title: Wolfert I van Borselen

abstract: Wolfert I van Borselen was lord of Zandenburg and Polsbroek and regent for John I, Count of Holland.

text:
# Wolfert I van Borselen

**Wolfert I van Borselen** (c. 1245 – 1299) was lord of Zandenburg and Polsbroek and regent for John I, Count of Holland.

## Family

Wolfert I van Borselen was born in about 1250 to *Dominus Henricus de Bersalia dictus Wisse, miles* and (according to some) Maria van Egmond.

Wolfert and his older brother Nicolaas were first mentioned on 6 November 1271 as *Nicholaum et Wlfardum filios domini Henrici Wissen militis, fratres* On 1 May 1296, Wolfert and his bastard brothers Raas and Jan were mentioned. In 1303, his brother the Franciscan friar Hendrik Wisse van Borselen was mentioned.

## Life

### Career at court

In 1276, Wolfert was one of those who sealed a trade agreement between Floris V, Count of Holland and a number of cities in Overijssel and Gelderland. The highest-ranking van Borselen was *Domini Petri de Borsalia*, knight, probably from the main Van Borselen branch. Wolfert was mentioned simply as *Wilfardi de Borsalia*.

In June 1277, Wolfert, son of Hendrik Wisse of Borselen, concluded an alliance with Floris de Voogd, uncle and guardian of Count Floris V. Adelaide of Holland also sealed this alliance. In April 1280, Wolfert was with Floris V's army in the siege of Vredelant Castle. Here is ranked as 6h and final of those mentioned by name. The honorific *heer* before his name, indicates that he was a knight by that time.

### Becomes powerful on Walcheren

The Van Borselen clan lived in the area between the Western Scheldt and the Eastern Scheldt. At the time, this area was called Zeeland Bewesterschelde. The feudal rights on Walcheren were therefore determined by the treaty of Hedensee, which had regulated the feudal rights in the area in 1167. By that treaty, the Count of Holland held the area as fief from the Count of Flanders. The income of the area was split, and there were mixed legal courts.

Wolfert I married Sibilie. In November 1282, Wolfert and his wife transferred their allodial lands near Zandijk and their castle Zandenburg to Beatrix of Holland, wife of Floris V. She then granted it back in fief inheritable by sons, daughters, and all other relations. Floris confirmed these acts. This act laid the foundations for the power of Wolfert's Van Borselen branch, because it could amass wealth over generations. Other fiefs in Zeeland could be inherited by sons only, and even had to be partitioned if there was more than one son.

By 1284, Wolfert was a knight, when he was mentioned in a charter that gave the traders of Dordrecht freedom of toll for their shipping. During this time, Wolfert still had a lot of influence at court. In 1290, Wolfert and many others in Zeeland Bewesterschelde rebelled for the first time, but they were already reconciled in October 1290.

### Rebels against Holland

In November 1291, Wolfert and his oldest son paid homage to the Count of Flanders in exchange for 100 pounds a year. In 1293 and 1294, he was indeed paid by Flanders for his services. On 1 May 1296, the knights Wolfert van Borselen, Rase and Jan van Borselen brothers and Gielis van den Poelen were reconciled again with Count Floris V. Claims that he was involved in the assassination of Floris V on 27 June 1296 are unfounded.

### All powerful in Holland and Zeeland

Now Wolfert's power reached its zenith. Floris V' son John I, Count of Holland (1284–1299) lived in England when he was assassinated. Already on 16 September 1296, King Edward of England asked Wolfert for help. In January 1297, Edward then promised that he would not make peace with France without France releasing Wolfert's sons, who were imprisoned there. It was a logical follow-up of the action which had cost Floris' life, i.e., to bring Holland in the English alliance.

On 1 April 1297, promised to follow Wolfert's council in everything. This allowed Wolfert to significantly extend his own possessions. He had Woerden, Beverwijk and Oudewater granted to him. However, this was not shown to have been illegal. Wolfert succeeded in saving Holland from the chaotic situation after the death of Floris V. Attacked from all sides, Wolfert succeeded in keeping its enemies at bay.

Meanwhile, Wolfert married a second time in 1297, to Catharina de Durbuy, daughter of Gerard of Luxemburg, Lord of Durbuy, and Mechteld van Kleef. Catharina was widow of Albrecht of Voorne, Lord of Voorne and burgrave of Zeeland. She was also the mother of Gerard van Voorne squire to Floris V.

### Lynched in Delft

However, in time his power gave rise to jealousy. During a rebellion he was imprisoned and killed in Delft on 1 August 1299.

## Marriage and offspring

From the last will of Wolfert's son Hendrik Wisse, we know Wolfert's children as they were alive in 1303. A detailed list was given by Obreen. It was repeated by Regt in a more concise form.

* Wolfert II van Borselen (c. 1280–1317) Lord of Zandenburg, married Aleid of Avesnes, bastard daughter of John II, Count of Holland. He was not designated as a knight in the last will of Hendrik Wisse, so he might have been younger than him. Wolfert II was a knight in 1308.
* Heilwig van Borselen (died c. 1329), married Gerard van Voorne, son of Catharina de Durbuy.
* Sir Hendrik Wisse van Borselen knight, who made his last will in 1303. From the Dutch naming conventions, we can assume that he was the oldest son, because he was named after his grandfather. Another reason is that he was already a knight in 1303.
* Floris, deceased 21 June 1344 and buried in Middelburg. He was a knight in 1308. Usually designated as Floris of Veere.
* Frank (d. 1316) Squire in 1308.
* Claes I van Borselen (d. 1357), Squire in 1308. Lord of Brigdamme, buried in Middelburg.
* Cibilie, was married to Jan van Culemborg in 1328

* Van den Bergh, L.Ph.C. (1842), "No. XCVII. Verhaal van den oorsprong der Hoeksche en Kabeljauwsche twisten", *Gedenkstukken tot opheldering der Nederlandsche geschiedenis opgezameld uit de archiven te Rijssel* (in French), Luchtmans, Leiden, pp. 198–240
* Blok, P.J. (1923), *Geschiedenis van het Nederlandsche Volk*, vol. I, A.W. Sijthoff's, Leiden
* Dijkhof, E.C. (2006), *Oorkondenboek van Holland en Zeeland tot 1299*, vol. V 1291 tot 1299, Koninklijke Van Gorcum B.V.
* Kruisheer, J.G. (1992), *Oorkondenboek van Holland en Zeeland tot 1299*, vol. III 1256 tot 1278, Van Gorcum, Assen/Maastricht
* Van Mieris, Frans (1753), *Groot charterboek der graaven van Holland, van Zeeland, en heeren van Vriesland*, vol. I, Pieter vander Eyk, Leyden
* Regt, W.M.C. (1937), "Borselen, Wolfert I van", *Nieuw Nederlandsch biografisch woordenboek*, vol. X
* Obreen, Henri (1927), "Het geslacht van Borselen", *De Nederlandse Leeuw*, vol. XLV

## InfoBox

| Wolfert I van Borselen | |
| --- | --- |
| Lord of Zandenburg | |
| Wolfert van Borselen lynched in Delft, by Johannes Egenberger | |
| Predecessor | Hendrik Wisse van Borselen |
| Successor | Wolfert II van Borselen |
| Born | c. 1250 |
| Died | 1 August 1299<br>Delft |
| Mother | Clarissa van Gavere |


title: Women's Forage Corps

abstract: The Women's Forage Corps (WFC) or Forage Corps (FC) was a British military organisation of World War I. Based at army camps and depots in the United Kingdom and working in gangs of six, its women assisted with matters relating to horse transport such as hay-making, forage, checking bales on arrival at railway stations and supervising their loading, stable work, driving horse carts, chaffing, wire-stretching, making and mending sacks and tarpaulin sheets and. It also included Section Clerks for the related clerical work. The foundations for the Corps were laid in 1915, though it only formally came into being on 1 March 1917 before being further formalised by an Army Order in early November 1918. Led by Mrs Atholl Stewart as Superintendent of Women, who reported to Brigadier-General Hill Godfrey Morgan, it consisted of civilian women but was under the control of the Army Service Corps. Below Stewart were Area Inspectors of Women, Assistant Superintendents, Deputy Superintendents, Forwarding Supervisors, Supervisors of Women Labour, Deputy Assistant Supervisors and Gang Supervisors. Largely drawn from among women servants but also including some women of independent means with their own horses, normal members earned an average of 26 to 30 shillings a week by 1919, drawing army rations and sometimes with a caravan and cook assigned to their gang as a mess. Their uniform consisted of gaiters, haversack, dark green breeches, hats and jerseys, khaki overcoat, overalls and black boots, with brass shoulder insignia of the initials "FC". Higher ranks wore a khaki tunic and shirt, shoulder rank badges, shoulder "FC" insignia and a brass badge showing "FC" within the eight-pointed star of the Royal Army Service Corps. The WFC numbered 8,000 by 1917, though this had dropped to about 6,000 by 1919. It also contributed to the formation of the Women's Land Army, also in 1917, though the WFC itself survived until 1920.

text:
# Women's Forage Corps

The **Women's Forage Corps** (WFC) or **Forage Corps** (FC) was a British military organisation of World War I. Based at army camps and depots in the United Kingdom and working in gangs of six, its women assisted with matters relating to horse transport such as hay-making, forage, checking bales on arrival at railway stations and supervising their loading, stable work, driving horse carts, chaffing, wire-stretching, making and mending sacks and tarpaulin sheets and. It also included Section Clerks for the related clerical work.

The foundations for the Corps were laid in 1915, though it only formally came into being on 1 March 1917 before being further formalised by an Army Order in early November 1918. Led by Mrs Atholl Stewart as Superintendent of Women, who reported to Brigadier-General Hill Godfrey Morgan, it consisted of civilian women (known as Industrial Members) but was under the control of the Army Service Corps. Below Stewart were (in descending order of seniority) Area Inspectors of Women, Assistant Superintendents, Deputy Superintendents, Forwarding Supervisors, Supervisors of Women Labour, Deputy Assistant Supervisors and Gang Supervisors.

Largely drawn from among women servants but also including some women of independent means with their own horses, normal members earned an average of 26 to 30 shillings a week by 1919, drawing army rations and sometimes with a caravan (for messing rather than accommodation) and cook assigned to their gang as a mess. Their uniform consisted of gaiters, haversack, dark green breeches, hats and jerseys, khaki overcoat, overalls and black boots, with brass shoulder insignia of the initials "FC". Higher ranks wore a khaki tunic and shirt, shoulder rank badges, shoulder "FC" insignia and a brass badge showing "FC" within the eight-pointed star of the Royal Army Service Corps.

The WFC numbered 8,000 by 1917, though this had dropped to about 6,000 by 1919. It also contributed to the formation of the Women's Land Army, also in 1917, though the WFC itself survived until 1920.

1. "Plaster Model of Hay Baling for the Army, 1918". Imperial War Museum.
2. "Women and the British Army in the First World War".
3. "Land and Water Extra - Women in the War Number - April 1919".
4. "Photo Detective - Women's Forage Corps".
5. "Extract from the Family History Book "Deborah's and Hazel's Ancestors" by Jean and Bob Manning, 2002". Imperial War Museum.


title: Wiswillani

abstract: Wiswillani or Q'asa is a mountain in the Andes of Peru, about 5,070.3 metres (16,635 ft) high. It is situated in the Arequipa Region, Caylloma Province, on the border of the districts Tisco and Callalli. The mountain lies south of the lake Samaquta. By the local people Wiswillani is venerated as an apu.

text:
# Wiswillani

**Wiswillani** (Hispanicized spellings *Huishuillane, Huishuillani*, erroneously also *Huishillani*) or **Q'asa** (Quechua for mountain pass, Hispanicized spelling *Ccasa*) is a mountain in the Andes of Peru, about 5,070.3 metres (16,635 ft) high. It is situated in the Arequipa Region, Caylloma Province, on the border of the districts Tisco and Callalli. The mountain lies south of the lake Samaquta.

By the local people Wiswillani is venerated as an apu.

## InfoBox

| Wiswillani | |
| --- | --- |
| Q'asa | |
| WiswillaniPeru | |
| Highest point | |
| Elevation | 5,070.3 m (16,635 ft) |
| Coordinates | 15°26′44″S 71°22′56″W / 15.44556°S 71.38222°W / -15.44556; -71.38222 |
| Geography | |
| Location | Peru, Arequipa Region, Caylloma Province |
| Parent range | Andes |


title: Women in Arms

abstract: Women in Arms is 1991 Italian television action-drama film directed by Sergio Corbucci. It was Corbucci's final work.

text:
# Women in Arms

***Women in Arms*** (also known as *Donne armate*) is 1991 Italian television action-drama film directed by Sergio Corbucci. It was Corbucci's final work.

## Plot

Nadia Cossa is a political prisoner who manages to escape during a transfer to a new prison. The young policewoman who was escorting her is suspended but starts investigating on her behalf and follows her trail.

## Cast

## Production

The film was co-produced by Fulvio Lucisano, Rai 2 and Odeon TV, marking the first co-production between RAI and a private television channel. It had a budget of about 6 billion lire.

## Release

The film was broadcast on Rai 2 in two parts on 9–10 January 1991, about a month after Corbucci's death.

## InfoBox

| Women in Arms | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Directed by | Sergio Corbucci |
| Written by | Sergio Corbucci
Gianni Romoli
Stefano Sudriè |
| Starring | Lina Sastri |
| Cinematography | Sergio D'Offizi |
| Edited by | Ruggero Mastroianni |
| Music by | Manuel De Sica |
| Release date | * 1991 (1991) |
| Country | Italy |
| Language | Italian |


title: Women in Antarctica

abstract: There may have been women in Antarctica, exploring the regions around Antarctica for many centuries. The most celebrated "first" for women was in 1935 when Caroline Mikkelsen became the first woman to set foot on one of Antarctica's islands. Early male explorers, such as Richard Byrd, named areas of Antarctica after wives and female heads of state. As Antarctica moved from a place of exploration and conquest to a scientific frontier, women worked to be included in the sciences. The first countries to have female scientists working in Antarctica were the Soviet Union, South Africa and Argentina. Besides exploring and working as scientists, women have also played supportive roles as wives, fund-raisers, publicists, historians, curators and administrators of organizations and services that support Antarctic operations. Many early women on Antarctica were the wives of explorers. Some women worked with Antarctica from afar, crafting policies for a place they had never seen. Women who wished to have larger roles in Antarctica and on the continent itself had to "overcome gendered assumptions about the ice and surmount bureaucratic inertia". As women began to break into fields in Antarctica, they found that it could be difficult to compete against men who already had the "expeditioner experience" needed for permanent science positions. Women who were qualified for expeditions or jobs in Antarctica were less likely to be selected than men, even after a 1995 study by Jane Mocellin showed that women cope better than men with the Antarctic environment.

text:
# Women in Antarctica

There may have been **women in Antarctica**, exploring the regions around Antarctica for many centuries. The most celebrated "first" for women was in 1935 when Caroline Mikkelsen became the first woman to set foot on one of Antarctica's islands. Early male explorers, such as Richard Byrd, named areas of Antarctica after wives and female heads of state. As Antarctica moved from a place of exploration and conquest to a scientific frontier, women worked to be included in the sciences. The first countries to have female scientists working in Antarctica were the Soviet Union, South Africa and Argentina.

Besides exploring and working as scientists, women have also played supportive roles as wives, fund-raisers, publicists, historians, curators and administrators of organizations and services that support Antarctic operations. Many early women on Antarctica were the wives of explorers. Some women worked with Antarctica from afar, crafting policies for a place they had never seen. Women who wished to have larger roles in Antarctica and on the continent itself had to "overcome gendered assumptions about the ice and surmount bureaucratic inertia". As women began to break into fields in Antarctica, they found that it could be difficult to compete against men who already had the "expeditioner experience" needed for permanent science positions. Women who were qualified for expeditions or jobs in Antarctica were less likely to be selected than men, even after a 1995 study by Jane Mocellin showed that women cope better than men with the Antarctic environment.

## Historic barriers against inclusion

Most early policies and practices, including the construction and creation of Antarctic organizations, were created initially by men. Women were originally excluded from early exploration in Antarctica based on the opinion that women could not handle the extremes in temperature or crisis situations. Vivian Fuchs, who was in charge of the British Antarctic Survey in the 1960s, believed that women could not carry heavy equipment and that Antarctic facilities were unsuitable for women. The United States believed for many years that the climate of Antarctic was too harsh for women.

Antarctica was seen by many men as a place where men could imagine themselves heroic conquerors. In Western culture, frontier territories are often associated with masculinity. Antarctica itself was envisioned by many male explorers as a "virginal woman" or "monstrous feminine body" to be conquered by men. Women were often "invoked in terms of place naming and territorial conquest and later even encouraged to have babies in Antarctica." Using women as territorial conquest is literal in the way that Argentina flew pregnant women to Antarctica to give birth and stake a national claim to the area. Silvia Morella de Palma was the first woman to give birth in Antarctica, delivering 3.4 kg (7 lb 8 oz) Emilio Palma at the Argentine Esperanza base 7 January 1978.

Men enjoyed having a space that was free of women and which, in the late 1940s, "allowed them to continue the kind of male companionship and adventure they had enjoyed during the Second World War." In one news article about Antarctica written in 1958, the writer describes the use of dazzlement: "On the womanless continent, the purpose of the dazzlement is not to catch the eye of a flirtatious blonde, but to attract spotters in the event that the explorers become lost in the frozen waste." Men's space in Antarctica resisted change. In the 1980s, there was an attempt by men to memorialize the "Sistine ceiling" of the Weddell hut in Antarctica as an Australian national heritage site of "high significance." The "Sistine ceiline" was covered in 92 different pinups of women from the 1970s and 1980s. This represented a "male's only club" in which participants believed women would spoil the "purity of a homosocial work, and play, environment." In 1983, the *San Bernardino County Sun* newspaper published an article about Antarctica stating that it "is still one of the last macho redoubts, where men are men and women are superfluous." One scientist, Lyle McGinnis, who had been going to Antarctica since 1957, resented women in the field saying that "men never grouse." He believed that women complained and needed "comfort." Not all men felt that way. Other men felt that women's presence made life in Antarctica better and one male engineer stated that without women around, "men are pigs." Sociologist Charles Moskos stated that as more women are introduced to a group, there is less aggression and a "more civil culture develops."

Many of the careers in Antarctica are in the sciences and women faced barriers there as well. As women attempted to work in science, arguments using biological determinism, evolutionary psychology and popular notions of neurobiology were used as excuses as to why there were fewer women in the sciences. These arguments described how "women are ill-adapted on evolutionary grounds for science and the competitive environment of the laboratory." Some women described feeling that they were "a bit of a joke" working in Antarctica and felt that men regarded them as incapable.

Antarctic exploration and science research was often facilitated by national navies, who often did not want women on their ships. The United States Navy used the excuse that "sanitation facilities were too primitive" on Antarctica as an excuse to bar women. The U.S. Navy also considered Antarctica a "male-only bastion." Admiral George Dufek said in 1956 that "women would join American Teams in the Antarctic over his dead body." He also believed that women's presence on Antarctica "would wreck men's illusions of being heroes and frontiersmen." Military groups also were worried about "sexual misconduct."

Change was slow as women began to try to become part of Antarctic exploration and research. An article run in *The Daily Herald* newspaper of Chicago in 1974 described women finally coming to Antarctica as integrating the "land with a definite feminine touch." The article described women's perfumed smells, ways of entertaining guests on Antarctica and the "dainty feet" of Caroline Mikkelsen. Eventually both the "presence and impact of female Antarctic researchers has increased rapidly."

## Early women involved in Antarctica

Oral records from Oceania indicate that women explorers may have traveled to the Antarctic regions like male explorers Ui-te-Rangiora around 650 CE and Te Ara-tanga-nuku in 1000 CE, but this is unconfirmed. The first western woman to visit the Antarctic region was Louise Séguin, who sailed on the *Roland* with Yves Joseph de Kerguelen in 1773.

The oldest known human remains in Antarctica was a skull that belonged to a young Indigenous Chilean woman on Yamana Beach at the South Shetland Islands, which dates back to 1819 to 1825. Her remains were found by the Chilean Antarctic Institute in 1985.

In the early twentieth century, women were interested in going to Antarctica. When Ernest Shackleton advertised his 1914 Antarctic expedition, three women wrote to him, requesting to join. The women never became part of the journey. In 1919, newspapers reported that women wanted to go to Antarctica, writing that "several women were anxious to join, but their applications were refused." Later, in 1929, twenty-five women applied to the British, Australian and New Zealand Antarctic Research Expedition (BANZARE). They were also rejected. When a privately funded British Antarctic Expedition was proposed in 1937, 1,300 women applied to join. None of those 1,300 were accepted. After 3 years of attempted funding the expedition was cancelled with the onset of World War Two.

Women who were wives of explorers who were left behind "endured years of loneliness and anxiety." Women like Kathleen Scott raised money for their husbands' journeys.

The first women involved in exploration of Antarctica were wives and companions of male travelers and explorers. Women accompanied men as "whaling wives" to Antarctic waters. The first women to see the continent of Antarctica was Norwegian Ingrid Christensen and her companion, Mathilde Wegger, both of whom were traveling with Christensen's husband. The first woman to step onto the land of Antarctica, an island, was Caroline Mikkelsen in 1935. Mikkelsen only briefly went ashore and was also there with her husband. Later, after her husband died, Mikkelsen remarried and didn't talk about her experience in Antarctica in order "to spare his feelings." Christensen went back to Antarctica three times after her first glimpse of the land. She eventually landed at Scullin monolith, becoming the first woman to set foot on the Antarctic mainland. She was followed by her daughter, Augusta Sofie Christensen, and two other women, Lillemor Rachlew and Solveig Widerøe. Because the women believed the landing wasn't an actual "first," they didn't make much of their accomplishment.

In the years of 1946 and 1947, Jackie Ronne and Jennie Darlington were the first women to spend the year in Antarctica. When Ronne and Darlington decided to accompany their husbands in 1946 to Antarctica, men on the expedition "signed a petition trying to stop it happening." Ronne worked as the mission's "recorder." Ronne and Darlington both wrote about their experiences on the ice and, in the case of Darlington's book, about how conflict between team members also "strained relations between the two women." One of the ways that Darlington tried to fit in with the men of the group was to make herself as "inconspicuous within the group as possible." One man, first seeing Darlington arrive at the Antarctic base, "fled in fright, thinking that he'd gone mad." Both women, upon returning from Antarctica, downplayed their own roles letting "their husbands take most of the honour."

In 1948, the British diplomat, Margaret Anstee, was involved in the Falkland Islands Dependency Survey (FIDS) and helped make policy for the program.

## Further exploration and science

Women scientists first began researching Antarctica from ships. The first woman scientist, Maria V. Klenova of the Soviet Union, worked on the ships *Ob* and *Lena* just off the Antarctic coastline in 1955 to 1956. Klenova's work helped create the first Antarctic atlas. Women served on Soviet Union ships going to Antarctica after 1963. The first women to visit a US station and the first to fly to Antarctica were Pat Hepinstall and Ruth Kelley, Pan Am flight attendants who spent four hours on the ground at the McMurdo Station on 15 October 1957.

Often women going to Antarctica had to be approved in both official and unofficial ways. An early candidate for becoming one of the first women scientists to go to Antarctica was geologist Dawn Rodley. She had been approved of not only by the expedition sponsor, Colin Bull, but also by the wives of the male team-members. Rodley was set to go in 1958, but the United States Navy, who were in charge of Operation Deep Freeze, refused to take her to Antarctica.

The Navy decided that sending a four-woman team would be acceptable and Bull began to build a team including Lois Jones, Kay Lindsay, Eileen McSaveney and Terry Tickhill. These four women were part of the group who became the first women to visit the South Pole. Jones's team worked mainly in Wright Valley. After their return, Bull found that several of his male friends resented the addition of women and even called him a "traitor". The first United States all-female team was led by Jones in 1969. Her team, which included the first women to set foot on the South Pole, were used by the navy as a publicity stunt. They were "paraded around" and called "Powderpuff explorers". The first United States woman to step into the Antarctic interior in 1970 was engineer Irene C Peden, who also faced various barriers to her working on the continent. Peden described how a "mythology had been created about the women who'd gone to the coast – that they had been a problem," and that since they had not published their work within the year, they were "heavily criticized." Men in the Navy in charge of approving her trip to Antarctica were "dragging their feet", citing that there were not women's bathrooms available and that without another female companion, she would not be allowed to go. The admiral in charge of transportation to Antarctica suggested that Peden was trying to go there for adventure, or to find a husband, rather than for her research. Despite her setbacks, including not receiving critical equipment in Antarctica, Peden's research on the continent was successful.

The first two U.S. woman to winter at a U.S. Antarctic research station were Mary Alice McWhinnie and

Mary Odile Cahoon. Mary Alice was the station science leader (chief scientist) at McMurdo Station in 1974 and Mary Odile was a nun and biologist. United States women in 1978 were still using equipment and arctic clothing designed for men, although "officials said that problem is being quickly remedied." American Ann Peoples became the manager of the Berg Field Center in 1986, becoming the first woman to serve in a "significant leadership role".

British women had similar problems to the Americans. The director of the British Antarctic Survey (BAS) from 1959 to 1973 was Vivian Fuchs, who "firmly believed that the inclusion of women would disrupt the harmony and scientific productivity of Antarctic stations." British women scientists started working on curating collections as part of the BAS prior to being allowed to visit Antarctica. Women who applied to the BAS were discouraged. A letter from BAS personnel sent to a woman who applied in the 1960s read, "Women wouldn't like it in Antarctica as there are no shops and no hairdresser." The first BAS woman to go to Antarctica was Janet Thomson in 1983 who described the ban on women as a "rather improper segregation." Women were still effectively barred from using UK bases and logistics in 1987. Women didn't overwinter at the Halley Research Station until 1996, forty years after the British station was established.

Argentina sent four women scientists, biologist Irene Bernasconi, bacteriologist María Adela Caría, biologist Elena Martinez Fontes and algae expert Carmen Pujals, to Antarctica in 1968. They were the first group of female scientists to conduct research in Antarctica. Bernasconi was the first woman to lead an Antarctic expedition. She was aged 72 at the time. Later, in 1978, Argentina sent a pregnant woman, Silvia Morello de Palma, to the Esperanza Base to give birth and to "use the baby to stake \[their\] territorial claims" to Antarctica.

Once Australia opened up travel to Antarctica for women, Elizabeth Chipman, who first worked as a typist at Casey Station in 1976, chronicled all of the women to travel there up to 1984. Chipman worked to find the names of all women who had ever been to or even near Antarctica and eventually donated 19 folio boxes of her research to the National Library of Australia.

## Women gain ground

The National Science Foundation (NSF) started long-range planning in 1978, looking towards facilities that could accommodate a population made up of 25% women. In the 1979–1980 season, there were only 43 women on the continent. By 1981, there were nearly one woman for every ten men in Antarctica. In 1983, the ratio was back to 20 men for every woman. In the 1980s, Susan Solomon's research in Antarctica on the ozone layer and the "ozone hole" causes her to gain "fame and acclaim."

In Spain, Josefina Castellví, helped coordinate and also participated in her country's expedition to Antarctica in 1984. Later, after a Spanish base was constructed in 1988, Castellví was put in charge after the leader, Antoni Ballester, had a stroke.

The first female station leader on Antarctica was Australian, Diana Patterson, head of Mawson Station in 1989. The first woman station leader in charge of an American Antarctic station was LT Trina Baldwin, CEC, USN (Civil Engineer Corps, United States Navy). The first all-female overwintering group was from Germany and spent the 1990–1991 winter at Georg von Neumayer. The first German female station leader and medical doctor was Monika Puskeppeleit. In 1991 In-Young Ahn was the first female leader of an Asian research station (King Sejong Station) and the first South Korean woman to step onto Antarctica.

There were approximately 180 women in Antarctica during the 1990–1991 season. Women from several different countries were regular members of overwintering teams by 1992. The first all-women expedition reached the South Pole in 1993. Diana Patterson, the first female station leader on Antarctica, saw change coming in 1995. She felt that many of the sexist views of the past had given way so that women were judged not by the fact that they were women, but "by how well you did your job."

During the 1994 austral winter, women managed all three of the American Antarctic stations: Janet Phillips at Amundsen-Scott South Pole Station, Karen Schwall at McMurdo Station and Ann Peoples at Palmer Station.

Social scientist, Robin Burns, studied the social structures of Antarctica in the 1995–1996 season. She found that while many earlier women struggled, there was more acceptance of women in Antarctica during the 1995 - 1996 season. One of the station managers, Ann Peoples, felt that a tipping point had been reached during the 1990's and that life for women on Antarctica became more normal. There were still men in Antarctica who were not afraid to voice their opinion that women should not "be on the ice," but many others enjoyed having "women as colleagues and friends." Women around this time began to feel like it was "taken for granted now that women go to the Antarctic."

Studies done in the early 2000s showed that women's inclusion in Antarctic groups were beneficial overall. In the early 2000s, Robin Burns had found that female scientists who enjoyed their experience in Antarctica, were the ones who were able to finish their scientific work and to complete their projects.

## Recent history

American Lynne Cox swam a mile in Antarctic water in 2003.

In 2005, writer Gretchen Legler described how there were many more women in Antarctica that year and that some were lesbians. International Women's Day in 2012 saw more than fifty women celebrating in Antarctica and who made up 70% of the International Antarctic Expedition. In 2013, when the Netherlands opened their first Antarctic Lab, Corina Brussaard was there to help set it up.

Homeward Bound was a 10-year program designed to encourage women's participation in science and planned to send the first large (78 member) all-women expedition to Antarctica in 2016. The first group, consisting of 76 women, arrived in Antarctica for three weeks in December 2016. Fabian Dattner and Jess Melbourne-Thomas founded the project and the Dattner Grant provided funding. Each participant contributed $15,000 to the project. Homeward bound included businesswomen and scientists who look at climate change and women's leadership. The plan was to create a network of 1,000 women who would become leaders in the sciences. The first voyage departed South America in December 2016

An all-woman team of United Kingdom Army soldiers, called Exercise Ice Maiden, started recruiting members in 2015 to cross the continent under their own power in 2017. It intended to study women's performance in the extreme antarctic summer environment. A team of six women completed the journey in 62 days after starting on 20 November 2017.

Currently, women make up 55% of membership in the Association of Polar Early Career Scientists (APECS). In 2016, nearly a third of all researchers at the South Pole were women. The Australian Antarctic Program (AAP) makes a "conscious effort to recruit women."

A social media network has recently been created, "Women in Polar Science". It aims to connect women working in the Arctic and Antarctic sciences and provides them with a platform to share and exchange knowledge, experiences and opportunities.

## Sexual harassment and sexism

When heavy equipment operator, Julia Uberuaga, first went to Antarctica in the late 70s and early 80s, she recalled that "the men stared at her, or leered at her, or otherwise let her know she was unwelcome on the job." Rita Matthews, who went to Antarctica during the same period, said that the "men were all over the place. There were some that would never stop going after you." In 1983, Marilyn Woody described living at McMurdo station and said, "It makes your head spin, all this attention from all these men." Then she said, "You realize you can put a bag over your head and they'll still fall in love with you."

Another scientist, Cynthia McFee, had been completely shut out of the "male camaraderie" at her location and had to deal with loneliness for long periods of time. Martha Kane, the second woman to overwinter at the South Pole, experienced "negative pressure" from men with "some viewing her as an interloper who had insinuated herself into a male domain."

In the 1990s, some women experienced stigma in Antarctica. These women were labeled "whores" for interacting with men and those who did not interact with men were called "dykes."

In the late 1990s and early 2000s, women felt that Antarctic operations were "not at all sympathetic to the needs of mothers and that there is a deep concern lest a pregnant woman give birth in Antarctica."

Sexual harassment is still a problem for women working in Antarctica, with many women scientists fielding unwanted sexual advances over and over again. Women continue to be outnumbered in many careers in Antarctica, including fleet operations and trades.

Some organizations, such as the Australian Antarctic Division, have created and adopted policies to combat sexual harassment and discrimination based on gender. The United States Antarctic Program (USAP) encourages women and minorities to apply.

## Women record-breakers

Silvia Morella de Palma was the first woman to give birth in Antarctica, delivering 3.4 kg (7 lb 8 oz) Emilio Palma at the Argentine Esperanza base 7 January 1978.

In 1988 American Lisa Densmore became the first woman to reach the summit Mount Vinson.

In 1993, American Ann Bancroft led the first all woman expedition to the South Pole. Bancroft, and Norwegian Liv Arnesen, were the first women to ski across Antarctica in 2001.

In 2010, the first female chaplain to serve on the continent of Antarctica was Chaplain, Lt Col Laura Adelia of the U.S. Air Force, where she served the people at McMurdo Station.

Maria Leijerstam became the first person to cycle to the South Pole from the edge of the continent in 2013. She cycled on a recumbent tricycle.

Anja Blacha set the record for the longest solo, unsupported, unassisted polar expedition by a woman in 2020.

## Honors and awards

In 1975, Eleanor Honnywill became the first woman to be awarded the Fuchs Medal from the British Antarctic Survey (BAS).

The first woman to receive a Polar Medal was Virginia Fiennes, in 1986. She was honored for her work in the Transglobe Expedition. She was also the first woman to "winter in both polar regions."

Denise Allen was the first woman awarded the Australian Antarctic Medal in 1989.

Geography portal

### Citations

### Sources


title: Women's fear of crime

text:
# Women's fear of crime

Although fear of crime is a concern for people of all genders, studies consistently find that women around the world tend to have much higher levels of fear of crime than men, despite the fact that in many places, and for most offenses, men's actual victimization rates are higher. Fear of crime is related to a perceived risk of victimization, but is not the same; fear of crime may be generalized instead of referring to specific offenses, and perceived risk may also be considered a demographic factor that contributes to fear of crime. Women tend to have higher levels for both perceived risk and fear of crime.

In women's everyday lives, fear of crime can have negative effects, such as reducing their environmental mobility. Studies have shown that women tend to avoid certain behaviors, such as walking alone at night, because they are fearful of crime, and would feel more comfortable with these behaviors if they felt safer.

## Causes

Social scientists have differing views on the causes of women's fear of crime. Some have argued that women's heightened fear of crime is due to women's higher levels physical vulnerability compared to men, although feminist work generally resists this generalization and often tries to relocate the cause to larger societal factors.

### Social factors

Awareness among women of the pervasive culture's view of women as more vulnerable than men, may influence perceptions of being more likely to be victimized and in turn contribute to their fear; in this way, it would be a perceived risk and not an actual risk of victimization that is the cause of women's fear. Some research has also suggested that women and men are similarly fearful about crime, but that dominant cultural ideas about masculinity contributes to an increased reluctance in reporting behavior among men.

One study has shown that women may have higher levels of fear of crime, not because they are scared of being victimized themselves, but fear of their children being victimized. Women are more likely than men to see their relationships with others as an interdependent relationship. This interdependent relationship makes women more scared of crimes being committed against their loved ones than themselves. This distinction of relationships cause women's fear of crime to be higher than men's fear of crime, because men do not see their relationships as interdependent. This study argues that women's fear of crime is caused by traditional societal gender roles.

### Feminist theories

Feminist discourse on fear of crime tends to explain women's higher levels of fear with the unequal gender structure in most societies, which places women beneath men within the power structure and thus puts them especially at risk for victimization by men. This theory refers to the oppressive social control of women, arguing that some crimes against women (such as rape) and the socialization that women receive to feel vulnerable and fear male violence are used by the patriarchy to assert male dominance and "keep women in their place." Some feminist researchers argue that the questions that are being asked in studies of women's fear of crime do not adequately represent their actual fear. These researchers argue that abuse by men in close personal relationships is not adequately measured by typical questions on surveys, because those typical questions ask questions about crime outside of the home. They argue that women's victimization by people in their close personal relationships is not being used as a factor in measuring women's fear of crime.

## Rape fear

Some feminist scholars argue rape is the most gendered crime by victimization. They suggest fear of rape is the most important and most unique element of women's fear of crime, or even that women's fear of crime is a generalized fear of rape. Proponents of this theory, often referred to as the "shadow of sexual assault hypothesis," often note that women tend to fear that rape will co-occur with other crimes, such as burglary, a fear that is not found among men.

### Sexual harassment and gendered fears

One study has shown that a man's typical response to a burglary was anger, while a woman's typical response was fear that was typical of a woman that had been sexually assaulted*.* Some supporters of the theory also note that sexual harassment, which most women will experience in their lifetimes, especially contributes to the fear of rape; in some cases, women's rejection of unwanted sexual advances leads to threats, and even "benevolent" harassment may increase women's wariness and fear of men in public spaces. While the fear of rape is the strongest among women, men also have a fear of rape, especially when looking at college aged men. While men do fear sexual assault, they are more likely to fear crimes such as burglary, but there is evidence that men's fear of sexual assault is correlated with their fear of other violent crimes, supporting the shadow hypothesis*.*

### Socialization of women

The fear of rape, unlike other fears of specific crimes, is almost exclusive to women. Among women, it is also one of the strongest crime-related fears, and is the strongest crime-related fear for young women. Levels of fear of rape vary among women by age, race/ethnicity, residential area, and other factors, but are especially high for women who have been victims of rape in the past or know victims personally (the latter group may include a significant portion of women, with one study estimating that over half of women know rape victims). Women are socialized from a very young age that rape can happen anywhere, to anyone, at any time. They are taught that they should always be aware of the possibility of rape and protect themselves from it. Young women are taught strategies to keep themselves safe, and this idea is instilled in them at a young age. This teaching women about the possibility of rape at a young age may contribute to higher levels of fear of crime in women. Studies have shown that women that take more precautionary steps to avoid being raped have more fear of actually being raped, whereas women who work nights and are outside in the dark tend to have less fear of rape. This may be because women that are out in the dark alone are more familiar with the area, so they feel that there is less of a threat.

### "Sexual terrorism"

One researcher has coined the term "sexual terrorism" to describe violence against women that is intended to keep the patriarchal society that we live in alive. "Sexual Terrorism" includes behaviors such as splitting women into groups of "good" and "bad", producing media that degrades women, and supporting men that commit acts of violence towards women. The fear of rape may also be related to the fear of murder, as women tend to overestimate the proportion of rape victims who are murdered during their attacks. Stigma and blame are also factors: what many feminists refer to as the "rape myth," the popular idea that women can be blamed for their rape and that women are responsible for preventing rape by the regulation of their behavior, often serves to support the fear of rape.

## Demographic differences

Although women as a whole demographic are more fearful of crime, specific subgroups of women may have higher levels of fear or be more likely to change their behavior because of it. In many studies, the demographics found to have the highest generalized fear of crime are single, older, urban, women of color, and of lower socioeconomic class. For fear of victimization for specific crimes, the demographics with the highest levels of fear may be different.

### Geography

Generally, research has demonstrated that women from urban areas have higher levels of fear of crime. Even within cities, fear levels may differ from neighborhood to neighborhood. Increased social disorganization in the neighborhood (as measured by homelessness, drug sales, vandalism, prostitution, etc.) and higher rates of neighborhood serious crime lead to higher levels of fear of crime for both men and women, but both factors have a stronger effect on women's fear of crime. Recreational spaces within the urban environment can also have differentially risk, both real and perceived, with many women reporting feeling unsafe in public parks and play spaces, especially after dark.

Urban and rural communities tend to have very different levels of fear of crime. Rural areas are almost always perceived by residents and outsiders as safer, so it is often assumed that fear of crime levels will be lower there. Still, 2005 research in New Zealand and the United Kingdom noted that fear of crime levels in rural areas is on the rise, and found that sources of fear of crime among rural women often include perceived encroachment of urban influence (through people or attitudes) into their communities.

### Race and ethnicity

Theorists have suggested that Black and Latina women, and women of color in general, in the United States may have higher rates of fear of crime due to increased social vulnerability; because of institutional racism and sexism against women of color, their identities may put them at greater risk of victimization, leading to higher levels of fear. Some theorists have suggested that African American women may have more fear of crime, because they are exposed to more crime due to living in lower socioeconomic areas. Studies have shown that African American women are more sexualized than White women, so their fear of sexual assault is higher. This fear of crime leads to more psychological distress among African American women. Studies have shown that there is a positive link between men who hold sexist attitudes and men who hold racist attitudes, which leads to an increased possibility of accepting common rape myths.

## Proposals

In general, proposed solutions to women's fear of crime either place the responsibility on individual women (through preventive strategies) or on official agencies (through infrastructure improvements, anti-rape education, more involved policing, etc.), and are often framed as a combination of both. Well designed parks and play spaces, for example, that are properly managed to be well-used and that offer social activities help women and girls to feel safe. Proposals that expect women to protect themselves from crime, most focus on the dangers for women in public spaces; however, as women usually face their highest rates of victimization in the home or at the hands of known people, these campaigns have been suggested to be particularly ill-equipped to help solve the problem of women's high fear of crime, and to support an untrue picture of women's victimization.

### Avoidance

One of the most common individual strategies for dealing with fear of crime and preventing victimization is simple avoidance, the attempt to stay away from areas (such as dark alleys or public transportation) where it is believed victimization is likely to occur; research has found that women employ avoidance strategies more often than men do. Avoided areas may include neighborhoods with high crime rates, but for many women also include any unfamiliar areas. Women may also employ other isolation strategies by avoiding social interaction with strangers, ignoring them or moving quickly and with purpose to discourage interaction

### Defenses

Another common method of allaying fear of crime among women is by "crime-proofing" homes or possessions. Popular examples include home security systems, locking away valuables, or participating in neighborhood watch programs. These strategies are used by people of all genders, but some are more often employed by women. For example, many women in an American study reported choosing purses with zippers or holding purses protectively to defend against theft and purse-snatching.

As interest in women's safety and women's fear of crime has increased, so has interest in precautionary strategies; for example, in the past few decades, women's self-defense classes, books, and other self-defense instruction have become increasingly popular. Some women also choose to carry weapons, such as knives or guns, or repellents like pepper spray and Mace to ward off potential attackers.

### Feminist commentary

Feminist commentators usually take the view that the responsibility for reducing women's fear of crime lies with the society, and that fear must be combatted at its source by addressing men's violence against women.

## Worldwide

Although most research on women's fear of crime has been done in English-speaking countries, with the most done in the United States, similar trends in women's fear of crime have been found around the world.

### Africa

A 2014 study using data from 20 countries in Sub-Saharan Africa concluded that fear of crime has a stronger negative effect on women's subjective well-being compared to men's, with subjective wellbeing defined as self-reported satisfaction with life. In the study, fear of crime had a statistically significant correlation with subjective wellbeing for females, but no significant correlation for males, suggesting that for the men in the study, fear of crime was not an important factor in determining their happiness and life satisfaction.

### Asia

A 2013 study of Hong Kong social work students found significant gender differences in fear of crime levels. Consistent with the shadow of sexual assault hypothesis, the study found that the women had the highest levels of fear for rape, and that fear of rape was a predictor for fear of other crimes. Hong Kong has one of the lowest rates of crime and victimization in the world, so this study may suggest that the presence and size of gender differences in fear of crime are not strongly correlated with total crime and victimization rates.

### Europe

A 1998 study in Glasgow, Scotland, found a gender disparity in fear of crime levels smaller than what is generally accepted. The study also found that men and women with similar fear levels tended to use similar reasoning to explain their fear of crime or lack of fear, although men's and women's fear appeared in different situations (men tended to be more often fearful about property crime, whereas women were more fearful about violent crime).

### Middle East

A 2010 Turkish study using a large nationwide sample confirmed that women expressed significantly higher levels of fear of crime than men. The study also found that previous victimization, a consistent predictor for higher levels of fear in women, was present at close to equal rates in the male and female samples, suggesting that prior victimization has a stronger effect on women's fear of crime than on men's. Also, if the study's sample is representative of the Turkish population, women have slightly higher victimization rates than men, and so their fear does not reflect the "gender-fear paradox" of victimization found in many other developed countries.

### India

A study conducted in India has shown that Indian women have more fear of being victimized by a stranger than by people with whom they have close relationships. While the women expressed fear of strangers, they changed their behaviors and attitudes to please the men close to them. These women would make sure they had dinner cooked at a certain time, and would not go out, because they did not want to make their husbands or fathers-in-law angry. Although they changed themselves to avoid disagreements with the men in their lives, they were unable to acknowledge the change of their behaviors as fear. These women were unable to label their behavior changes to please the men in their lives as fear. These women felt like they were more likely to be victimized on the street by a stranger than by people in their close personal relationships. This study also found that women that were victimized previously were more likely to admit to fear in close personal relationships.

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title: Witch from Nepal

abstract: Witch from Nepal (奇緣) is a 1986 Hong Kong supernatural film directed by Ching Siu-tung. The film stars Chow Yun-fat as Joe Wong, an architect on vacation in Nepal with his girlfriend, Ida. Joe injures his leg as in a hospital where he has dreams of a beautiful woman with magical powers. Joe is later in a hospital in Hong Kong with his leg infected, finding that the woman from his visions named Sheila magically heals him. Sheila is a good witch who gets Joe to return to Nepal to fight a cat-like demon with supernatural powers. The film was part of a trend of supernatural film productions from Hong Kong about Chinese tourists in exotic South Asian locations. It grossed $4.2 million Hong Kong dollars on its theatrical run in Hong Kong. The film was nominated for two awards at the 6th Hong Kong Film Awards, where director Chin Siu-tung won the Best Action Choreography Award.

text:
# Witch from Nepal

***Witch from Nepal*** (奇緣) is a 1986 Hong Kong supernatural film directed by Ching Siu-tung. The film stars Chow Yun-fat as Joe Wong, an architect on vacation in Nepal with his girlfriend, Ida (Yammie Lam). Joe injures his leg as in a hospital where he has dreams of a beautiful woman with magical powers. Joe is later in a hospital in Hong Kong with his leg infected, finding that the woman from his visions named Sheila (Emily Chu) magically heals him. Sheila is a good witch who gets Joe to return to Nepal to fight a cat-like demon with supernatural powers.

The film was part of a trend of supernatural film productions from Hong Kong about Chinese tourists in exotic South Asian locations. It grossed $4.2 million Hong Kong dollars on its theatrical run in Hong Kong. The film was nominated for two awards at the 6th Hong Kong Film Awards, where director Chin Siu-tung won the Best Action Choreography Award.

## Plot

While on vacation in Nepal, Joe Wong (Chow Yun-fat) and his girlfriend, Ida (Yammie Lam), ride an elephant when Joe falls and hurts his knee and is sent to a hospital. In a local hospital, Joe has visions of a beautiful veiled woman with mystical powers. Joe's leg later becomes infected and he finds himself in a hospital in Hong Kong, and finds the woman from his dreams earlier named Sheila (Emily Chu) magically healing his legs and granting him superhuman powers such as the ability to make large leaps through the air. Sheila reveals to Joe that she is a witch and that he has become a chosen one, to help defeat a demon for a Himalayan tribe who had their temple destroyed by the creature. Joe and Sheila begin to have an affair. Joe eventually meets up with the demon (Dick Wei) and the two have a clash at a temple. Sheila eventually sacrifices herself to save both Joe and Ida.

## Production

*Witch from Nepal* was director Ching Siu-tung's second film as a director after *Duel to the Death* (1983).

## Style

*Witch from Nepal* follows a trend of Hong Kong films at the time to have a plot about Chinese tourists in exotic South Asian locations such as Nepal, Thailand or Borneo such as *The Seventh Curse*. The film is a mixture of genres that include gothic horror, romance, comedy and mystery.

## Release

*Witch from Nepal* was released in Hong Kong on 27 February 1986. grossed a total of HK$4,285,113 The film has been released under several different English titles including *The Nepal Affair*, *Affair from Nepal* and *A Touch of Love*.

## Reception

At the 6th Hong Kong Film Awards, the film was nominated for Best Art Direction (James Leung) and Best Film Editing (Peter Cheung). Ching Siu-tung (Along with other three choreographers such as Philip Kwok, Alan Chui Chung-San and Lau Chi Hou) won the award for Best Action Choreography, beating other films nominees including *Righting Wrongs* and *Peking Opera Blues*.

### References

## InfoBox

| Witch from Nepal | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
|  | |
|  | |
| Chinese name | |
| Traditional Chinese | 奇緣 |
| Simplified Chinese | 奇缘 |
| Transcriptions  Standard Mandarin  Hanyu Pinyin Qí Yuán  Yue: Cantonese  Jyutping Kei4 Jyun4 | |
|  | |
|  | |
| Directed by | Ching Siu-tung |
| Written by | Tsui Ching-hong |
| Produced by | Anthony Chow |
| Starring |  |
| Cinematography | Tom Lau |
| Edited by | Peter Cheung |
| Music by | Lam Manyee |
| Production
companies | Golden Harvest
Paragon Films |
| Distributed by | Golden Harvest |
| Release date | * 27 February 1986 (1986-02-27) (Hong Kong) |
| Running time | 89 minutes |
| Country | Hong Kong |
| Languages | Cantonese
Nepali |
| Box office | HK$4,285,113 |


title: Women's Scottish Open

abstract: The ISPS Handa Women's Scottish Open is a women's professional golf tournament in Scotland on the Ladies European Tour (LET). First played in 1986, it became a regular fixture on the tour schedule in 2010. Since 2017 it has been co-sanctioned by the LPGA Tour and played in late July, the week prior to the Women's British Open. A 54-hole event from 2007 through 2016, it returned to a 72-hole event. In 2024, the tournament was played in mid-August, after the Olympics in France.

text:
# Women's Scottish Open

DaCaTCALDuGuReDLclass=notpageimage|**Women's Scottish Open venues** ( 2024 venue)

The **ISPS Handa Women's Scottish Open** is a women's professional golf tournament in Scotland on the Ladies European Tour (LET). First played in 1986, it became a regular fixture on the tour schedule in 2010.

Since 2017 it has been co-sanctioned by the LPGA Tour and played in late July, the week prior to the Women's British Open. A 54-hole event from 2007 through 2016, it returned to a 72-hole event. In 2024, the tournament was played in mid-August, after the Olympics in France.

## Winners

| Year | Tour | Venue | Winner | Score | Margin
of victory | Runner(s)-up | Winner's
share () |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| ISPS Handa Women's Scottish Open | | | | | | | |
| 2024 | LET, LPGA | Dundonald Links | Lauren Coughlin | 273 (−15) | 4 strokes | Esther Henseleit | 300,000 |
| FreeD Group Women's Scottish Open | | | | | | | |
| 2023 | LET, LPGA | Dundonald Links | Céline Boutier | 273 (−15) | 2 strokes | Kim Hyo-joo | 300,000 |
| Trust Golf Women's Scottish Open | | | | | | | |
| 2022 | LET, LPGA | Dundonald Links | Ayaka Furue | 267 (−21) | 3 strokes | Céline Boutier | 300,000 |
| 2021 | LET, LPGA | Dumbarnie Links | Ryann O'Toole | 271 (−17) | 3 strokes | Lydia Ko
Atthaya Thitikul | 225,000 |
| Aberdeen Standard Investments Ladies Scottish Open | | | | | | | |
| 2020 | LET, LPGA | Renaissance Club | Stacy Lewis | 279 (−5) | Playoff | Cheyenne Knight
Azahara Muñoz
Emily Kristine Pedersen | 225,000 |
| 2019 | LET, LPGA | Renaissance Club | M. J. Hur | 264 (−20) | 4 strokes | Moriya Jutanugarn
Lee Jeong-eun | 225,000 |
| 2018 | LET, LPGA | Gullane GC | Ariya Jutanugarn | 271 (−13) | 1 stroke | Minjee Lee | 225,000 |
| Aberdeen Asset Management Ladies Scottish Open | | | | | | | |
| 2017 | LET, LPGA | Dundonald Links | Lee Mi-hyang | 282 (−6) | 1 stroke | Mi Jung Hur
Karrie Webb | 225,000 |
| Aberdeen Asset Management Ladies Scottish Open | | | | | | | |
| 2016 | LET | Dundonald Links | Isabelle Boineau | 205 (−11) | 1 stroke | Linda Wessberg | 75,000 |
| 2015 | LET | Dundonald Links | Rebecca Artis | 210 (−6) | 2 strokes | Suzann Pettersen | 75,000 |
| 2014 | LET | Archerfield Links | Trish Johnson | 209 (−7) | 2 strokes | Gwladys Nocera | 38,654 |
| 2013 | LET | Archerfield Links | Catriona Matthew | 208 (−8) | 2 strokes | Hannah Burke | 31,537 |
| 2012 | LET | Archerfield Links | Carly Booth | 212 (−4) | 1 stroke | Frances Bondad
Florentyna Parker | 32,706 |
| Aberdeen Ladies Scottish Open | | | | | | | |
| 2011 | LET | Archerfield Links | Catriona Matthew | 201 (−15) | 10 strokes | Hannah Jun | 33,000 |
| Ladies Scottish Open | | | | | | | | |
| 2010 | LET | Archerfield Links | Virginie Lagoutte-Clément | 217 (+1) | 1 stroke | Trish Johnson
Lee-Anne Pace
Sophie Walker | 30,000 |
| *2009: No tournament* | | | | | | | |
| Aberdeen Asset Management Ladies Scottish Open | | | | | | | |
| 2008 | LET | The Carrick | Gwladys Nocera | 208 (−5) | 2 strokes | Maria Boden | 30,000 |
| De Vere Ladies Scottish Open | | | | | | | |
| 2007 | LET | The Carrick | Sophie Gustafson | 210 (−3) | 5 strokes | Danielle Masters
Sofia Renell
Kirsty Taylor | 30,000 |
| *1996–2006: No tournament* | | | | | | | |
| Payne & Gunter Scottish Open | | | | | | | |
| 1995 | LET | Dalmahoy Hotel & CC | Alison Nicholas | 272 (−16) | 1 stroke | Patricia Meunier | 11,250 |
| The New Skoda Women's Scottish Open | | | | | | | |
| 1994 | LET | Dalmahoy Hotel & CC | Laura Davies | 278 (−10) | 1 stroke | Karina Orum | £11,250 |
| *1989–93: No tournament* | | | | | | | |
| Bowring Ladies Scottish Open | | | | | | | |
| 1988 | LET | Cawder GC | Catherine Panton | 293 (+1) | 1 stroke | Debbie Dowling
Maureen Garner
Alison Nicholas | £6,000 |
| 1987 | LET | Cawder GC | Dale Reid | 285 (−3) | Playoff | Laura Davies | £4,500 |
| 1986 | LET | Dalmahoy Hotel & CC | Meredith Marshall | 283 (−5) | 7 strokes | Laura Davies | £4,500 |

## Tournament records

| Year | Player | Score | Round |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| 2022 | Ayaka Furue | 62 (−10) | 4th |

1. "Ladies Scottish Open: Stacy Lewis wins after four-way play-off". *BBC Sport*. 16 August 2020. Retrieved 17 August 2020.
2. Jacobs, Raymond (7 September 1987). "Reid defeats Davies again in play-off". *The Glasgow Herald*. p. 9. Retrieved 17 August 2020  via Google News Archive.
3. Jacobs, Raymond (8 September 1986). "Meredith quotes the scriptures". *The Glasgow Herald*. p. 10. Retrieved 17 August 2020  via Google News Archive.

## InfoBox

ISPS Handa Women's Scottish Open
|  | |
| --- | --- |
| Tournament information | |
| Location | North Ayrshire, Scotland, U.K. |
| Established | 1986 |
| Course(s) | Dundonald Links (2024) |
| Par | 72 (in 2024) |
| Length | 6,563 yards (6,001 m)
(in 2024) |
| Tour(s) | Ladies European Tour
LPGA Tour (since 2017) |
| Format | Stroke play – 72 holes
(54 holes; 2007–16) |
| Prize fund | 2.0 million
1.8 million *(est.)* |
| Month played | August |
| Tournament record score | |
| Aggregate | 267 Ayaka Furue (2022) |
| To par | −21 Ayaka Furue (2022) |
| Current champion | |
| Lauren Coughlin | |
| Location map | |
| Dundonald LinksLocation in ScotlandDundonald LinksLocation in North Ayrshire | |


title: Wonersh

abstract: Wonersh is a village and civil parish in the Waverley district of Surrey, England and Surrey Hills Area of Outstanding Natural Beauty. Wonersh contains three Conservation Areas and spans an area three to six miles SSE of Guildford. In the outer London commuter belt, the village is 28 miles (45 km) southwest of London. Wonersh's economy is predominantly a service sector economy. Three architecturally-listed churches are within its boundaries as are a number of notable homes such as Frank Cook's 1905 hilltop mansion, which is a hotel, business and wedding venue.

text:
# Wonersh

**Wonersh** is a village and civil parish in the Waverley district of Surrey, England and Surrey Hills Area of Outstanding Natural Beauty. Wonersh contains three Conservation Areas and spans an area three to six miles SSE of Guildford.

In the outer London commuter belt, the village is 28 miles (45 km) southwest of London. Wonersh's economy is predominantly a service sector economy. Three architecturally-listed churches are within its boundaries as are a number of notable homes such as Frank Cook's 1905 hilltop mansion, which is a hotel, business and wedding venue.

## Etymology

State records show the name as *Wonherche*, (14th century); *Ognersh* and *Ignersh*, (16th and 17th centuries). The form *Woghenersh*, in a Charter roll of 1305, indicates the (Old English) formation *(aet) wogan ersce*, 'at the crooked field'.

## History

### Pre-Roman settlement

Finds have been found in the hamlet and forest of Blackheath of mesolithic (Stone Age) flint implements and near Chinthurst Hill.

### Middle Ages

Based on foundations and core of the church, a settlement has existed in Wonersh village centre since Anglo-Saxon times.

Wonersh is not named in the Domesday Book of 1086. All the six manors: Tangley or Great Tangley; Little Tangley; Halldish; Losterford/Lostiford above the intact mill and mill house by the village; Rowleys and; Chinthurst (partly in Shalford) were later built on lands then in Bramley and Shalford. Great Tangley Manor in 1582 became the residence of John and Lettice Carrill and descended to their grandson John Carrill (d. 1656) and his widow Hester, who secondly married Sir Francis Duncombe.

The church of Wonersh was formerly a chapel (of Shalford), and as such the advowson (right to appoint the vicar) was in the presentation of the King who later transferred it to St Mary without Bishopsgate in London; after this it was held by a line of nobles until bought in the 19th century by the lord of the manor. As a chapel, the great tithes were commuted for £700 and the lesser for the vicar for £17.

### Post Renaissance

Until Charity Commission amalgamation in 1908, Wonersh had charity endowments paying out for its poor: John Austen of Shalford left money for poor relief in 1620. Henry Chennell of Wonersh left land whose produce was to be devoted to putting six poor boys to school from 1672. A Mr Gwynne of London gave land and bank stock in 1698 to put four poor boys to school and to distribute bread to fifteen poor persons every Sunday after service. Manorial fortunes became more muted from 1700 to 1900 during the Industrial Revolution – seeing almost all of their farm lands being sold up for lack of scale or produce.

Wonersh was one of the flourishing seats of the clothing trade in West Surrey. The special manufacture was blue cloth, dyed, no doubt, with woad, licence to grow which was asked in the neighbourhood in the 16th century.

Wonersh Park was a lightly wooded park now public Green in front of and beside the church. Through the park runs a small stream and its 17th century stone gatehouse houses a protected species of bat. Wonersh Park, a 17th-century mansion, was demolished in 1935. Owners were: the original owner of the demolished building Richard Gwynn, who died in 1701, and it passed by issue's marriage to 1710 Sir William Chapple, serjeant-at-law and later judge who probably rebuilt it; later passing in 1741 to Fletcher Norton, 1st Baron Grantley of Grantley in Yorkshire, leading government lawyer created Lord Grantley in 1782. His family held Wonersh Park until 1884 on a sale to Mr. Sudbury.

In 1848 Cranleigh Waters here was used for coal, building materials and agricultural produce as part of the Wey and Arun Canal and the west boundary formed an economic draw for the village. Northbrook's mill was a fulling mill, used for dressing leather for making saddles, straps, bags and garments. Shamley Green was formed into a parish from Wonersh in 1881 at which time the 1st Baron Ashcombe did not part with the advowson of Shamley Green, but did of Wonersh, to Selwyn College, Cambridge.

In 1905 Barnett Hill was chosen to be built on for the first time, by Frank Cook, the grandson of Thomas Cook, who lavished £35,000 on constructing a Queen Anne-style mansion. The house later passed to the Red Cross who owned it until 2006 – today, it is a hotel, conference and events venue managed by the Sundial Group. The house is now Grade II\* listed.

## Geography

Flanked by two round hills, Chinthurst Hill 121 m (397 ft) north west of the village and Barnett Hill 112 m (367 ft) east of the village, the village centre ranges between 40 and 50 m (130 and 160 ft) above sea level. Two-thirds of the pine heath and mixed forest-covered high ground *Blackheath* is included in Wonersh as are the settlements/neighbourhoods of Shamley Green, Blackheath, Ridgebridge Hill, Whipley, Plonk's Hill, Woodhill, Lordshill Common and Norley Common.

Spanning 3 to 6 miles (4.8 to 9.7 km) SSE of Guildford. and in the outer London commuter belt, the centre of the village is 28 miles (45 km) southwest of London.

Grassy expanses of Smithwood Common in the south and Wonersh Common in the north are in the civil parish; over 2,000 acres (810 ha) of the southeast is Winterfold Wood and Heath an ancient forest part of the Weald, with parts managed by Surrey Wildlife Trust.

### Elevations, geology and soil

The parish rises from west to east up the eroded basin of Cranleigh Waters holding the villages to the flint, clay, greensand and sandy soil topped Greensand Ridge. Elevations vary from 39 m (128 ft) AOD by the Bramley/Wonersh bridge over the stream to 207 m (679 ft) at the car park on Winterfold Hill, Winterfold Heath.

Geologically the landscape demonstrates the contrast between the retention of the top of the Greensand Ridge from coastal deposition (geology) followed by avoiding sea rise changes and the formation of the lower Weald because of water erosion on the three-county-sized calciferous and sandy beds south of this ridge. The Ridge forms the highest hills in the south east, excluding the southwest Berkshire Downs.

Soil is **slowly permeable loamy/clayey slightly acid but base-rich soil** except for the higher ground including Blackheath which is slightly acid only freely draining sandy soils containing small areas of wet impeded drainage heathland soil.

## Demography and housing

|
|  |
**2011 Census Homes**
| Output area | Detached | Semi-detached | Terraced | Flats and apartments | Caravans/temporary/mobile homes | shared between households |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| (Civil Parish) | 752 | 423 | 105 | 87 | 8 | 0 |

The average level of accommodation in the region composed of detached houses was 28%, the average that was apartments was 22.6%.

|
|  |
**2011 Census Key Statistics**
| Output area | Population | Households | % Owned outright | % Owned with a loan | hectares |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| (Civil Parish) | 3,412 | 1,375 | 48.7% | 33.8% | 1,718 |

The proportion of households in the civil parish who owned their home outright compares to the regional average of 35.1%. The proportion who owned their home with a loan compares to the regional average of 32.5%. The remaining % is made up of rented dwellings (plus a negligible % of households living rent-free).

In 2001, Wonersh parish contained 3,297 residents of which 19.8% were aged over 65; 5.2% of the population were in full-time further education; 75.5% of all men were economically active whereas 2.2% were unemployed, 4.8% worked part-time; 57.6% of all women were economically active whereas 1.7% were unemployed, 34.8% worked part-time.

Wonersh's economy is predominantly a service sector economy reflected by the lower end of the official categorisation table of occupation given, compiled from the 2001 census:

| Category | Number of adults in category in 2001 | Percentage of those aged 16–74 |
| --- | --- | --- |
| Lower supervisory and technical occupations | 93 | 3.9% |
| Semi-routine occupations | 160 | 6.3% |
| Routine occupations | 94 | 4% |

Whereas in this census, 34.6% of the population worked in middle or higher professional occupations.

## Economy

Wonersh's economy is predominantly a service sector economy with its access to Shalford and Guildford stations and road links to the Compton interchange of the A3 road from Shalford it is part of the London Commuter Belt. Large eastern areas are managed by workers from Surrey Wildlife Trust and the commons and sports grounds are supported by woodsmen, woodswomen and maintenance staff funded by Parish Councils.

## Culture and community

Many of the societies and clubs in the villages of Wonersh and Shamley Green are community-run without parish council intervention or support such as amateur dramatics and sports clubs. However cricket grounds, paths, commons and events are sponsored and organised by the village associations and the Wonersh Parish Council. Shamley Green has two village halls for private and community events.

### Sports

Wonersh village green where local teams play football, cricket and stoolball. The sports club have built a pavilion there with a bar, meeting room and changing facilities.

Wonersh Bowling Club is situated in the heart of the village at the end of a lane behind the Memorial Hall. It has a close view of Chinthurst Hill. The club was founded in 1925 by J.M. Courage, F. H. Cook, R. H. Haslam and F. Rogerson. The club is affiliated to both the English and Surrey Bowling Associations.

The bowling green, comprising six full sized rinks, is maintained by a team of groundsmen who are, themselves, active bowling members of the club. The pavilion has, in addition to the usual changing rooms and dining area, a kitchen and fully licensed bar. The bowling season runs from the beginning of April through to the end of September.

### Societies

*Wonersh Players* are a well established amateur dramatic society that write, produce and perform their own pantomimes. The Wonersh Players have been in existence since 1982, always performing at the Wonersh Memorial Hall, usually during the February half term holiday, with rehearsals starting the previous October.

In 1993 Wonersh History Society was formed to preserve and build on a quantity of historical material and notes gathered over many years by the late Anthony Fanshaw. Much of this archive is now being transferred to the Society's computer data base and will be available.

A social club named Wonersh Village Club, which was founded about 110 years ago. It provides a venue for playing snooker, billiards, darts and all manner of card games.

There is an active Wonersh U3A and a Gardening Club.

## Localities

> The painted glass is all modern and exceptionally good, especially that in the east window of the north chapel, with figures of St. George and St. Alban.
> A few slight traces of mediæval colour decoration remain, as on the voussoirs of the chancel arch. H. E. Malden 1911

Wonersh is situated in a gap between two steep hills in front of Cranleigh Waters: Chinthurst Hill with wooded paths and land managed by Surrey Wildlife Trust which had a manor on it and now has a folly and a listed farm at its foot and Barnett Hill.

In a meadow by this stream the Church of England church is called St John the Baptist which had tower crenellations added in 1751, has a 12th-century bell tower, 13th-century chancel, 15th-century north chapel and 1793 south aisle including transept. The ecclesiastical parish is joined with Blackheath and lies within the Guildford diocese.

There is also a United Reformed church which overlooks the village common. There is a large college built in 1891 (St John's Seminary) for the training of Roman Catholic priests, built in the Italian Renaissance style.

Wonersh has a village shop and post office which is owned by a village co-operative. There is also a small art gallery next door. A scout group trains young people in the village. The Grantley Arms is the central pub/restaurant, which is often used for functions and also has a bar food menu. Both the shop and the pub are situated in the centre of the village by the *pepper pot*, which is a small shelter.

Doctors have the area's surgery opposite the post office. Its purpose-built right wing was opened in 1972 and extended in 1982.

### Blackheath

Blackheath is often called *Blackheath Village* to distinguish it from Blackheath in south east London. The settlement appears in the *Domesday Book* as *Blacheatfeld*. Blackheath as a hundred (not marked on its Surrey map, which shows only *Domesday* manors), an administrative area, where local leaders met about once a month. Blackheath is architecturally a Victorian heathland settlement with pioneering Arts and Crafts movement buildings by Harrison Townsend. Its church, which has remarkable stained glass (see Landmarks) is a listed building. It is a lightly wooded east–west lineal settlement in the elevated, wooded heath. St Martin's church, built in 1893 based upon the design of an Italian wayside chapel, contains some wall painting from 1894/5 by the American artist Anna Lea Merritt.

### Shamley Green

> Shamley Green has a number of thriving social organisations including the Village Association, History Society and Gardening Club.
> Wonersh Parish Council

Shamley Green is a village part of the Surrey Hills Area of Outstanding Natural Beauty between Wonersh and Cranleigh. It is bordered on the east by Blackheath and in the west by Cranleigh Waters. Blackheath is separated by farmland and footpaths in Reelhall Hill and Woodhill. Two 300m footpaths, traversing Lordshill Common, connect the middle of the village to The Wey South Path from Guildford to Cranleigh which was historically the Cranleigh Railway Line.

The parish church of Christ Church, Shamley Green, was completed in 1864, initially as a daughter church of the Wonersh parish. The adjacent Old Vicarage, now a private home, was built for the first vicar, the Reverend Edgar Bowring.

Two areas of public open space in the village include the Cricket Green that hosts occasional summer fairs. The Red Lion and the Bricklayers Arms are pubs in the village. There are several shops and there are schools. Shamley Green Conservation Area contains 22 listed buildings with 10 others on the village outskirts. Shamley Green is a 5 ha (12-acre) area of common land, the majority of which is owned by the parish council. The area is predominantly open grassland and part of it is used as a cricket pitch. None of the buildings in Shamley Green are graded Grade I or II\*.

In 2013, BBC Two featured the village in the *Horizon* episode *The Secret Life of the Cat*, stating that Shamley Green has the highest density feline population in the United Kingdom.

### Willinghurst Copses forming the west of Winterfold Forest and Heath

This forested area of the southeast adjoins Winterfold Forest. In its middle is Willingshurst House, an 1887 Arts and Crafts property by Philip Webb, sometimes called the father of arts and crafts and son of commercial and residential buildings architect Sir Aston Webb. Spring Wood, The Shaws, The Ball; Madgehole, South, Great, Dean, Pithouse, Rock and Lapscombe Copses are the names for sections of the forest. A car park is on top of Winterfold Heath on the Cranleigh parish boundary in the middle of the southern Winterfold Heath section.

South of the main forest is a series of 11 woodland lakes – one is large enough to allow boats – used for fishing and woodland walks.

## Landmarks

Wonersh Conservation Area contains 27 listed buildings – at least ten of which are early and late Tudor period – however none in the highest Grade I category. Just north of the village centre however is the only Grade I listed building, moated Great Tangley Manor.

### The Dower House

Architecturally Grade II\*-listed the Dower House is the largest building on a long residential lane off Cranleigh Road, Barnett Lane at the end east of the street. In 1710 most all of its exterior was built – the date of foundations and chimneys is uncertain – in red brick with plain hipped tiles and five 12-pane glazing bar sash windows to its first floor. Its architectural features represent typical authentic Queen Anne style architecture.

### Wonersh Court

At the opposite end of The Street behind a large listed entrance arch, are eight courtyard townhouses, the original stables and parade ring to the demolished mansion Wonersh Park, converted and divided in 1745–1759 by the owner Sir Fletcher Norton, first Lord Grantley. Red and brown brick with some blue brick headers in arches over windows, painted weatherboard to first floor of rear (south) range. Architecturally the building is Grade II-listed.

### Great Tangley Manor

In the 15th century a hall house core was built on its motte that remains in the very core of the manor, but its main portion was built by Richard Caryll in 1584. Wickham Flower employed Philip Webb to restore and extend the house in 1884 and in 1906 Colonel Hegan Kennard employed Inigo Thomas to build the north wing.

Set a few metres above a narrow square moat, Great Tangley Manor has been well preserved and has been made the subject of many paintings as have its garden and lily pond, well described and illustrated. A long entrance tunnel added by Philip Webb, with one sandstone and brick wall and open timber 12-bay arcade on the other, crosses the moat. This medieval and Elizabethan building is Grade I listed and has Victorian gardens. The main front facing south-east is decorative timber frame with whitewashed render infill and remainder is brick and whitewashed extensions on the south wing, ashlar ground floor and roughcast above on rounded north wing.

### Barnett Hill

Architecturally Grade II\*-listed Barnett Hill's social history is described in History, its architect was Arnold Mitchell who chose an expensive and ornate masonry Carolean style. Purple/brown bricks with red brick and yellow stone dressings form its walls. Roofing consists of hipped plain tiled several roof slopes over a wooden eaves cornice around its roof, incorporating dormer windows. Spread over three above ground floors the venue is on a short H-shaped plan with a long service wing in an identical style. Ground floor windows have 24 panes each and keystone lintels. In the angles between wings are square turrets and a recessed range under copper ogee domes with spherical finials.

### Christ Church, Shamley Green

Christ Church is towards the end of the main street (B road) towards Cranleigh in the south of Shamley Green and is a Grade II listed building. The churchyard is the resting pace of television presenter Tony Hart who lived in the village for more than 40 years.

### St Martin's Church Blackheath

Colourful stained glass and imposing arches are in Blackheath's Grade II-listed church, St Martin's, which is its only listed building. The murals are by the American artist Anna Lea Merritt.

### Chinthurst Hill

A 1930s folly tower tops this 397-foot (121-metre above sea level) knoll. Surrey Wildlife Trust manage the hill's woodland and tower. It is the 31st highest hill in the county and a stand-alone outcrop of the Greensand Ridge which restarts in parishes east and west on its course from Hampshire to Kent.

## Transport

The main road through Wonersh is the B2128, which links the village to Shamley Green, Cranleigh and Guildford. The nearest railway station is Shalford railway station on the Reading to Gatwick Airport via Guildford Line.

## Education

* Shamley Green Montessori Pre-School, closed around 2017
* Wonersh Preschool
* Wonersh and Shamley Green C of E Primary School
* Longacre School, ages 2–11 (independent)

## Other notable residents

* William Howard Seth-Smith III (1852–1928), architect, born in the hamlet of Tangley
* Tony Hart (1925–2009), artist and TV presenter, lived in Shamley Green for more than 40 years.
* The Irish actor Max Adrian died in Shamley Green in 1973.

Notes References  1. Key Statistics; Quick Statistics: Population Density United Kingdom Census 2011 *Office for National Statistics* Retrieved 21 November 2013
2. H. E. Malden, ed. (1911). "Parishes: Wonersh". *A History of the County of Surrey: Volume 3*. Institute of Historical Research. Retrieved 30 October 2012.
3. E. Ekwall, *The Concise Oxford Dictionary of English Place-Names* (3rd Edn), (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1947), p. 505.
4. Four page manuscript in the Cowie Collection Location: Library of the Surrey Archaeological Society, Castle Arch, Guildford see Catalogue
5. St John the Baptist – Grade II\* listing Historic England. "Details from listed building database (1241510)". *National Heritage List for England*. Retrieved 2 November 2012.
6. Wonersh Mill Historic England. "Details from listed building database (1389457)". *National Heritage List for England*. Retrieved 2 November 2012.
Wonersh Millhouse Historic England. "Details from listed building database (1241296)". *National Heritage List for England*. Retrieved 2 November 2012.
7. Samuel Lewis, ed. (1848). "Wombleton – Woodbury". *A Topographical Dictionary of England*. Institute of Historical Research. Retrieved 2 November 2012.
8. H.E. Malden (ed.), 'Parishes: Wonersh', *A History of the County of Surrey* (VCH): Volume 3 (1911), pp. 121–127.
9. Wonersh main menu – Wonersh Parish Council re three greens.
10. Waverley Borough Council – Wonersh Conservation Area main menu
11. Barnett Hill House – Sundial Events
12. Barnett Hill House – Grade II\* listing Historic England. "Details from listed building database (1241148)". *National Heritage List for England*. Retrieved 2 November 2012.
13. Grid reference Finder measurement tools
14. Surrey Wildlife Trust
15. Map created by Ordnance Survey, courtesy of English Heritage
16. Natural England – Geodiversity Archived 2 October 2013 at the Wayback Machine
17. Cranfield University National Soil Resources Institute
18. Surrey County Council collated census statistics
19. Shamley Green main menu – Wonersh Parish Council
20. Wonersh Players
21. Wonersh Church
22. St John's Seminary
23. Blackheath village website
24. Surrey *Domesday Book* Archived 15 July 2007 at the Wayback Machine
25. Blackheath Conservation Area
26. "History". *Shamley Green Church and Parish*. Retrieved 14 May 2023.
27. Joyner, Lisa. "Former Victorian vicarage with eight bedrooms for sale in Surrey". *House Beautiful*. Retrieved 14 May 2023.
28. Shamley Green Conservation Area
29. "Shamley Green Commons Enhancement & Management Plan" (PDF). Wonersh Parish Council. May 2011. Retrieved 4 October 2023.
30. "BBC Two - Horizon, 2012-2013, The Secret Life of the Cat". *BBC*.
31. "Secret life of the cat: What do our feline companions get up to?". Science & Environment. BBC News. 12 June 2013. Retrieved 1 August 2015.
32. Historic England. "Details from listed building database (1241361)". *National Heritage List for England*. Retrieved 2 November 2012.
33. Conservation Area Map – Wonersh
34. Dower House Historic England. "Details from listed building database (1241146)". *National Heritage List for England*. Retrieved 2 November 2012.
35. Wonersh Court – apartments Historic England. "Details from listed building database (1241348)". *National Heritage List for England*. Retrieved 2 November 2012.
36. Great Tangley Manor / Great Tangley Manor West, one building Historic England. "Details from listed building database (1241348)". *National Heritage List for England*. Retrieved 2 November 2012.
37. Christ Church – Grade II listing Historic England. "Details from listed building database (1241153)". *National Heritage List for England*. Retrieved 2 November 2012.
38. "Funeral for TV artist Tony Hart". *BBC News*. 29 January 2009. Retrieved 26 March 2010.
39. Blackheath: Church of St Martin Historic England. "Details from listed building database (1241151)". *National Heritage List for England*. Retrieved 2 November 2012.
40. Stained Glass Windows at St. Martin, Blackheath, Surrey
41. Database of British and Irish Hills Retrieved 6 March 2015
42. "Blackheath · Shamley Green · Wonersh : Village design statement" (PDF). Wonersh Parish Council. 2005. p. 5. Retrieved 4 October 2023.

Media related to Wonersh at Wikimedia Commons

### Shamley Green

### Blackheath

## InfoBox

| Wonersh | |
| --- | --- |
| Village and civil parish | |
| Wonersh Village Stores and The Street | |
| Part of the village and Surrey Hills AONB | |
| WonershLocation within Surrey | |
| Area | 17.18 km2 (6.63 sq mi) |
| Population | 3,412 (Civil Parish 2011) |
| Density | 199/km2 (520/sq mi) |
| OS grid reference | TQ016453 |
| Civil parish | * **Wonersh** |
| District |  |
| Shire county |  |
| Region |  |
| Country | England |
| Sovereign state | United Kingdom |
| Post town | Guildford |
| Postcode district | GU5 |
| Dialling code | 01483 |
|  | |
| Police | Surrey |
| Fire | Surrey |
| Ambulance | South East Coast |
|  | |
| UK Parliament |  |
|


title: Woolshed, Queensland

abstract: Woolshed is a rural locality in the City of Ipswich, Queensland, Australia. In the 2021 census, Woolshed had a population of 8 people.

text:
# Woolshed, Queensland

**Woolshed** is a rural locality in the City of Ipswich, Queensland, Australia. In the 2021 census, Woolshed had a population of 8 people.

## Geography

Woolshed is west of Ipswich.

Unlike other places in City of Ipswich, Woolshed lies within the Lockyer Creek catchment, not the Bremer River catchment. Most of the terrain is sloped as Woolshed occupies a section of the Little Liverpool Range. The area is undeveloped with few roads and little land clearing undertaken.

The Woolshed Creek Reserve was established in Woolshed as part of the Ipswich Enviroplan to preserve habitat suitable for koalas.

## Demographics

In the 2016 census, Woolshed had a population of 5 people.

In the 2021 census, Woolshed had a population of 8 people.

## InfoBox

| Woolshed
Ipswich, Queensland | |
| --- | --- |
| Woolshed | |
| Coordinates | 27°35′53″S 152°30′07″E / 27.5980°S 152.5019°E / -27.5980; 152.5019 (Woolshed (centre of locality)) |
| Population | 8 (2021 census) |
| • Density | 0.70/km2 (1.80/sq mi) |
| Postcode(s) | 4340 |
| Area | 11.5 km2 (4.4 sq mi) |
| Time zone | AEST (UTC+10:00) |
| LGA(s) | City of Ipswich |
| State electorate(s) | Ipswich West |
| Federal division(s) | Blair |
| **Suburbs around Woolshed:**  Hatton Vale Hatton Vale Tallegalla  Summerholm Woolshed The Bluff  Summerholm Grandchester Calvert | |


title: Woodworth, Ohio

abstract: Woodworth is an unincorporated community and census-designated place in northern Beaver Township, Mahoning County, Ohio, United States. The population was 1,784 at the 2020 census. It lies along State Routes 7 and 626, bordering the communities of Boardman to the north and North Lima to the south. It is part of the Youngstown–Warren metropolitan area.

text:
# Woodworth, Ohio

**Woodworth** is an unincorporated community and census-designated place in northern Beaver Township, Mahoning County, Ohio, United States. The population was 1,784 at the 2020 census. It lies along State Routes  and 626, bordering the communities of Boardman to the north and North Lima to the south. It is part of the Youngstown–Warren metropolitan area.

## History

Woodworth was originally called Steamtown. A post office called Steamtown was in operation from 1857 until 1860 and a post office called Woodworth from 1874 until 1905.

## Demographics

Historical population
| Census | Pop. | Note |  |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| 2020 | 1,784 |  |  |
| U.S. Decennial Census | | | |

## InfoBox

| Woodworth, Ohio | |
| --- | --- |
| Census-designated place | |
| Location of Woodworth in Mahoning County and in the State of Ohio | |
| Coordinates: 40°58′40″N 80°39′17″W / 40.97778°N 80.65472°W / 40.97778; -80.65472 | |
| Country | United States |
| State | Ohio |
| County | Mahoning |
| Township | Beaver |
| Area | |
| Total | 3.14 sq mi (8.14 km2) |
| Land | 3.09 sq mi (7.99 km2) |
| Water | 0.05 sq mi (0.14 km2) |
| Elevation | 1,125 ft (343 m) |
| Population (2020) | |
| Total | 1,784 |
| Density | 577.91/sq mi (223.15/km2) |
| Time zone | UTC-5 (Eastern (EST)) |
| Summer (DST) | UTC-4 (EDT) |
| ZIP code | 44452 |
| Area code(s) | 330, 234 |
| FIPS code | 39-86534 |
| GNIS feature ID | 2812829 |