While there is relatively little influence of Nepali on basic vocabulary (such as the Swadesh list below), Nepali words are commonly adopted into Yolmo. In Hari & Lama's dictionary of over 4000 entries there are over 200 entries marked with some kind of Nepali influence. The extent to which Nepali words have been reconfigured to Yolmo phonology has not been systematically studied. One observation is that Nepali verbs take a suffix *-ti* before any tense or aspect marking. This suffix is not voiced in any environment, unlike the perfective aspect marker *-ti*.

In the Helambu area Tamang women would marry into the villages, but they appeared to move to Yolmo-speaking when they married in (although contact with Tamang may account for some features of Yolmo, such as the general fact evidential, below).

Individuals may also have other languages in their personal repertoire, through marriage to someone from a different language group, international work or engagement with tourists from different countries. English is increasingly common as a language of education.

## Orthography

Hyolmo does not have a written tradition although there are attempts to develop an orthography based on Devanagari, the script used to write the national language Nepali, as seen in the publication of two dictionaries. Syuba speakers also settled on a Devanagari orthography for their dictionary. All of these dictionaries also present the languages in Roman orthographies.

### Devanagari

The modifications to Devanagari are minor, and are intended to ensure that all sounds in the language can be represented. None of the orthographies use the 'inherent schwa vowel', meaning that a consonant without an overt vowel is not treated as having an implied vowel. Consonants remain the same as in the existing Devanagari tradition, with the use of joined digraphs to represent additional sounds in the language, such as the combination of क (k) and य (y) for the palatal stop क्य (\[c\] 'kh'), स (s) and य (y) for the palatal fricative स्य (\[ʃ\] 'sh'), र and ह for the voiceless liquid र्ह (\[r̥\] 'rh'), and ल and ह for the voiceless lateral ल्ह (\[l̥\] 'lh') ह्य ('hy').

Vowel length is unmarked in the Syuba dictionary, in the two Yolmo dictionaries the standard Devanagari length distinctions are made, with the addition of a small diacritic below the 'a' vowel ( ा) to indicate a longer vowel. The Hari & Lama and Gawne dictionaries both use ह (h) after the vowel to mark low tone (e.g. टाह *ʈà* 'pheasant'), while in (the Syuba orthography a visarga represents the low tone (टाः *ʈà* 'pheasant'). High tone is left unmarked.

### Roman

All three dictionaries also make use of variations on a Romanised orthography, although this does not appear to be used or preferred by Hyolmo speakers, and is intended for the English-literate audience of the dictionaries. Consonants predominantly take their form from the International Phonetic Alphabet, with some exception where there is a more common preference in English, such as digraphs for the palatal stops (\[c\] 'ky', \[ch\] 'khy', \[ɟ\] 'gy') and non-superscript for aspiration (e.g. *phá* 'pig'). This is represented in the consonant chart in the Phonology section.

The vowels in Hyolmo follow the International Phonetic Alphabet, except for \[ɔ\] which uses 'o' for ease of typing. Long vowels are represented by double characters, e.g. \[ɲíː\] 'two' is represented as *ɲíi*, except in the Syuba dictionary where vowel length is not indicated in either the Devanagari or Roman scripts. For tone Hari uses a 'h' after the vowel to represent low tone, (e.g. *toh* 'stone') with high tone unmarked (e.g. *to* 'rice'), Gawne uses the International Phonetic Alphabet convention of using accents over the vowel to mark high and low tone (e.g.  'rice' and  'stone'), while the Syuba dictionary uses a superscript L at the start of the syllable to mark low tone (e.g. *Lto* 'stone') with high tone unmarked.

On this page the orthography mostly follows Hari's transcription, as outlined in the phonology. Unlike Hari, representation of tone follows the International Phonetic Alphabet, with accents to mark high and low tone (e.g.  'rice' and  'stone' respectively). This avoids Hari's use of 'h' to represent both low tone and the sound \[h\].

## Grammatical overview

The sections below contain an overview of the key features of the grammar of Hyolmo. Information is mostly drawn from Hari's grammar of the language, supplemented by the Yohlmo-Nepali-English dictionary she co-wrote with Chhegu Lama. Differences between this variety and other documented dialects are indicated where relevant. Links to other related languages will also be made where relevant.

All example sentences are presented with an interlinear gloss. This breaks down the words on a morpheme level, giving information about the meaning of each morpheme using a standard set of glossing abbreviations. All examples are cited back to the original publication they are drawn from. Some glossing has been regularised, or added where it was not included in the original.

## Phonology

### Consonants

There are 36 consonants in Yolmo, which are summarized in the table below. The form is given in IPA and then to the right in brackets is given the form used in this article, if different.

|  | | Labial | Dental | Post-
alveolar | Retroflex | Palatal | Velar | Glottal |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| Plosive | voiceless |  |  |  |  | ky |  |  |
| | aspirated | ph | th |  | ʈʰ ʈh | khy | kh |  |
| | voiced |  |  |  |  | gy |  |  |
| Fricative | voiceless |  |  |  |  |  |  |  |
| | voiced |  |  |  |  |  |  |  |
| Affricate | voiceless |  | ts |  |  |  |  |  |
| | aspirated |  | tsʰ tsh | tɕʰ tɕh |  |  |  |  |
| | voiced |  | dz |  |  |  |  |  |
| Nasal | |  |  |  |  |  |  |  |
| Rhotic | voiceless |  | rh |  |  |  |  |  |
| | voiced |  |  |  |  |  |  |  |
| Lateral | voiceless |  | lh |  |  |  |  |  |
| | voiced |  |  |  |  |  |  |  |
| Semivowel | |  |  |  |  | y |  |  |

Not all consonants are equally frequent. In particular \[h\], \[r̥\] and \[l̥\] are not particularly frequent, nor are vowel-initial words.

### Vowels

There are five places of articulation for vowels. There is a length distinction at each place of articulation. The form of each vowel is given in IPA and then to the right in brackets is given the form used in this article, if different.

|  | Front | Mid | Back |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| High | ii |  | uu |
| Mid | ee |  | o   ɔː oo |
| Low |  | aa |  |

Below are some minimal pairs that demonstrate the vowel length distinction. The diacritic above the vowel is the tone marker, the acute accent indicates that all of these examples are high tone. This is explained in more detail in the section on tone.

| *tɕí* | 'one' |
| --- | --- |
| *tɕíi* | 'what' |
|  | ‘rice (cooked)' |
| *tóo* | 'be hungry' |

Vowel-length distinctions are not common across Tibetic language, but they are also attested in Syuba (although Syuba speakers do not consider them salient enough to encode in the orthography) and in Kyirong for open syllables.

Unlike many other Tibetic languages, including Kyirong, and Standard Tibetan, Yolmo does not have a front rounded \[y\]. This is true for all dialects of Yolmo documented to date, including Syuba. Langtang, however, does have this vowel.

### Tone

Like other Tibetic languages, Yolmo has tone, which is located on the first vowel of a word. Hari presents a four tone contrast of Melamchi Valley Yolmo; high level, high falling, low level and low falling. Acoustic evidence from Lamjung Yolmo and Kagate indicates that there is only acoustic evidence for a contrast between two tones; low and high. Below are some examples of tone minimal pairs:

|  | 'body hair' |
| --- | --- |
|  | ‘son’ |
| *kómba* | ‘thirsty’ |
| *kòmba* | ‘temple’ |

Low tone words can be marked with breathy voice, but this is not always the case. The practice of indicating low tone with a 'h' following the vowel in some orthographies is related to this breathy property of low-tone vowels. The high tone, which uses modal voice, is left unmarked.

Tone is predictable in some environments. It is always high following aspirated stops, aspirated affricates and voiceless liquids (which speakers treat as equivalent to aspirated). Examples of all of these include:

| *pháa* | 'pig' |
| --- | --- |
| *thí* | 'ruler (for measuring)' |
| *ʈháa* | 'blood' |
| *khyá* | 'you, plural' |
| *khá* | 'mouth' |
| *tshá* | 'salt' |
| *tɕhá* | 'pair' |
| *rhílmu* | 'round' |
| *lhá* | 'god' |

Tone is always low following voiced stops, voiced fricatives and voiced affricates. Examples of all of these include:

|  | 'insect' |
| --- | --- |
|  | 'arrow' |
| *ɖù* | 'grain' |
| *gyàa* | 'place' |
| *gùri* | 'cat' |
| *dzàdi* | 'nutmeg' |
| *dʑùbu* | 'huge/much' |
|  | 'rainbow' |
| *ʑèe* | 'udder' |

On words with more than one syllable the tone is marked on the initial syllable. Subsequent syllables eventually level off. Tone on all words is influenced by prosody, and may become more or less neutralised in running speech.

The only prefixes in the language are the negator prefixes *mà-* and *mè-*. Both have low tone, however if the following root has high tone it will not change tone because of the preceding low suffix.

There are no morpho-phonemic variations discussed for the language. The only related feature are a small set of verb minimal pairs where transitivity is distinguished by tone:

| *làŋ* | 'to rise' |
| --- | --- |
| *láŋ* | 'to raise' |
| *tàp* | 'to fall' |
| *táp* | 'to be scattered' |
| *ròp* | 'to break' |
| *róp* | 'to break something' |

### Syllable structure

Yolmo has the syllable structure (C)(C)V(C). This means that the minimum a syllable needs is a vowel. Syllables can also have up to two consonants before the vowel and one after the vowel.

| V | *òo* | 'there' |
| --- | --- | --- |
| VC | *ùr* | 'fly' |
| CV |  | 'son' |
| CVC | *pùp* | 'keep warm' |
| CCV | *prù* | 'write' |
| CCVC | *prùl* | 'snake' |

All consonants and vowels can occur word-initial, with a restricted set able to occur in the second syllable. The set of syllable initial consonant clusters includes /pr, br, kr, py, phy, sw, kw, thw, rw/.

All vowels can occur syllable-final, and final consonants include voiceless unaspirated bilabial /b/ and velar stops /k/, voiced liquids /l,r/, the voiced labio-velar /w/ and all nasals except the palatal /m, n, ng/.

### Morphophonemic processes

There is a regular process by which the suffixes undergo a change depending on the nature of the verb that they are attached to. Suffixes that begin with a voiceless stop, such as the non-past *-ke*, the imperative *-toŋ* or the hortative *-ka**,* all undergo regular morphophonological processes. If they occur after a syllable with a final sound that is voiced they will also be voiced, if they occur after an unvoiced final sound, or an /r/ the start of the suffix will be unvoiced. The examples below are with the non-past *-ke**:*

| *tá-ge* | watch-non.pst |
| --- | --- |
| *tén-ge* | show-non.pst |
| *zàp-ke* | dress.up-non.pst |
| *mùr-ke* | chew-non.pst |

The only forms that cannot be predicted by this process is if the suffix is after /i/ or /e/, both of which are high front vowels. The voicing cannot be predicted in this context, and the suffix is sometimes voiced and sometimes unvoiced. Below are examples of verbs with both /i/ and /e/:

| *pí-ge* | pull.out-non.pst |
| --- | --- |
| *ɕí-ge* | die-non.pst |
| *ɕé-ke* | tell-non.pst |
| *kyé-ke* | give.birth-non.pst |

There is also a tendency for suffixes that begin with -k/ -g to omit the initial sound after a vowel. This is not as regular a process as the voicing alterations described above. Below are some examples of this process:

Tappu LAMA

## Nouns/nominals

The noun phrase in Yolmo includes either a noun or a pronoun. The noun phrase with a noun can also include a determiner, adjective and number marker, while the options are more limited with a pronoun or proper noun. Noun suffixes include case markers, plural marker and numeral classifiers.

The order of the noun phrase is (Determiner) **Noun**=Plural(-Focus Marker)(=Case) (Numeral Classifier) (Number) (Adjective).

### Determiners

The Yolmo definite determiner is  the same as the third person inanimate pronoun 'it/this'. It occurs before the noun:

**DET**

pèza

child

pèza

**DET** child

'The child' (Hari 2010: 31)

The indefinite is marked using the numeral *tɕíi* 'one', which comes after the noun, like other numbers:

person

**tɕíi**

**one**

**tɕíi**

person **one**

'A person' (Hari 2010: 91)

### Pronouns

Yolmo pronouns are presented in the table below. There is an inclusive/exclusive distinction for first person plural pronouns, a gender distinction for third person singular and an animacy distinction for third person.

|  | | Singular | Plural |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| 1st person | exclusive | ŋà | ɲì |
| | inclusive | òraŋ/ùu |
| 2nd person | | khyé | khyá |
| 3rd Person | masc. | khó | khúŋ |
| | | fem. |  |
| | inanimate |  | dìya |
| Reflexive | | ràŋ |  |

The first person plural *òraŋ* is more commonly found in the Western dialects of Melamchi and Helambu Valley Yolmo, as well as Lamjung Yolmo, while *ùu* is more common in the Eastern dialects. It is possible to create a dual form by adding *ɲíi* to the plural form (e.g. *khyá ɲíi* 'you two'), although this is optional.

The third person plural *khúŋ* can also be used as a polite form for a single third person.

Pronouns do not take determiners, number, or adjectives.

#### Interrogative pronouns

Interrogative pronouns are used to form questions. Yolmo has the following attested interrogative pronouns:

|  | 'who' |
| --- | --- |
| *nàm* | 'when' |
| *kàla* | 'where' |
| *tɕípe, tɕíle, tɕí mée* | 'why' |
| *tɕí* | 'what' |
| *kàndi* | 'which one' |
| *súgi* | 'whose' |
| *súla* | 'whom' |
| *kànɖu, kànmu* | 'how' |

Hari gives both  and *kàla (kà* with the dative suffix) as forms for 'where' in Melamchi Valley Yolmo, but only *kàla* is attested in Lamjung Yolmo. There are also a number of forms for 'why', *tɕípe* and *tɕíle* are attested in both Melamchi Valley Yolmo and Lamjung Yolmo, but only *tɕí mée* in Melamchi Valley Yolmo. This is because it uses the verb *mée* 'say' as part of the construction, which is not in Lamjung Yolmo (see the section on reported speech, as well as the word list). The *kànmu* form of 'how' is attested in Lamjung Yolmo, while *kànɖu* is used in Melamchi Valley Yolmo, with an optional *-mu* suffix to make *kànɖu-mu.* Hari and Lama also note the form *kànɖu-bar* in the Western regions.

Note that the words *súgi* and *súla* are complex forms, *súgi* is  'who' with the genitive case suffix, and *súla* is  with the dative case suffix.

For more on the structure of interrogative clauses, see the section on question formation.

### Proper nouns

Proper nouns include people's names, place names and the names of deities. They do not take determiners, number, or adjectives.

### Plural

The plural marker in Melamchi and Lamjung Yolmo is *=ya*. The plural is treated as a clitic as it occurs after an adjective if there is one, rather than always attaching directly to the noun:

kháŋba

house

tɕímbu

big

tɕhímbu=**ya**

big=**PL**

kháŋba tɕímbu tɕhímbu=**ya**

house big big=**PL**

'The big houses' (Hari 2010: 28)

Plural marking is optional if an overt number is used with the noun, or if the number is clear from context:

pèmpiʑa

women

**súm**

**three**

COP.PE

pèmpiʑa **súm**

women **three** COP.PE

'There are three women' (Gawne 2016: 55)

The plural form in Syuba is =*kya*, which is more similar to the Kyirong form, suggesting the Yolmo *=ya* is an innovation.

### Focus marker

Yolmo has a nominal focus marker *-ti*. The focus marker gives prominence to the noun it is attached to. In the example below, the older brother is singled out, contrasted with other relatives who perhaps did not obtain such wealth:

áda-**di**

older.brother-**FOC**

ɲìma

day

ɲèdzen

every

tɕhúkpu

rich

kàl-di

went-PFV

oŋ-sin

come-PST

AUX.PE

áda-**di** ɲìma ɲèdzen tɕhúkpu kàl-di oŋ-sin dù

older.brother-**FOC** day every rich went-PFV come-PST AUX.PE

'The older brother became richer every day.' (Hari & Lama 2004: 271)

Hari also notes for Melamchi Valley Yolmo that there is a focus marker *-ka*, which is used specifically to mark something as contrary to expectation.

kháŋba

house

tɕhímbu

big

tɕhímbu=ya-la-**ga**

big=PL-LOC-**FOC**

tè-ku

reside-IPFV

AUX.PE

kháŋba tɕhímbu tɕhímbu=ya-la-**ga** tè-ku dù

house big big=PL-LOC-**FOC** reside-IPFV AUX.PE

'I realize that they are living in big houses.' (Hari 2010: 27)

Nouns can also take the emphatic suffixes *-ni* and *-raŋ*, which are also used for other parts of speech (see section on lexical emphasis).

### Case marking

Yolmo uses post-positional suffixes to mark the case of nouns. Similar to other Tibetic languages, Yolmo uses a single case form for multiple functions. Case marking is treated as a clitic, as clitics come at the end of the whole noun phrase, rather than directly attaching to only the noun. Below the cases are listed with their functions.

| Case marker | Function |
| --- | --- |
| =ki | genitive, ergative, instrumental |
| =la | locative, allative, dative |
| =le(gi) | ablative |

The case markers are phonologically bound, with the =*ki* form becoming voiced in some environments, it is also reduced to =*i* in some environments. See the section on morphophonemic processes for more on this.

Where there is also a plural the case marker comes after the plural, as in the example below:

tɕàmu=ya=**gi**

hen=PL=**ERG**

kòŋa

egg

tɕú

ten

thál

NUM.CLF

kyée

lay

COP.PE

tɕàmu=ya=**gi** kòŋa tɕú thál kyée dù

hen=PL=**ERG** egg ten NUM.CLF lay COP.PE

'The hens laid ten eggs' (Hari 2010: 23)

#### Ergative case

Yolmo has optional ergative case-marking. Ergative marking means that subjects of intransitive verbs are unmarked, the same as objects of transitive verbs. Subjects of transitive verbs are distinguished from both of these with the *=ki* marker (in contrast to nominative-accusative languages like English, where the subjects of both intransitive and transitive verbs are marked in contrast with objects of transitive verbs).

Below is an intransitive sentence, with the subject *ŋà* taking no marking:

ŋà

1SG

ŋù-sin

cry-PST

ŋà ŋù-sin

1SG cry-PST

'I cried'

In contrast with this ergative-marked transitive, where the subject *ŋà* is marked with the ergative:

ŋà=**gi**

1SG=**ERG**

ɕò

yoghurt

úp-sin

cover-PST

ŋà=**gi** ɕò úp-sin

1SG=**ERG** yoghurt cover-PST

'I covered the yoghurt' (Hari 2010: 39)

Speakers do not always use the ergative case, which is why it is considered 'optional':

ŋà

1SG

rice.cooked

sà-ke

eat-NPST

ŋà tó sà-ke

1SG rice.cooked eat-NPST

'I eat rice' (Gawne 2016: 69)

Ergative marking is more common for past tense, and non-habitual actions. There also appears to be some effect of animacy, and the ergative appears to be used as a strategy in discourse to mark agentivity. This form of optional ergativity is common across the Tibeto-Burman family.

#### Dative case

Dative case is typically used to indicate, broadly, the noun to which something is given. The Yolmo dative has this function, but it also has a function in 'dative subject' constructions. The dative subject occurs with a small set of intransitive verbs, and denote personal, and usually internal, states.

ŋà=**la**

1SG=**DAT**

potatoes

kà-en

like-NPST

ŋà=**la** hé kà-en

1SG=**DAT** potatoes like-NPST

'I like potatoes.' (Hari 2010: 42)

The use of dative subjects is common in languages of this area, and is also attested more broadly.

### Number

Yolmo has a base-20 counting system. As can be seen in the examples above, cardinal numbers can be used in noun phrases.

The Yolmo number system is very similar to that of Standard Tibetan and other Tibetan varieties. In the table below is the Yolmo number, taken from Hari's dictionary.

| Yolmo | English |  | Yolmo | English |  | Yolmo | English |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| tɕíi | 1 |  | khál tɕíi tɕíi | 21 |  | ʑìpkha | 400 |
| ɲíi | 2 |  | khál tɕíi ɲíi | 22 |  | ŋápkya | 500 |
| súm | 3 |  | khál tɕíi súm | 23 |  | ʈùpkya | 600 |
| ʑì | 4 |  | khál tɕíi ʑì | 24 |  | tìngya | 700 |
| ŋá | 5 |  | khál tɕíi ŋá | 25 |  | kyèkya | 800 |
| ʈùu | 6 |  | khál tɕíi ʈúu | 26 |  | kùpkya | 900 |
| tìn | 7 |  | kál tɕíi tìn | 27 |  | tóŋra | 1000 |
| kyèe | 8 |  | khál tɕíi kyèe | 28 |  |  |  |
|  | 9 |  | khál tɕíi kù | 29 |  |  |  |
| tɕú | 10 |  | khál tɕíi tɕú | 30 |  |  |  |
| tɕúuʑi | 11 |  | khál ɲíi | 40 |  |  |  |
| tɕíŋii | 12 |  | khál tɕú | 50 |  |  |  |
| tɕúusum | 13 |  | khál súm | 60 |  |  |  |
| tɕúpɕi | 14 |  | khál súm tɕú | 70 |  |  |  |
| tɕéeŋa | 15 |  | khál ʑì | 80 |  |  |  |
| tɕíiru | 16 |  | khál ʑì tɕú | 90 |  |  |  |
| tɕúptin | 17 |  | khál ŋá | 100 |  |  |  |
| tɕápkye | 18 |  | khál tìn tɕú | 150 |  |  |  |
| tɕúrku | 19 |  | khál tɕú | 200 |  |  |  |
| khál ɕíi | 20 |  | khál tɕéeŋa | 300 |  |  |  |

In Lamjung Yolmo, the base-20 system is only used by a small number of older speakers, with others using a base-10 system. For example, 'twenty' is *ɲídʑu*, 'thirty' is *súmdʑu*, 'forty' is *ɕíptɕu*, etc. Even then, once people reach 20 the usually switch to counting in Nepali.

Ordinal numbers are formed by addition of the suffix *-pa*, or alternatively with the suffix *-pu* for ordinals relating to people, in Melamchi Yolmo. Ordinals are typically only formed up to 20.

#### Numeral classifiers

Yolmo also has an optional numeral classifier *thál*. This is used to emphasise number. In the example in the section on case marking above, the speaker is emphasising that the hens laid a large number of eggs.

Lamjung Yolmo also has the classifier *mènda* which can only be used with humans.

### Adjectives

Adjectives occur within the noun phrase. Adjectives usually come after the noun so 'small child' would be *pìʑa tɕháme* (lit. 'child small'). Adjectives can also occur before the noun, especially in casual speech. Many adjectives are derived from verb forms, and often end with *-pu, -po, -pa* or *-mu*, but they do not act as verbs, as we see in languages like Magar and Manage. Hari also notes that there are some adjectives that appear to not have a known verbal origin. Adjectives can occur as the head of a noun phrase, but this is very uncommon.

| *tɕhómbo* | 'big' |
| --- | --- |
| *rìŋbu* | 'long' |
| *màrmu, màrpu* | 'red' |
| *kárpu, kármu* | 'white' |
| *dzìba* | 'afraid' |
| *ʈòmbo* | 'warm' |

It is possible to create a new adjective from a verb, using the *-pa* nominalising suffix. The verb stem is often reduplicated; *rùl-* 'to rot' becomes *rùl rùlba* 'rotten' and *pàŋ-* 'to be wet' becomes *pàŋ pàŋba* 'wet'.

## Verbs

There are three main types of verbs in Yolmo, lexical verbs, auxiliary verbs and copula verbs. The lexical verbs inflect for tense, aspect, mood and evidence and can take negation. The infinitive form of verbs takes the suffix -*tɕe.* The infinitive is used in a number of constructions, including the habitual and complementation.

### Copula verbs

The copula verbs and their functions are given in the table below. Copulas are not inflected for person, number or politeness level and many do not distinguish tense:

|  | Egophoric | Dubitative | Perceptual | General Fact |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| Equation | *yìn/yìngen/yìmba* | *yìnɖo* | *dùba* |  |
| Existential | *yè/yèba* *yèken/yèba* (past tense) | | *yèʈo* | *òŋgen/òŋge* |

Equation copulas are used to link two noun phrases, while existential copulas are used for functions of existence, location, attribution and possession. Hari describes the forms that end in *-pa* (voiced in this environment so they become *-ba)* as more emphatic, unlike lexical verbs with a *-pa* suffix they do not indicate past tense, and are not used exclusively in question structures.

Some copula verbs can also be used as verbal auxiliaries, particularly in constructions marked for aspect, where they contribute evidential, tense or epistemic information. The negative forms of each copula are given in the section on negation.

Below the different evidential and epistemic functions of each copula type are discussed.

#### Egophoric

The egophoric, or personal, is used to indicate that the speaker has personal knowledge about the information. In the example below, the speaker would not be reading the name of the book, but already know the name as they show it to someone else:

òo

that

tɕhée=gi

book=GEN

mìn

name

gyàldzen

gyaldzen

tsému

tsemu

púŋgyen

puŋgyen

má-ẽ

say-NPST

**yìmba**

**COP.EGO**

òo tɕhée=gi mìn gyàldzen tsému púŋgyen má-ẽ **yìmba**

that book=GEN name gyaldzen tsemu puŋgyen say-NPST **COP.EGO**

'This book is called 'Gyaldzen Tsemu Punggyen.' (Hari 2010: 66)

Unlike in Standard Tibetan, the speaker does not need to be personally close to an individual to use the egophoric while talking about them.

Different varieties of Yolmo prefer different forms of the egophoric as the default; In Helambu they prefer *yìn*, in Lamjung *yìmba* and Ilam *yìŋge*. *yèken* is past tense forms of the existential (*yèke* in Lamjung), with the form *yèba* also often used in past tense structures, as well as questions. The past form cannot be further decomposed, as the form *-ken/-ke* is the non-past tense suffix for lexical verbs.

There are some structures where the egophoric is used as the default, such as conditionals.

#### Dubitative

Unlike the other copulas, which mark evidential distinctions, the dubitative copulas are epistemic forms used for reduced certainty. They are related to the *-ʈo* dubitative suffixes for lexical verbs. In the example below, the speaker does not have any direct evidence that Rijan is in the house, but thinks that is where he might be:

rídʑan

Rijan

khím=la

house=DAT

**yèʈo**

**COP.DUB**

rídʑan khím=la **yèʈo**

Rijan house=DAT **COP.DUB**

'Rijan is probably in the house.' (Gawne 2016: 88)

#### Perceptual

The perceptual, or sensory, evidential is used to mark information acquired through direct sensory evidence, either through sight, one of the other senses, or internal state (such as feeling an ache).

dèla

here

ʈháa

blood

**COP.PE**

dèla ʈháa

here blood **COP.PE**

'I see there is some blood here.' (Hari 2010: 60)

Hari calls the perceptual forms mirative, as indicating knowledge through sense often occurs for information recently acquired. Only the *dùba* form, with the emphatic suffix *-pa*, appears to indicate some amount of surprise or counter-expectation.

#### General fact

The general fact form is used for uncontroversial and universally known facts. This verb is used in functions of existence, location, attribution and possession, and is not used in equational structures.

ɲì

2PL.EX

yùl=gi

village=GEN

potato

ɕìmbu

tasty

**òŋgen**

**COP.DUB**

ɲì yùl=gi hé ɕìmbu **òŋgen**

2PL.EX village=GEN potato tasty **COP.DUB**

'The potatoes of our village are tasty.' (Hari 2010: 52)

The form is *òŋgen* in Melamchi Valley Yolmo and *òŋge* in Lamjung Yolmo, demonstrating a link with the non-past tense suffix. The verb itself is from the lexical verb *òŋ-* 'come'. It cannot be used for facts about the past. This copula is not attested in Standard Tibetan or any other Tibetic language outside of Yolmo.

### Lexical verb stems

The Melamchi Valley variety of Yolmo exhibit verb stem alterations in the context of some verb structures.

Verb stems with short front vowels have their vowels lengthened (e.g. /i/→/ii/), short back vowels are fronted and lengthened (e.g. /o/ and /a/→/ee/, /u/→/i/). These changes occur mostly with perfective structures and imperatives. Below are some examples of this alternation using the verb *má-* 'say':

ŋà

1SG

-ke

**say**-NPST

ŋà -ke

1SG **say**-NPST

'I say' (Hari 2010: 35)

ŋà

1SG

**mée**-di

**say**-PFV

AUX.EGO

ŋà **mée**-di yè

1SG **say**-PFV AUX.EGO

'I have said' (Hari 2010: 35)

**mée**-doŋ

**say**-IMP

**mée**-doŋ

**say**-IMP

'say it!' (Hari 2010: 35)

When these structures are negated, the negative prefix is lengthened rather than the verb stem, which maintains the vowel change (this does not occur in the imperative).

ŋà

1SG

**màa**-mé

say-PFV

AUX.EGO

ŋà **màa**-mé yè

1SG say-PFV AUX.EGO

'I have not said' (Hari 2010: 35)

These alterations do not occur in Lamjung Yolmo or Syuba.

### Auxiliary verbs

There is a small set of auxiliary verbs in Yolmo. The auxiliary \- is the same as the lexical verb \- 'sit' and is used to add imperfective aspect:

she

eat

-ku

**AUX**-IPFV

AUX.PE

mò sà -ku dù

she eat **AUX**-IPFV AUX.PE

'she is eating'

A subset of the copulas can also be used as verbal auxiliaries; *yìn, yè, yèken* and. These contribute evidential information and for *yè/yèken* also some tense information. As you can see in the example above the  copula is being used as an auxiliary, so they can co-occur with the other auxiliaries.

### Tense

Yolmo has a major tense distinction between past and non-past. These are marked with suffixes on the lexical verb, *-sin* is the past tense marker and -*ke* or -*ken* is the non-past marker.

#### Past tense

The past tense form is *-sin.*

ŋà=gi

1SG=ERG

ɕò

yoghurt

úp-**sin**.

cover-**PST**

ŋà=gi ɕò úp-**sin**.

1SG=ERG yoghurt cover-**PST**

'I covered up the yoghurt.' (Hari 2010: 23)

The past tense form *-sin* can also occur with the perceptual evidential  in an auxiliary position. This is not possible with the non-past tense suffix, nor can any other copula be used as an auxiliary with the past tense suffix. Hari suggests this structure is inferential, in that the speaker did not have to witness the event, Gawne describes it as 'narrative past'.

tɕhú-kúla

water channel

tshúr

this.side

gyùr-**sin**

change-**PST**

**AUX.PE**

tɕhú-kúla tshúr gyùr-**sin**

{water channel} this.side change-**PST** **AUX.PE**

'I see, the water channel has changed course to this side.' (Hari 2010: 45)

Melamchi Valley Yolmo also has a past tense form *-kyo* that Hari refers to as the 'main-point past/ telling past’, this form is not found in Lamjung Yolmo.

There is also the form *-pa*, which Hari says is always used in question structures. In Lamjung Yolmo there are some examples where it is used in declaratives rather than questions, with a past-tense meaning.

ŋà

1SG

tɕhám-**pa**

dance-**PST**

ŋà tɕhám-**pa**

1SG dance-**PST**

'I danced.' (Gawne 2016: 107)

#### Non-past tense

The non-past tense is used for both present and future constructions. Hari gives the forms *-ke* and -*ken* for Melamchi Valley Yolmo, but only *-ke* is attested in Lamjung Yolmo.

ŋà=**la**

1SG=**DAT**

potatoes

kà-**en**

like-**NPST**

ŋà=**la** hé kà-**en**

1SG=**DAT** potatoes like-**NPST**

'I like potatoes.' (Hari 2010: 42)

Hari refers to this form as the 'intentional present' but it can also be used in future constructions:

this

kyée-di

be.born-PERF

ɲì-ti

2PL-EMPH

pèza

child

ɕi

four

ɖò-**en**

go-**NPST**

dì kyée-di ɲì-ti pèza ɕi ɖò-**en**

this be.born-PERF 2PL-EMPH child four go-**NPST**

'After this one is born we will have four children.' (Hari 2010: 53)

### Aspect

There are a number of verb suffixes that are used to mark aspect, these broadly fall into categories of imperfective and perfective, as well as habitual. When an aspect form is used, a copula verb is also used.

#### Imperfective

The imperfective is used for events that are ongoing or not complete. The *-ku* suffix is attested in both Melamchi Valley and Lamjung Yolmo. It can only be used with the  copula verb.

tìriŋ

today

kháwa là

snow mountains

thóŋ-**gu**

be.seen-IPFV

AUX.PE

tìriŋ {kháwa là} thóŋ-**gu**

today {snow mountains} be.seen-IPFV AUX.PE

'Today the snow mountains can be seen.' (Hari 2010: 43)

The imperfective form -*teraŋ* can be used with either the  or  copula verb. In Lumjung Yolmo some speakers pronounce it as *-tiraŋ.* Hari refers to the -*teraŋ* construction as the 'perfect continuous aspect', because it can be used to refer to something that was ongoing until a particular point, as per this first example:

tànda

now

sámma-ni

until-FOC

ɖìbu

money

tér-**teraŋ**

give-**IPFV**

AUX.EGO

tànda sámma-ni ɖìbu tér-**teraŋ**

now until-FOC money give-**IPFV** AUX.EGO

'Up to now he has been giving money.' (Hari & Lama 2004: 278)

Gawne describes it as an imperfective, as it does not appear to have this perfect aspect function in Lamjung Yolmo, as per this example:

3SG.F

kòlela

slowly

tè-**teraŋ**

sit-**IPFV**

AUX.PE

mò kòlela tè-**teraŋ**

3SG.F slowly sit-**IPFV** AUX.PE

'She is slowly sitting down.' (Gawne 2016: 109)

The auxiliary verb can also be used to mark an imperfective construction. Neither *-ku* nor -*teraŋ* are used if the negative prefix is on the main verb. The auxiliary verb can be used in negative constructions, and takes the negative prefix, rather than the main verb. In the example below, the -*teraŋ* imperfective is used as the negative prefix is on the auxiliary:

ŋà

1SG

lèn-**diraŋ**

sing-**IPFV**

mà-tè

NEG.PST-AUX

AUX.EGO

ŋà lèn-**diraŋ** mà-tè yè

1SG sing-**IPFV** NEG.PST-AUX AUX.EGO

'I was not singing.' (Gawne 2016: 111)

#### Perfective

The perfective aspect suffix is used for events that can be described as whole, without reference to the duration like the imperfective. The perfective form in Yolmo is *-ti.*

mèŋgaŋ-la-ni

cooking.shed-LOC-FOC

thóola

above

tɕhám

board

tɕhímbu

large

káp-**ti**

cover-**PFV**

AUX.EGO

mèŋgaŋ-la-ni thóola tɕhám tɕhímbu káp-**ti**

cooking.shed-LOC-FOC above board large cover-**PFV** AUX.EGO

'The cooking shed was covered with large boards.' (Hari & Lama 2004: 270)

Multiple verbs with perfective aspect can be used together to create a clause chaining structure. It is distinct from the nominal focus suffix *-ti.*

#### Habitual

Habitual aspect marks that an event is usual, customary or frequent. There is no specific habitual aspect suffix for Yolmo. Speakers will either use a verb with an infinitive, or with no suffix.

ŋà

1SG

ɲìma

day

ʈàŋmaraŋ

every

khúra

bread

eat

AUX.EGO

ŋà ɲìma ʈàŋmaraŋ khúra sà yè

1SG day every bread eat AUX.EGO

'I eat bread every day.' (Gawne 2016: 112)

### Mood

Mood is marked in Yolmo with a set of verb suffixes. The main mood suffixes are given in the table below

| Particle | Function |
| --- | --- |
| -*toŋ* | Imperative |
| *-ka* or *-tɕo/tɕu* | Hortative |
| *-ɲi* | Optative |
| *-ʈo* | Dubitative |

#### Imperative

The polite imperative suffix is -*toŋ* (voiced as *-doŋ* after voiced codas and some vowels). An overt subject is not used, and the same imperative form is used regardless of person or number:

mée-**doŋ**!

speak-**IMP**

mée-**doŋ**!

speak-**IMP**

'Speak!' (Hari 2010: 46)

The less polite form of the imperative consists of an unmarked verb stem:

mée!

speak.IMP

mée!

speak.IMP

'Speak!' (Hari 2010: 46)

There are also a small number of irregular imperatives that are formed without the imperative suffix, particularly  'eat!', from \- 'eat'.

If there is an honorific form of the verb it can be used, unmarked, as the most polite form of the imperative:

ɕè

eat.HON

ɕè

eat.HON

'Please eat' (Hari 2010: 113)

The negative form of the imperative (the prohibitive) uses the *mà-* form of the negator prefix with the verb stem. The imperative suffix is not included.

-má!

**NEG**-speak

-má!

**NEG**-speak

'Don't speak!' (Hari 2010: 46)

#### Hortative

Gawne notes two verbal suffix forms for the hortative in Lamjung Yolmo, a *-ka* and a *-tɕo.*

The *-ka* form is used with all persons except first person singular.

òraŋ

1PL.INCL

sà-**ka**

eat-**HORT**

òraŋ sà-**ka**

1PL.INCL eat-**HORT**

‘Let's eat!’ (Gawne 2016: 114)

The suffix remains in negated horatitves:

ɲì

1PL.EXCL

-tɕhám-**ka**

**NEG**-dance-**HORT**

ɲì -tɕhám-**ka**

1PL.EXCL **NEG**-dance-**HORT**

‘Let's not dance!’ (Gawne 2016: 114)

The *-tɕo* form is used with first person singular, as well as with other persons. It also remains in negative constructions.

ŋà

1PL.EXCL

khím=ki

house=GEN

work

pè-**tɕo**

do-**HORT**

ŋà khím=ki lè pè-**tɕo**

1PL.EXCL house=GEN work do-**HORT**

‘Let me do the house work!’ (Gawne 2016: 114)

*-tɕo* appears to be less strong, and tends to be used more frequently. Hari gives the form as *-tɕo* (she also calls it an optative, but it appears to be a hortative)

tìriŋ

today

khó

3SG.M

dèla-raŋ

here-EMPH

tè-**tɕo**

sit-**HORT**

tìriŋ khó dèla-raŋ tè-**tɕo**

today 3SG.M here-EMPH sit-**HORT**

‘Let him stay here today.’ (Hari & Lama 2004: 174)

#### Optative

Hari does not list an optative suffix. Gawne gives the optative -*ɲi* in Lamjung Yolmo.

ŋà

1SG

ɲàl-**ɲi**

sleep=**OPT**

tè-ku

AUX-IPFV

AUX.PE

ŋà ɲàl-**ɲi** tè-ku dù

1SG sleep=**OPT** AUX-IPFV AUX.PE

‘I want to sleep.’ (Gawne 2016: 115)

Hari & Lama (2004: 146) list *ɲi-* as a verb that expresses a 'strong wish’, clearly linking to the Lamjung Yolmo optative form.

#### Dubitative

Hari describes the dubitative as 'probable future', indicating the sense of decreased certainty that the dubitative mood marks. The forms *-ʈo, -ɖo* and *-ro* are found in Melamchi Valley Yolmo as part of the morphophonemic voicing process, but the *-ro* form is not found in Lamjung Yolmo.

khúŋ-gi

3PL-ERG

sèn

corn.mash

sà-**ro**

eat-**DUB**

khúŋ-gi sèn sà-**ro**

3PL-ERG corn.mash eat-**DUB**

'they will probably eat corn mash’ (Hari & Lama 2004: 237)

This verb suffix is related to the dubitative form of the copula.

### Negation

Negation is marked on lexical verbs by prefix. There are two prefix forms, *mè-* is for negation in non-past tense (present and future), while \- is used for past tense, as well as negation of imperatives (*mà-tàp!* 'don't fall'!).

ŋà

1sg

-tàp

**NEG.NPST**-fill

ŋà -tàp

1sg **NEG.NPST**-fill

'I do not/will not fall.' (Hari 2010: 132)

ŋà

1sg

-tàp

**NEG.PST**-fill

ŋà -tàp

1sg **NEG.PST**-fill

'I did not fall.' (Hari 2010: 132)

The negated forms of copulas are slightly irregular. They are listed in the table below in brackets underneath the regular forms:

|  | Egophoric | Dubitative | Perceptual | General Fact |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| Equation | *yìn/yìngen/yìmba* *(mìn/mìngen/mìmba)* | *yìnɖo* *(mìnɖo)* |  |  |
| Existential | *yè/yèba* *(mè/mèba)*
*yèken/yèba* (past tense)
*(mèke/méba)* (past tense) | *yèʈo* *(mèʈo)* | *(mìndu)*
*dùba*
*(mìnduba)* | *òŋge* *(mèoŋge)* |

### Verb paradigm

Below are verb paradigms for two verbs, the first is the intransitive verb *ŋù* 'cry' and the second is the transitive verb  'eat'. Both are given mostly with third person subject, although this is not particularly important as subject person does not affect the form of the verb. For both verbs you can see the change in verb stem. For dialect specific variation, click on the link back to each specific form.

| Form | Syuba | English |  | Syuba | English |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| Infinitive | *ŋù-dʑe* | 'to cry' |  | *sà-tɕe* | 'to eat' |
| Simple non-past | *khó ŋù-en* | 'he cries' |  | *khói tó sà-en* | 'he eats rice' |
| Simple past | *khó ŋù-sin* | 'he cried' |  | *khói tó sà-sin* | 'he ate rice' |
| 'Telling' past | *khó ŋù-gyo* | 'he cried' |  | *khói tó sà-gyo* | 'he ate rice' |
| Past/question form | *khó ŋìi-ba* | 'did he cry?'/'he cried' |  | *khói tó sèe-ba* | 'did he eat rice?'/'he ate rice' |
| Imperfective | *khó ŋù-gu dù* | 'he is crying' |  | *khói tó sà-gu dù* | 'he is eating rice |
| Imperfective | *khó ŋìi-deraŋ yè* | 'he is crying' |  | *khói tó sèe-deraŋ yè* | 'he is eating rice |
| Imperfective (Aux) | khó ŋìi tè-ku dù | 'he is crying' |  | khói tó sèe tè-ku dù | 'he is eating rice |
| Perfective | *khó ŋìi-deraŋ yè* | 'he has cried' |  | *khói tó sèe-di yè* | 'he has eaten rice' |
| Habitual | *khó ŋù yè* | 'he cries (every day)' |  | *khói tó sà yè* | 'he eats rice (every day)' |
| Imperative | *ŋíi* | 'cry!' |  | *tó sò* | 'eat the rice!' |
| Hortative | *ŋù-ka / ŋù-tɕo* | 'let's cry!' |  | *sà-ka / sà-tɕo* | 'let's eat!' |
| Optative | *ŋù-ɲi* | 'I want to cry' |  | *sa-ɲi* | 'I want to eat' |
| Dubitative | *khó ŋù-ʈo* | 'he is probably crying' |  | *khói tó sà-ro* | 'he is probably eating rice' |
| Negative, non-past | *khó mà-ŋì* | 'he is not crying' |  | *khói tó mè-sà* | 'he is not eating rice' |
| Negative, past | *khó mà-ŋì* | 'he did not cry' |  | *khói tó mà-sèe* | 'he did not eat rice' |

## Clause structure

This section outlines some of the main features of the structure of clauses in Yolmo.

### Nominalisation

Nominalisation is the process by which words undergo a change that allows them to act as nouns. While nominalisation is common process, it is particularly pervasive in Bodic languages, where it can be used for a variety of functions, including the formation of complement clauses and relative clauses. The common Bodic nominaliser *-pa*  productively functions in Yolmo as a suffix that can mark past tense, question structures or emphasis. There are other nominalising forms in Yolmo.

Hari describes a number of nominalisers in Melamchi Valley Yolmo. The first is the nominalising suffix *-ka*:

this

saudʑi

shopkeeper

kár-**ka**

weight-**NMLZ**

yàabu

good

tér-ku

give-IPFV

AUX.PE

dì saudʑi kár-**ka** yàabu tér-ku dù

this shopkeeper weight-**NMLZ** good give-IPFV AUX.PE

‘This shop keeper gives good weight.’ (Hari 2010: 30)

A number of other nominalising suffixes that attach to verbs have more specific functions:

| Suffix | Function |
| --- | --- |
| *-naŋ* | appearance of state or action |
| *-taŋ* | displaying a forceful show |
| *-luŋ* | have time for an activity |
| *-lu* | way of doing something |

In Lamjung Yolmo the most productive nominaliser is *-kandi*. None of the others described above have been attested. This form is not attested in Hari's description of Melamchi Valley Yolmo, but is probably related to the *-ka* form described above.

ŋà=ki

1SG=ERG

ʈìlbu

bell

yúŋ-**kandi**

ring-**NMLZ**

thé-ku

hear-IPFV

AUX.PE

ŋà=ki ʈìlbu yúŋ-**kandi** thé-ku dù

1SG=ERG bell ring-**NMLZ** hear-IPFV AUX.PE

‘I hear the ringing of bells.’ (Gawne 2016: 132)

There is also a locative nominaliser *-sa*, which creates a noun that denotes location:

ŋà

1SG

dzàra

snack

sà-**sa**=la

eat-**NMLZ.LOC**=LOC

ɖò-en

go-NPST

ŋà dzàra sà-**sa**=la ɖò-en

1SG snack eat-**NMLZ.LOC**=LOC go-NPST

‘I want to go to the snack place.’ (Hari 2010: 33)

### Adverbials

An adverbial structure modifies the verb in some way.

#### Temporal adverbial subordination

Temporal adverbs can create subordinated clauses.

sà-kandi

eat-NMLZ

**tòŋla**

**before**

ŋà

1SG

làkpa

hand

ʈhú-ke

wash-NPST

sà-kandi **tòŋla** ŋà làkpa ʈhú-ke

eat-NMLZ **before** 1SG hand wash-NPST

‘I wash my hands before eating.’ (Gawne 2016: 130)

Below is the list of temporal adverbs observed in Yolmo to date, some are independent words, and others are verbal suffixes:

| Adverb | Translation | Additional information |
| --- | --- | --- |
| *nàm* | 'when' |  |
| *gàrila* | 'at the time' | Nepali loanword |
| *bèlala* | 'at the time' | Nepali loanword |
| -*kamu* | 'at the time' | only attested in Lamjung Yolmo |
| *tòŋla* | 'before' |  |
| *tíŋla* | 'after' |  |
| *-tile* | 'after' |  |
| *-timaraŋ* | 'after' |  |
| *yìndʑu* | 'since' | only attested in Melamchi Valley Yolmo |

#### Manner adverbs

Manner adverbs create a subordinated clause that expresses the manner of an action. The manner adverb is *lèemu* (*lìmu* in Lamjung).

khúŋ

3PL

tábu

house

**límu**

**like**

gyùbu

fast

tɕóŋ-ku

run-NMLZ

AUX.PE

khúŋ tábu **límu** gyùbu tɕóŋ-ku dù

3PL house **like** fast run-NMLZ AUX.PE

‘He runs fast like a horse.’ (Gawne 2016: 129)

The forms *tíle* and *dènmu* are also found in Lamjung Yolmo, but not yet attested in other varieties.

### Conditional

Conditional constructions are formed through the use of the suffix *-na* on the verb in the protasis clause (the 'if' clause). Speakers will either use the *-na* suffix directly on the verb, or leave the verb unmarked at attach the *-na* suffix to the verb meaning ‘say’ (*mée* in Melamchi Valley Yolmo, *làp* in Lamjung Yolmo).

nám

rain

mà-kyàp

NEG.PST-fall

làp-**na**

say-**COND**

ŋà

1SG

phíla

outside

ɖò-ke

go-NPST

nám mà-kyàp làp-**na** ŋà phíla ɖò-ke

rain NEG.PST-fall say-**COND** 1SG outside go-NPST

‘If it doesn't rain I will go outside.’ (Gawne 2016: 130)

### Complementation

A complement clause is a clause that functions as an argument of another clause. In Yolmo the embedded complement clause takes the infinitive suffix *-tɕe*.

ɲì=la

1PL.EXCL=DAT

yìgi

letter

prù-**tɕe**

write-**INF**

ʈèmba sàl-toŋ

remember-IMP

ɲì=la yìgi prù-**tɕe** {ʈèmba sàl-toŋ}

1PL.EXCL=DAT letter write-**INF** remember-IMP

‘Remember to write us a letter!’ (Gawne 2016: 134)

The optative mood suffix *-ɲi* in Yolmo can also be said to be acting as a complementiser.

### Relativisation

A relative clause is depended on a main clause. Different relativising strategies are used in the two described varieties of Yolmo. In Melamchi Valley Yolmo the non-past tense form *-ken(-gi)* is used for non-past constructions, and the past tense form *-kyo(-gi)* is used for past tense constructions (for each the *-gi* is optional). Similarly, in Lamjung Yolmo, *-ke-ki* can be used for non-past relativised clauses and -*pa-ki f*or past relativised clauses. This difference reflects the fact that the past tense form -*kyo* is not found in Lamjung Yolmo.

òze

that

bèle

time

aʑi=gi

sister=GEN

gòo

head

thóo=la

above=LOC

tɕáŋ-**gyo-gi**

hang-**REL**

làawor

mill.stone

phók

INT

táŋ-sin

send-PST

AUX.PE

RS

òze bèle aʑi=gi gòo thóo=la tɕáŋ-**gyo-gi** làawor phók táŋ-sin dù ló

that time sister=GEN head above=LOC hang-**REL** mill.stone INT send-PST AUX.PE RS

'At that moment (the monster) swiftly loosened the mill stone which was hanging just above the head of the elder sister.' (Hari 2010: 76)

khyá=ki

2PL=GEN

prù-prù-**pa-ki**

write-write-**REL**

yìgi

letter

khyá=ki prù-prù-**pa-ki** yìgi

2PL=GEN write-write-**REL** letter

'The letter that you wrote.' (Gawne 2016: 134)

In Lamjung Yolmo, the nominaliser *-kandi* can be used to make a relative clause:

khím

house

sáŋma

clean

pè-**kandi**

do=**NMLZ**

person

nà-sin

ill-PST

AUX.PE

khím sáŋma pè-**kandi** mì nà-sin dù

house clean do=**NMLZ** person ill-PST AUX.PE

'The person who cleans the house is ill.' (Gawne 2016: 135)

### Clause chaining

The perfective suffix *-ti* is used to chain clauses together. Multiple verbs with this suffix can be stacked to create a complex series of events.

tɕádzuŋma

bird

tɕíi

one

òŋ-**ti**

come-**PFV**

ʈúu-**ti**

pick.up-**PFV**

khér-sin

carry.away-PST

tɕádzuŋma tɕíi òŋ-**ti** ʈúu-**ti** khér-sin

bird one come-**PFV** pick.up-**PFV** carry.away-PST

'A bird came, picked up (a fish) and took (it) away.' (Gawne 2016: 136)

### Question formation

Word order does not change to form questions in Yolmo. Rising intonation at the end of the utterance can indicate it is a question. A set of interrogative pronouns are used for open content questions.

The *-pa* suffix, which was introduced in the section on past tense is used in question structures.

khé

2SG

rice.cooked

sà-**pa**

eat-**Q**

khé tó sà-**pa**

2SG rice.cooked eat-**Q**

‘Did you eat cooked rice?’ (Gawne 2016: 139)

The reply would be with the regular past tense, and not the *-pa* suffix:

ŋà

1SG

rice.cooked

sà-**sin**

eat-**PST**

ŋà tó sà-**sin**

1SG rice.cooked eat-**PST**

‘I ate rice.’ (Gawne 2016: 139)

The copula form used in a question matches the form the question-asked anticipates the question-answerer will use in their answer. That is, if they anticipate the answer will use the perceptual evidential , this is the form they will use in asking the question.

### Reported speech

Yolmo has two strategies for reporting speech, the first is using the lexical verb  or *làp* 'say', the second is using the clause final evidential particle *ló.*

#### Lexical verb

In Melamchi Valley Yolmo the main lexical verb of saying is *má,* in Lamjung Yolmo it is *làp*. Hari and Lama note that *làp* is found in Melamchi Valley Yolmo, but in restricted use. If the speaker, and the person the speech is directed at are overtly marked, these usually proceed the reported content (although they are frequently not overt in natural speech). The 'say' verb prototypically occurs after the reported content, although if the reported content is quite long the verb may occasionally come before it.

khó-ni

3SG-FOC

níŋdʑi

love

ɕóŋ-gen-gi

feel

pèza-raŋ

child-EMPH

mìmba

COP.NEG.EMPH

áma-gi

mother-ERG

people

pò-la

near-DAT

-en

**say**-NPST

khó-ni níŋdʑi ɕóŋ-gen-gi pèza-raŋ mìmba áma-gi mì pò-la -en

3SG-FOC love feel child-EMPH COP.NEG.EMPH mother-ERG people near-DAT **say**-NPST

'Mother says to people nearby, "He is not a lovable child!"' (Hari & Lama 2004: 383)

The lexical verb 'say' is also used in a number of other constructions, including conditionals.

#### Reported speech evidential

The reported speech particle also indicates that the speaker is reporting a prior utterance, but has a different focus. The reported speech particle does not account for who the speaker way, but instead primarily serves to focus on the fact the information is reported, and not directly witnessed by the speaker. In the example below from Syuba, it is not made explicit if the report comes from Maila, or another person. The reported speech evidential occurs frequently in narratives.

tíriŋ

today

Maila

Maila

tóm

bear

phré-si

meet-PST

RS

tíriŋ Maila tóm phré-si ló

today Maila bear meet-PST RS

‘Today Maila met a bear.’ (Höhlig 1978: 22)

This is part of the wider evidential system of Yolmo, which is also found in the copula verbs above.

### Lexical emphasis

There are two emphatic suffixes that can be used with a number of word classes. This is in contrast to the emphatic form *-ti*, which is only used with nouns. The first is *-ni, and* the second is *-raŋ*, which Hari & Lama note is a frequently used emphatic marker in informal speech. The distinction between all of these forms is unclear, although Hari refers to the *-ni* form as used for 'moderate focus', so it is perhaps less emphatic for nouns than the *-ti* suffix.

### Clause final particles

Yolmo has a series of sentence final particles that can be used to achieve a range of effects. The table below gives some of the particles in Yolmo and a brief description of their function.

| Particle | Function |
| --- | --- |
|  | reported speech |
|  | emphasis/insistence |
| *yàŋ* | emphasis/focus |
| *làa* | polite |
|  | pleading |
|  | friendly/encouraging |
| *óo* | invoking/encouraging |

The reported speech marker is an evidential form, as it indicates the source of the information as someone else. This structure is described in the section on reported speech.

## Honorifics

Yolmo has a subset of honorific vocabulary which is used when talking to, or about, people of higher social status, particularly Buddhist Lamas. Honorific lexicon includes nouns, verbs and adjectives. The table below gives some examples, including the regular word, the honorific form, and the English translation.

| Regular form | Honorific form | English |
| --- | --- | --- |
| *tér* | *nàŋ* | 'give' |
| *ɲí lòo* | *zìm* | 'sleep' |
|  | *ɕè* | 'eat' |
| *ába* | *yàp* | 'father' |
| *áma* | *yùm* | 'mother' |
| *káŋba* | *ɕàp* | 'foot/leg' |
| *gòo* | *ú* | 'head' |
| *ɕìmbu* | *ɲéebu* | 'tasty' |

The use of honorifics in Syuba and Lamjung Yolmo is not as common, although some speakers still recognise and use these forms.

## 100 word Swadesh list

Below is a 100 word Swadesh list in Yolmo. The Yolmo forms are taken from Hari and Lama, who note some variation between the Eastern (E) and Western (W) varieties in the Melamchi and Helambu Valley area. Where the form is different in other varieties this is indicated in the right-hand column of the table. This variation shows that the Lamjung variety and Syuba have more in common with each other lexically than they do with the Melamchi Valley variety.

| Swadesh item | English | Yolmo | Variation |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| 1. | I | *ŋà* |  |
| 2. | thou | *khyá* |  |
| 3. | we | *ɲì* |  |
| 4. | this |  |  |
| 5. | that | *òo* | *òodi* in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba |
| 6. | who? |  |  |
| 7. | what? | *tɕí* |  |
| 8. | not | *mè-, mì-* |  |
| 9. | all | *thámdʑi* | *dzàmma* in Lamjung Yolmo, *thámdze* in Syuba |
| 10. | many | *màŋbu* |  |
| 11. | one | *tɕíi* |  |
| 12. | two | *ŋyíi* |  |
| 13. | a | *tɕhímbu, tɕhómbo* | only *hómbo* reported in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba |
| 14. | long | *rìŋbu* |  |
| 15. | small | *tɕhéemu* | *tɕéemi* in Lamjung YOlmo |
| 16. | woman | *pìihmi* | *pèmpiʑa* in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba \[ pèmpiʑa' occurs in Melamchi Hyolmo where it means woman collectively whereas pìihmi refers to woman \] |
| 17. | man | *khyówa* | *khyópiʑa* in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba \[ Khyopiza occurs in Melamchi Hyolmo where it means men collectively, whereas khyowa refers to husband\] \[Source/ I speak the language\] |
| 18. | person |  |  |
| 19. | fish | *ɲà* |  |
| 20. | bird | *tɕà-tɕìwa* | *tɕádzuŋma* in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba |
| 21. | dog | *kyíbu, khyí* | *khí* in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba |
| 22. | louse | *kiɕíkpa, kyíɕi* | *ɕí* in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba |
| 23. | tree | *tòŋbo, tùŋbu* | only *tòŋbo* reported in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba |
| 24. | seed | *sén* |  |
| 25. | leaf | *làpti, lòma* |  |
| 26. | root | *tsárkyi, tsárŋyi, tsárnɲe* |  |
| 27. | bark | *páko, phíko, kóldaŋ* | *phába* in Lamjung Yolmo |
| 28. | skin | *páaba* (E)*, páko* (W) | *gòoba* in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba |
| 29. | lesh | *ɕá* |  |
| 30. | blood | *ʈháa* |  |
| 31. | bone | *rèko, rìiba* (E) | *ròko* in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba |
| 32. | grease | *khyákpa tɕháa* |  |
| 33. | egg | *tɕàmu kòŋa* |  |
| 34. | horn | *ròwa* | *rùwa* in Syuba |
| 35. | tail | *ŋáma, ŋéma* | *ŋámaŋ* in Lamjung Yolmo |
| 36. | feather | *ʈò* (E), *ʈòo* (W) | *ɕókpa* in Lamjung Yolmo |
| 37. | hair | *ʈá* |  |
| 38. | head | *gòo* |  |
| 39. | ear | *námdʑo* |  |
| 40. | eye | *míi* |  |
| 41. | nose | *náasum* (E), *nárko* (W) | only *náasum* reported in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba |
| 42. | mouth | *khá* |  |
| 43. | tooth |  |  |
| 44. | tongue | *tɕéle* | *tɕé* in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba |
| 45. | fingernail | *sému* |  |
| 46. | foot | *káŋba* |  |
| 47. | knee | *káŋba-tshíi* | *tshíiŋgor* in Lamjung Yolmo, pìmu in Syuba |
| 48. | hand | *làkpa* |  |
| 49. | belly | *ʈèpa* |  |
| 50. | neck | *dzìŋba* |  |
| 51. | breast | *òma* |  |
| 52. | heart | *níŋ* |  |
| 53. | liver | *tɕìmba* |  |
| 54. | drink | *thúŋ-* |  |
| 55. | eat | *sà-* |  |
| 56. | bite | *kàp-, áa táp-* |  |
| 57. | see | *tá, thóŋ-* |  |
| 58. | hear | *thée-, ɲìn-* | *thée-, ɲèn* in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba |
| 59. | know | *ɕée-* |  |
| 60. | sleep | *ɲí lòo-* | *ɲàl-* in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba |
| 61. | die | *ɕí-* |  |
| 62. | kill | *sé-* |  |
| 63. | swim | *tɕál kyàp-* |  |
| 64. | fly | *ùr-* |  |
| 65. | walk | *ɖò-* |  |
| 66. | come | *òŋ-* |  |
| 67. | lie | *ɲàl-* |  |
| 68. | sit | *tè-* |  |
| 69. | stand | *làŋ-di té-* |  |
| 70. | give | *tér-* |  |
| 71. | say | *má-, làp-* | only *làp-* in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba |
| 72. | sun | *ɲìma* |  |
| 73. | moon | *dàwa, dàyum* | *dàgarmu* in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba |
| 74. | star | *kárma* |  |
| 75. | water | *tɕhú* |  |
| 76. | rain | *nám kyàp-* |  |
| 77. | stone |  |  |
| 78. | sand | *pèma* |  |
| 79. | earth | *sása, thása, sáʑa, sáptɕi* | *sébi* in Syuba |
| 80. | cloud | *múkpa* |  |
| 81. | smoke | *tìpa, tèpa* | only *tìpa* reported in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba |
| 82. | fire |  |  |
| 83. | ash | *thála* |  |
| 84. | burn | *tìi-, bàr-, tshíi-* |  |
| 85. | path | *làm* |  |
| 86. | mountain | *kàŋ* |  |
| 87. | red | *màrmu, màrpu* |  |
| 88. | green | *ŋòmbo, ŋùmbu* |  |
| 89. | yellow | *sérpu* |  |
| 90. | white | *kárpu, kármu* |  |
| 91. | black | *nàkpu* |  |
| 92. | night | *kùŋmu* |  |
| 93. | hot | *ʈòmo* | *ʈòmbo* in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba |
| 94. | cold | *ʈàŋmu* |  |
| 95. | full | *kàŋ* |  |
| 96. | new | *sámba* |  |
| 97. | good | *yàabu* |  |
| 98. | round | *kòrmu* (circular), *rhílmu* (spherical) |  |
| 99. | dry | *kámbu* |  |
| 100. | name | *mìn* | Unlike almost all other Tibetic languages, this word is *mìn* and not *mìŋ* |

## External resources

## Key references

* Clarke, Graham E. (1980). "A Helambu History". *Journal of the Nepal Research Centre*. **4**: 1–38.
* Clarke, Graham E. (1980). "Lama and Tamang in Yolmo." *Tibetan Studies in honor of Hugh Richardson*. M. Aris and A. S. S. Kyi (eds). Warminster, Aris and Phillips: 79-86.
* Gawne, Lauren (2011). *Lamjung Yolmo-Nepali-English dictionary.* Melbourne, Custom Book Centre; The University of Melbourne.
* Gawne, Lauren (2016). *A Sketch Grammar of Lamjung Yolmo*. Canberra: Asia Pacific Linguistics. hdl:1885/110258. ISBN 9781922185341. OCLC 961180469.
* Hari, Anna Maria & Chhegu Lama (2004). *Dictionary Yolhmo-Nepali-English*. Kathmandu: Central Department of Linguistics, Tribhuvan University.
* Hari, Anna Maria (2010). *Yohlmo Sketch Grammar*. Kathmandu: Ekta books.
* Hedlin, Matthew (2011). *An Investigation of the relationship between the Kyirong, Yòlmo, and Standard Spoken Tibetan speech varieties*. Masters thesis, Payap University, Chiang Mai

This article was submitted to *WikiJournal of Humanities* for external academic peer review in 2018 (reviewer reports). The updated content was reintegrated into the Wikipedia page under a CC-BY-SA-3.0 license (2019). The version of record as reviewed is: Lauren Gawne; et al. (25 April 2019). "A grammatical overview of Yolmo (Tibeto-Burman)" (PDF). *WikiJournal of Humanities*. **2** (1): 2. doi:10.15347/WJH/2019.002. ISSN 2639-5347. Wikidata Q71424678.

## InfoBox

| Hyolmo | |
| --- | --- |
| Helambu Sherpa | |
| *Hyolmo* | |
| Native to | Nepal |
| Ethnicity | Hyolmo |
| Native speakers | 10,000 (2011 census) |
| Language family | Sino-Tibetan |
| Dialects | * Eastern Yolmo (Sermathang, Chhimi) * Western Yolmo (Nuwakot District) * Lamjung Yolmo * Ilam Yolmo |
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-3 | `scp` |
| *Glottolog* | `hela1238` |
| ELP | Helambu Sherpa |
|  | |


title: WLDV

abstract: WLDV is a radio station broadcasting a Mainstream Urban format. Licensed to Frederiksted, U.S. Virgin Islands, the station is currently owned by Creative Minds, LLC.

text:
# WLDV

**WLDV** (107.9 FM) is a radio station broadcasting a Mainstream Urban format. Licensed to Frederiksted, U.S. Virgin Islands, the station is currently owned by Creative Minds, LLC.

1. "Facility Technical Data for WLDV". *Licensing and Management System*. Federal Communications Commission.

## InfoBox

WLDV
|  | |
| --- | --- |
| Broadcast area | U.S. Virgin Islands |
| Frequency | 107.9 MHz |
| Branding | Da Vybe |
| Programming | |
| Format | Mainstream Urban |
| Ownership | |
| Owner | Creative Minds, LLC |
| History | |
| Call sign meaning | **L**ove
**D**a
**V**ybe |
| Technical information | |
| Licensing authority | FCC |
| Facility ID | 18332 |
| Class | A |
| ERP | 3,000 watts |
| HAAT | 319 meters |
| Transmitter coordinates | 17°44′51″N 64°50′11″W / 17.74750°N 64.83639°W / 17.74750; -64.83639 |
| Links | |
| Public license information |  |
| Website | www.davybe.com |


title: Vans Corner, Idaho

abstract: Vans Corner is an unincorporated community in Bonner County, Idaho, United States. Vans Corner is located on Idaho State Highway 57 23.8 miles (38.3 km) north of Priest River.

text:
# Vans Corner, Idaho

**Vans Corner** is an unincorporated community in Bonner County, Idaho, United States. Vans Corner is located on Idaho State Highway 57 23.8 miles (38.3 km) north of Priest River.

## InfoBox

| Vans Corner, Idaho | |
| --- | --- |
| Unincorporated community | |
| Vans Corner, IdahoVans Corner, Idaho | |
| Coordinates: 48°31′31″N 116°56′20″W / 48.52528°N 116.93889°W / 48.52528; -116.93889 | |
| Country | United States |
| State | Idaho |
| County | Bonner |
| Elevation | 2,569 ft (783 m) |
| Time zone | UTC-8 (Pacific (PST)) |
| Summer (DST) | UTC-7 (PDT) |
| Area code(s) | 208, 986 |
| GNIS feature ID | 397293 |


title: General Workers' Union (South Africa)

abstract: The General Workers' Union (GWU) was a general union representing workers in South Africa. The union was founded in 1977, on the initiative of the Western Province Workers' Advice Bureau. It was initially named the Western Province General Workers' Union, but expanded across the country in 1980, becoming the "General Workers' Union". By that point, it had 13,300 members. Unlike the majority of South African trade unions, it represented all workers, regardless of ethnicity, although the large majority were black. The union focused on co-ordinating independent committees of workers, and was strongly opposed to registration with the Government of South Africa. While remaining open to all workers, the union decided to strengthen its position by recruiting in specific industries. It gained recognition among dock workers in Durban, becoming the first of the group of unions founded in the 1970s to sign a recognition agreement. It did not affiliate to the Federation of South African Trade Unions, generally being considered to be more political and slightly more left-wing than its members. Despite its political activism, it refused to affiliate with any specific party or movement. In 1985, the union became a founding affiliate of the Congress of South African Trade Unions. The following year, it merged into the Transport and General Workers' Union.

text:
# General Workers' Union (South Africa)

The **General Workers' Union** (GWU) was a general union representing workers in South Africa.

The union was founded in 1977, on the initiative of the Western Province Workers' Advice Bureau. It was initially named the **Western Province General Workers' Union**, but expanded across the country in 1980, becoming the "General Workers' Union". By that point, it had 13,300 members. Unlike the majority of South African trade unions, it represented all workers, regardless of ethnicity, although the large majority were black. The union focused on co-ordinating independent committees of workers, and was strongly opposed to registration with the Government of South Africa.

While remaining open to all workers, the union decided to strengthen its position by recruiting in specific industries. It gained recognition among dock workers in Durban, becoming the first of the group of unions founded in the 1970s to sign a recognition agreement. It did not affiliate to the Federation of South African Trade Unions, generally being considered to be more political and slightly more left-wing than its members. Despite its political activism, it refused to affiliate with any specific party or movement.

In 1985, the union became a founding affiliate of the Congress of South African Trade Unions. The following year, it merged into the Transport and General Workers' Union.

1. Bendix, Sonia (1996). *Industrial Relations in the New South Africa*. Cape Town: Creda Press. ISBN 0702134538.
2. Miller, Shirley (1982). *Trade Unions in South Africa 1970-1980: a directory and statistics*. Cape Town: Southern Africa Labour and Development Research Unit. ISBN 0799204692.


title: Garry Sidebottom

abstract: Garry Thomas Sidebottom was an Australian rules football player who played for the St Kilda, Geelong and Fitzroy Football Clubs in the Victorian Football League (VFL) and Swan Districts in the West Australian Football League (WAFL) during the 1970s and 1980s.

text:
# Garry Sidebottom

**Garry Thomas Sidebottom** (21 November 1954 – 28 March 2019) was an Australian rules football player who played for the St Kilda, Geelong and Fitzroy Football Clubs in the Victorian Football League (VFL) and Swan Districts in the West Australian Football League (WAFL) during the 1970s and 1980s.

## Career

Sidebottom was a powerful and fearless player ideal for playing at centre half forward or as a ruckman. A versatile forward good in the air and hard in the clinches, he kicked 228 goals while at Swan Districts and 104 goals while in the VFL.

He played in the inaugural State of Origin team for Western Australia in 1977, when Western Australia defeated Victoria. In 1984 Sidebottom kicked six goals for Western Australia against Victoria in another famous victory to the Sandgropers. He represented Western Australia fifteen times in state games.

He joined St Kilda in 1978 and was their leading goal kicker in 1979. In 1980, Sidebottom, while playing for St Kilda in a match against Hawthorn at Moorabbin was dazed when he was hit across his right eye by a flying beer can. He required medical attention before he was able to continue in the match. Despite captaining St Kilda in 1980, his contract was not renewed at the end of the season and he left the club to join Geelong in 1981.

Sidebottom entered football folklore when he missed the Geelong team bus to play in the 1981 Preliminary Final against Collingwood due to a breakdown in communications. His team-mate Peter Johnston took his place at the last minute, despite being told earlier he had not been selected, and went on to play despite having half a chicken and a bucket of chips along with a strawberry thickshake for lunch, and having smoked half a pack of Winfield Blue cigarettes on the way to VFL Park.

To this day, many Geelong locals call the place where the road from Lara enters the Princes Highway "Sidey's Corner". This is where Garry and the team bus were supposed to meet up, but never did.

In April 1982 he was suspended by Geelong due to an unsatisfactory attitude. Despite suggestions that he may return to play for Swan Districts in the WAFL, he remained in Victoria and signed for Fitzroy, making his debut in July 1982.

In 1985 he left Fitzroy to rejoin Swan Districts, where he was their leading goal kicker and won his second best and fairest award, nine years after his previous award, in 1976.

Sidebottom returned to Swan Districts as a coach of the reserves side in 2007. He is the older brother of Allan Sidebottom who also played for Swan Districts, St Kilda and Fitzroy.

He was inducted into the West Australian Football Hall of Fame in 2011.

He died in March 2019 from cancer.

## InfoBox

| Garry Sidebottom | | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| Personal information | | | |
| Full name | Garry Thomas Sidebottom | | |
| Date of birth | (1954-11-21)21 November 1954 | | |
| Place of birth | Western Australia | | |
| Date of death | 28 March 2019(2019-03-28) (aged 64) | | |
| Original team(s) | Swan Districts (WANFL) | | |
| Height | 193 cm (6 ft 4 in) | | |
| Weight | 98 kg (216 lb) | | |
| Playing career | | | |
| Years | **Club** | **Games (Goals)** |
| 1973–77 | Swan Districts | 080 (121) |
| 1978–80 | St Kilda | 054 0(86) |
| 1981 | Geelong | 007 00(6) |
| 1982–84 | Fitzroy | 043 0(53) |
| 1985–87 | Swan Districts | 034 (107) |
| 1974–85 | Western Australia | 015 0(23) |
| Total |  | **233 (395)** |
| Career highlights | | | |
| * Swan Medal 1976, 1985 * WA State Team 1974–1980, 1983–1985 * Leading Goal kicker St Kilda 1979 (56 goals) * Leading Goal kicker Swan Districts 1985 (78 goals) | | | |
| Sources: AFL Tables, AustralianFootball.com | | | |