title: Metasia cuencalis

abstract: Metasia cuencalis is a species of moth in the family Crambidae. It is found in France, Spain and Portugal, as well as in North Africa, including Morocco. The wingspan is about 20 mm.

text:
# Metasia cuencalis

***Metasia cuencalis*** is a species of moth in the family Crambidae. It is found in France, Spain and Portugal, as well as in North Africa, including Morocco.

The wingspan is about 20 mm.

## Subspecies

These two subspecies belong to the species *Metasia cuencalis*:

* *Metasia cuencalis bourgognei* Leraut, 2001
* *Metasia cuencalis cuencalis*

## InfoBox

| *Metasia cuencalis* | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
|
| Scientific classification | |
| Domain: | Eukaryota |
| Kingdom: | Animalia |
| Phylum: | Arthropoda |
| Class: | Insecta |
| Order: | Lepidoptera |
| Family: | Crambidae |
| Subfamily: | Spilomelinae |
| Genus: | *Metasia* |
| Species: | ***M. cuencalis*** |
| Binomial name | |
| ***Metasia cuencalis***<br>Ragonot, 1894 | |
|
| Synonyms | |
| * *Metasia cuencalis bourgognei* P. Leraut, 2001 * *Metasia cuencalis goundafalis* Zerny, 1935 | |


title: Lose All Time

abstract: Lose All Time is the second album from Vancouver's You Say Party and the first for their new label Paper Bag Records who released it on March 20, 2007. "Downtown Mayors Goodnight, Alley Kids Rule!" reached #1 on CBC Radio 3's R3-30 chart the week of June 7, 2007. The vinyl release of Lose All Time was released by Paper Bag Records in July 2007. There were only 300 copies in Europe and 300 copies in North America ever produced.

text:
# Lose All Time

Professional ratings
| Review scores | |
| --- | --- |
| Source | Rating |
| AbsolutePunk.net | (85%) link |
| Allmusic | link |
| Pitchfork Media | (6.8/10) link |
| This Is Fake DIY | link |

***Lose All Time*** is the second album from Vancouver's You Say Party (formerly You Say Party! We Say Die!) and the first for their new label Paper Bag Records who released it on March 20, 2007.

"Downtown Mayors Goodnight, Alley Kids Rule!" reached #1 on CBC Radio 3's *R3-30* chart the week of June 7, 2007.

The vinyl release of Lose All Time was released by Paper Bag Records in July 2007. There were only 300 copies in Europe and 300 copies in North America ever produced.

## UK Track listing

1. Five Year Plan (3:19)
2. Downtown Mayors Goodnight, Alley Kids Rule! (2:29)
3. Opportunity (3:44)
4. Teenage Hit Wonder (2:38)
5. Monster (3:38)
6. Like I Give A Care (3:17)
7. Poison (2:40)
8. Moon (2:55)
9. Giant Hands (3:25)
10. You're Almost There (4:01)
11. Dancefloor Destroyer (3:14)
12. Midnight Snake (UK Bonus Recording) (3:29)
13. Quiet World (22:52)
14. Quit it (23:34)

## North American Track listing

1. Five Year Plan (3:19)
2. Downtown Mayors Goodnight, Alley Kids Rule! (2:29)
3. Opportunity (3:44)
4. Teenage Hit Wonder (2:38)
5. Monster (3:38)
6. Like I Give A Care (3:17)
7. Poison (2:40)
8. Moon (2:55)
9. Giant Hands (3:25)
10. Dancefloor Destroyer (3:14)
11. You're Almost There (4:01)
12. Quiet World (22:52)

(There is an error in the track listing of the North American version. Dancefloor Destroyer and You're Almost There are named in the track listing incorrectly.)

## Japan Track listing

1. Quiet World (3:30)
2. Five Year Plan (3:19)
3. Downtown Mayors Goodnight, Alley Kids Rule! (2:29)
4. Monster (3:38)
5. Teenage Hit Wonder (2:38)
6. Poison (2:40)
7. Giant Hands (3:25)
8. Machine Legs (Japan Bonus Track) (1:35)
9. Moon (2:55)
10. Dancefloor Destroyer (3:14)
11. You're Almost There (4:01)
12. Opportunity (3:44)
13. Like I Give A Care (3:17)
14. Midnight Snake (3:30)

1. Monster (Bonus Enhanced Music Video)

## InfoBox

| Lose All Time | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Studio album by You Say Party | |
| Released | 20 March 2007 |
| Genre | Indie rock/Dance-punk |
| Label | Paper Bag Records |
| Producer | Shawn Cole |
| You Say Party chronology | |
| *Hit the Floor!*
(2005) ***Lose All Time***
(2007) *Remik's Cube*
(2008) | |


title: WDJZ (Connecticut)

abstract: WDJZ was a radio station broadcasting a world ethnic format. Licensed to Bridgeport, Connecticut, United States, it served the Bridgeport area. The station was owned by People's Broadcast Network. WDJZ went on the air April 30, 1977. The station was initially owned by road paving and construction executive Frank "Hi-Ho" Daddario and referred to itself on the air as "The Hi-Ho Spot On Your Dial". Daddario also owned the Hotel Hi-Ho. When he purchased a mall in downtown Bridgeport, he renamed it the "Hi Ho Center". His brother, Emilio Q. Daddario represented Connecticut in Congress and lost the Connecticut gubernatorial election of 1970. Daddario died in a plane crash in 1986. WDJZ was the first affiliate of the MOR Music Of Your Life format in the late 1970s. In late January 2008, John Labarca began to broadcast his Italian program on Sunday mornings. Labarca used to host the weekday morning drive show and the "Italian House Party" on competitor WICC. WDJZ went silent on February 1, 2016, after losing its transmitter site; by August, People's Broadcast Network had put the station up for sale. The station's license was canceled on February 2, 2017. Many of programs previously heard on WDJZ would return to the air in June 2016 on WNLK.

text:
# WDJZ (Connecticut)

**WDJZ** (1530 AM) was a radio station broadcasting a world ethnic format. Licensed to Bridgeport, Connecticut, United States, it served the Bridgeport area. The station was owned by People's Broadcast Network.

WDJZ went on the air April 30, 1977. The station was initially owned by road paving and construction executive Frank "Hi-Ho" Daddario and referred to itself on the air as "The Hi-Ho Spot On Your Dial". Daddario also owned the Hotel Hi-Ho. When he purchased a mall in downtown Bridgeport, he renamed it the "Hi Ho Center". His brother, Emilio Q. Daddario represented Connecticut in Congress and lost the Connecticut gubernatorial election of 1970. Daddario died in a plane crash in 1986. WDJZ was the first affiliate of the MOR Music Of Your Life format in the late 1970s.

In late January 2008, John Labarca began to broadcast his Italian program on Sunday mornings. Labarca used to host the weekday morning drive show and the "Italian House Party" on competitor WICC.

WDJZ went silent on February 1, 2016, after losing its transmitter site; by August, People's Broadcast Network had put the station up for sale. The station's license was canceled on February 2, 2017. Many of programs previously heard on WDJZ would return to the air in June 2016 on WNLK.

## InfoBox

WDJZ
|  | |
| --- | --- |
| Broadcast area | Bridgeport, Connecticut |
| Frequency | 1530 kHz |
| Programming | |
| Format | Defunct |
| Ownership | |
| Owner | People's Broadcast Network, LLC |
| History | |
| First air date | April 30, 1977 |
| Last air date | February 1, 2016 |
| Technical information | |
| Facility ID | 8516 |
| Class | D |
| Power | 5,000 watts (daytime only) |
| Transmitter coordinates | 41°10′9.3″N 73°13′12.4″W / 41.169250°N 73.220111°W / 41.169250; -73.220111 |


title: Tritonoranella ranelloides

abstract: Tritonoranella ranelloides is a species of sea snail, a marine gastropod mollusc in the family Bursidae, the frog shells.

text:
# Tritonoranella ranelloides

***Tritonoranella ranelloides*** is a species of sea snail, a marine gastropod mollusc in the family Bursidae, the frog shells.

## Distribution

This species occurs in European waters, the Caribbean Sea and the Gulf of Mexico; and off South Africa, the Philippines and Japan.

## Description

The maximum recorded shell length of *Tritonoranella ranelloides tenuisculpta* is 75 mm.

## Habitat

Minimum recorded depth of *Tritonoranella ranelloides tenuisculpta* is 30 m. Maximum recorded depth is 250 m.

* Nordsieck, F. (1975). Conchiglie delle Isole Canarie. Parte 2. La Conchiglia. 75-76: 3–7, 22.
* Penna-Neme, L. & Leme, J.L.M. (1978). Novas espéces e novas ocorréncias de gastrópodos marinhos na costa Brasiliera (Prosobranchia, Neogastropoda). Papéis Avulsos de Zoologia. 31(18): 283-297
* Kosuge S. (1979) *Report on the Mollusca on guyots from the Central Pacific collected by the 2nd and 3rd cruises of R/V Kaiyomaru in 1972 to 73 with descriptions of twelve new species.* Bulletin of the Institute of Malacology, Tokyo 1(2): 24–35, pls 5–6. \[30 November 1979\] page(s): 31, pl. 5 fig. 5, pl. 6 fig. 23
* Gofas, S.; Le Renard, J.; Bouchet, P. (2001). Mollusca, in: Costello, M.J. et al. (Ed.) (2001). *European register of marine species: a check-list of the marine species in Europe and a bibliography of guides to their identification.* Collection Patrimoines Naturels, 50: pp. 180–213
* Rosenberg, G., F. Moretzsohn, and E. F. García. 2009. *Gastropoda (Mollusca) of the Gulf of Mexico*, Pp. 579–699 in Felder, D.L. and D.K. Camp (eds.), Gulf of Mexico–Origins, Waters, and Biota. Biodiversity. Texas A&M Press, College Station, Texas.

## InfoBox

| *Tritonoranella ranelloides* | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| *Tritonoranella ranelloides* shell | |
|
| Scientific classification | |
| Domain: | Eukaryota |
| Kingdom: | Animalia |
| Phylum: | Mollusca |
| Class: | Gastropoda |
| Subclass: | Caenogastropoda |
| Order: | Littorinimorpha |
| Family: | Bursidae |
| Genus: | *Tritonoranella* |
| Species: | ***T. ranelloides*** |
| Binomial name | |
| ***Tritonoranella ranelloides***<br>(Reeve, 1844) | |
|
| Synonyms | |
| * *Bursa (Bufonariella) ranelloides* (Reeve, 1844) * *Bursa (Bufonariella) ranelloides ranelloides* (Reeve, 1844) * *Bursa (Bufonariella) ranelloides tenuisculpta* Dautzenberg & H. Fischer, 1906 · * *Bursa (Colubrellina) benvegnuae* Penna-Neme & Leme, 1978 * *Bursa (Colubrinella) canarica* Nordsieck, 1975 * *Bursa (Colubrellina) ranelloides ranelloides* (Reeve, L.A., 1844) * *Bursa (Lampas) ranelloides* (Reeve, 1844) * *Bursa (Lampas) ranelloides var. tenuigranosa* Dautzenberg & Fischer, 1906 * *Bursa benvegnuae* Penna-Neme & Leme, 1978 · * *Bursa finlayi* McGinty, 1962 * *Bursa pygmaea* Kosuge, 1979 * *Bursa ranelloides* (Reeve, 1844) * *Bursa ranelloides ranelloides* (Reeve, 1844) * *Bursa ranelloides tenuisculpta* Dautzenberg & H. Fischer, 1906 * *Bursa tenuisculpta* Dautzenberg & H. Fischer, 1906 * *Ranella ranelloides* (Reeve, 1844) * *Simpulum papillosum* A. Adams, 1870 * *Triton ranelloides* Reeve, 1844 | |


title: Film censorship in South Korea

abstract: At various points in South Korea's history, the social influence of film prompted the government to place strict regulations setting out guidelines that films must follow in order to be viewed by the public. There are two major periods where film censorship strongly impacted the growth of the film industry in South Korea: the period of colonial Korea under Japanese rule and the period of military dictatorship in the mid-twentieth century, when the film industry was heavily surveilled. During these two periods, filmmakers were barred from freely expressing their creativity, thoughts, and ideas, some believe these restrictions led to the decline of the film industry in South Korea.

text:
# Film censorship in South Korea

At various points in South Korea's history, the social influence of film prompted the government to place strict regulations setting out guidelines that films must follow in order to be viewed by the public. There are two major periods where film censorship strongly impacted the growth of the film industry in South Korea: the period of colonial Korea under Japanese rule (Japanese occupation) and the period of military dictatorship in the mid-twentieth century, when the film industry was heavily surveilled. During these two periods, filmmakers were barred from freely expressing their creativity, thoughts, and ideas, some believe these restrictions led to the decline of the film industry in South Korea.

## Film censorship in Colonial Korea under Japanese rule

Film was introduced to Korea during the Chosun dynasty (1897–1910), and it quickly became a predominant form of media. The beginning of the Japanese occupation in 1910 saw the commencement of censorship laws categorically meant to protect the image of the Japanese empire. Also, films that dissuaded war-related objectives or praised America were forbidden. Laws introduced in this period included the Motion Picture Censorship Regulation and the Chosun Motion Picture Law.

**The Motion Picture Censorship Regulation includes:**

1. All foreign and domestic films need consent before being televised
2. Japanese police must be present for screenings

**The Chosun Motion Picture Law includes:**

1. Precondition to obtain license in the film industry
2. Preliminary restraint of films
3. Punishment for non-observance of the law

The major impetus for establishing such laws was to strengthen control of the public since such media were excellent vehicles to influence its viewers. They required filmmakers not to tarnish the image of the Japanese Empire nor praise their enemy, in order to prevent any form of doubt on the Japanese paramountcy. They closed down several Korean film production companies and banned some films that were unfavorable to the Japanese Empire.

**Major films influenced by censorship:**

* *Bloody Horse* (1928) directed by Hong Kae-myung
* *Imjaeobtneun naleutbae* (The Ownerless Ferry Boat) (1932) directed by Lee Kyu-hwan

## Film censorship under the new military regime

Film censorship had a severe impact on the South Korean film industry during the depression period between 1973 and 1992. During this period, film censorship was strongly enforced under the military regime by Park Chung Hee and Chun Doo Hwan. Prior to 1987, the government enacted the First Motion Picture Law to take control of the film industry. This law did not allow the industry to freely produce a movie if the contents did not meet their criteria. President Park Chung Hee established the Motion Picture Promotion Corporation (MPPC) to support the film industry. However, Park's main purpose was to prevent any antigovernmental sentiment from being featured in movies.

**Elements of MPPC:**

1. License system
2. Import quotas to set a limitation on the number of films to be produced
3. Strong censorship

The filmmakers could only depict the positive side of Korean society. Thus, the resulting films were not always able to be genuine expressions of the filmmakers' true visions, which precipitated a quality decline. The filmmakers continuously pushed the government to amend their censorship laws in order to promote freedom of expression, but the attempts were futile due to unyielding political influence. This is considered the main contributor to the decline of South Korea's film industry.

## Past

Government censorship has a history with Korean cinema. In 1907, the inspector general created the security law, which stated that anything that is performed in public can be regulated and controlled by the government. When Korea was under Japanese rule, censorship was more strongly regulated. The Governor-General of Korea made an activity regulation committee in 1920 and performance regulation rules in 1922. Many movies were censored during this period of time. *Across the Tumen River* was allowed to be released after the deletion of some scenes and changing the movie's name to *To Find Love*. *Ben-Hur* had been issued because the silent-firm narrator encouraged national consciousness.

In 1960, after the April Revolution, the national movie ethic committee was founded. It was the very first public organization that evaluated movies without government watch. As a result, *Aimless Bullet* and *A Coachman*, two films about national consciousness, could be played in the theater. After the 5.16 military takeover, a military government emerged and amended the constitution. The amendment stated that for public morals and social ethics, the government can censor movies or entertainment. After the amendment, *Aimless Bullet* was pulled from theaters because the state interpreted one line in the movie, "Let's go," to mean "Let's go to the north." During that period, the anti-communism law allowed for the Central Intelligence Agency to arrest people, which was cited in the arrest of Man-hee Lee, the director of *Seven Women Prisoners*. They stated that he described the North Korean Army as good and cool. They released him under the condition that he make a film that exposed anti-communist ideals, which is why he made *Soldier Without Service Number*. They arrested him again because he cast an attractive man to be in the North Korean army. During this period of time, all the movies that were made had to pass two different government censorship checks, one before and one after filming. More than 80% of movies had to be revised prior to filming. For example, in *Fool’s March,* many parts of the script had to be deleted before the film was even made, resulting in the deletion of half an hour of the film.

After South Korea opened the Olympics in 1988, it became viable to import the movies about communism and the censorship policies for eroticism were reduced, but not many things did not change. In September 1996, 10 minutes of the movie *Crash* directed by David Cronenberg were deleted, which led to great shame at the Busan International Film Festival. One month later, The Constitutional Court ruled that the censorship was unconstitutional. Following that rule, the movie laws had to be changed, and the Korea Media Rating Board was founded. They also made an additional rating level over R rating reserved for movies that cannot be shown in regular movie theaters and can only be shown in designated unrated theaters, which do not exist in Korea. This means that filmmakers have to delete certain scenes in order for their films to receive an R rating. Even though the Korea Movie Rating Board does not have the power to regulate the scenes in the movies, they can imply that the moviemakers need to censor the movies in order for the film to be shown.

## Present

In recent years, sexual scenes have been a major issue that sets filmmakers against the Media Rating Board. Pubic hair and male or female genitalia are prohibited on the screen, unless they are digitally blurred. In rare cases, extreme violence, obscene language, or certain portrayals of drug use may become an issue. South Korea has 5 different levels of rating systems: G, PG-12, PG-15, R-18 and Restricted Rate. These are ruled by the Presidential Decree. The first movie that was rated as restricted was *Yellow Hair*. The fact that it received the restricted rate made people watch this movie more than usual. It was rejected in early 1999 before being rated an 18+ rate on its second application, after a sex scene between two women and one man was partially cut and digitally altered. The movie *Lies* sued the Movie Rating Board for a restricted rating to the Constitutional Court, and it ruled that the reservation rate was unconstitutional. They changed from the reservation rate to Restricted Rate. It was not different from the reservation rate, because the Board made restricted rate movie theaters afterwards; they all went bankrupt or shut down. The movies that received an R-rating lost their place to be shown. The movie *I Saw the Devil* (2010) could be shown at the theater only after the deletion of one and half minutes.

The 2014 film *The Interview* was banned in South Korea because it depicts criticizing and killing the North Korean leader Kim Jong-un. Although it was available in black markets, in 2015, a North Korean defector sent unlicensed copies of the film via a helium balloon into the DMZ.

Lee Jang-ho stated that most of his films had been exhibited following rounds of blue pencil censoring, although he attempted not to be aware of censorship even before and throughout filming.


title: Theodoros Stamos

abstract: Theodoros Stamos was a Greek-American painter. He is one of the youngest painters of the original group of abstract expressionist painters, which included Jackson Pollock, Willem de Kooning and Mark Rothko. His later years were negatively affected by his involvement with the Rothko case.

text:
# Theodoros Stamos

**Theodoros Stamos** (Greek: Θεόδωρος Στάμος) (December 31, 1922  February 2, 1997) was a Greek-American painter. He is one of the youngest painters of the original group of abstract expressionist painters (the so-called "Irascibles"), which included Jackson Pollock, Willem de Kooning and Mark Rothko. His later years were negatively affected by his involvement with the Rothko case.

## Biography

Stamos was one of the original and youngest Abstract Expressionist artists working in New York City in the 1940s and 50s. He was born on Manhattan's Lower East Side to Greek immigrant parents; his mother was from Sparta, and his father was raised in Lefkada. As a teenager, he won a scholarship to the American Artists School, where he studied sculpture with Simon Kennedy and Joseph Konzal. His instructor Joseph Solman, who was a member of the group The Ten, became a mentor to Stamos. At Solman's urging, Stamos visited Alfred Stieglitz's influential An American Place Gallery, where he encountered the work of Arthur Dove and Georgia O'Keeffe, among others. During this period, the late 1930s and early 1940s, Stamos held a variety of odd jobs: printer, florist, hat-blocker, and book salesman. Through one job, at Herbert Benevy's Gramercy Art frame shop on East 18th Street, he met members of the European avant-garde, including Arshile Gorky and Fernand Léger.

In 1943, when Stamos was 21 years old, prominent dealer Betty Parsons gave him a solo exhibition at her Wakefield Gallery and Bookshop. Parsons became an important ally and connection to the contemporary New York art world; Stamos would show regularly with her until 1957. By the mid-1940s, his career was becoming well established—he exhibited at the Whitney Museum annually from 1945 to 1951, at the Carnegie Institute and the Art Institute of Chicago in 1947, and at the Museum of Modern Art in 1948. Also during this period, Stamos’ work began attracting the attention of collectors. The Museum of Modern art purchased Stamos’ *Sounds in the Rock* in 1946. And Edward Wales Root, who became both a supporter of Stamos’ career and a benefactor of the Munson-Williams-Proctor Institute, bought the first of many paintings from the artist in 1945.

The artist’s paintings from the 1940s combine muted earth-toned colors with biomorphic imagery, suggesting geologic shapes or inchoate organic forms. This dovetails with Stamos’ interest in natural history; as artist Barnett Newman observed in the introduction to Stamos’ 1947 exhibition with Betty Parsons Gallery, “His ideographs capture the moment of totemic affinity with the rock and the mushroom, the crayfish and the seaweed. He re-defines the pastoral experience as one of participation with the inner life of the natural phenomenon.”

During the late 1940s he became a member of *The Irascible Eighteen,* a group of abstract painters who protested the Metropolitan Museum of Art's policy towards American painting of the 1940s and who posed for a famous picture in 1950; members of the group considered as the 'first generation' of abstract expressionists included: Willem de Kooning, Adolph Gottlieb, Ad Reinhardt, Hedda Sterne, Richard Pousette-Dart, William Baziotes, Jimmy Ernst, Jackson Pollock, James Brooks, Clyfford Still, Robert Motherwell, Bradley Walker Tomlin, Theodoros Stamos, Barnett Newman, and Mark Rothko. These artists are part of the New York School and they were referred to as *The Irascibles* in an article featured in an issue of *Life* where the infamous Nina Leen photograph was published.

Around 1950, Stamos began exploring a new approach to abstraction. Inspired by East Asian aesthetics, he created his Tea House series of paintings, characterized by softly defined geometric forms painted with a limited palette and often overlaid by dark calligraphic brushwork. Later in the 1950s, Stamos worked with compositions that became increasingly reductive and simplified. He explored the use of layers of thin pigment, carefully worked, to create depth in his broad expanses of color.

Stamos traveled widely during much of his adult life. In 1947, he traveled by train to New Mexico and the Pacific Northwest. In 1948 and 49, he visited Europe, including parts of Greece, and possibly Egypt. For the next four decades, Stamos traveled widely and frequently. These trips both contributed to his aesthetic development and also provided fodder for his broad, deep intellectual interest in the world’s belief systems. Beginning in 1962, he created several long series of paintings; many of these contained sub-series. The Sun-Box series, begun in 1962, explored hard-edged geometries on flat grounds. After 1971, all of his paintings were part of the Infinity Field series. These abstractions are characterized by broad areas of color delineated by slim lines or shapes; the effect is subtle and meditative. Among the Infinity Fields are the Lefkada sub-series, inspired by the Greek island where Stamos spent much of his time from 1970 until his death.

He taught at Black Mountain College from 1950 until 1954 and from 1955 to 1975 he taught at the Art Students League of New York and the Cummington School of Fine Arts. Stamos was also a member of the Uptown Group. A year before his death he donated 43 of his works to the National Gallery of Greece. He is buried in Lefkas, Greece.

### Rothko Case

Mark Rothko chose his friend to be an executor of his estate, however this led to his involvement in the Rothko Case, a major lawsuit and scandal in the art world.

A little over a year after his suicide in 1970, Rothko's daughter sued the estate's executors, as well as the Marlborough Gallery, for waste and fraud. Over twelve years of litigation and appeals, it was revealed that many of Rothko's paintings, which had been sold or consigned by his estate to the Marlborough Gallery in Manhattan, were sold at intentionally deflated prices to favored clients while the gallery collected inflated commissions as high as 50 percent, compared with the 30 percent usually charged for an artist of his caliber; the executors, meanwhile, divided the estate's proceeds from Marlborough as their fees. Stamos willingly joined the conspiracy, and was enticed to switch his representation from the André Emmerich Gallery by a more generous contract with the Marlborough. The defendants were found guilty and fined over $9 million; Stamos paid his share of the fine by signing over his house to the Rothko estate, but he was granted life tenancy. While the case did much to enhance Rothko's reputation, it did serious damage to the reputation of both the gallery and Stamos. Another perspective on the case was published in the New York Law Journal in 1988.

Stamos never recovered as an artist. Galleries on the level of Emmerich or the pre-scandal Marlborough would not represent his work. The lack of support from top galleries gave collectors a lesser sense of security regarding the value of his work and, possibly with general assessments of his work as an artist, caused his work to be perceived as low, second-tier or third-rank Abstract Expressionism by 1998.

## Works

His *Classic Boundaries I*, an oil on canvas work (60.25 by 60 inches (153.0 cm × 152.4 cm)) from 1961 has been in the collection of the Art Institute of Chicago since 1962. Its acquisition was funded by the Mary and Leigh Block Fund for Acquisitions. *Iberian Sun Box* (69.75 by 48 inches (177.2 cm × 121.9 cm)) from 1967 is included in the Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller Empire State Plaza Art Collection in Albany, NY.

## Sources

## Further reading

* Olds, Kirsten. (2008). *Theodoros Stamos: Infinity and Beyond*. New York: Hollis Taggart Galleries. ISBN 0-9800745-1-7.
* Mattison, Robert S. (2010). *Theodoros Stamos: A Communion with Nature*. New York: Hollis Taggart Galleries. ISBN 978-0-9800745-5-0.
* Groves, Jeffrey. (2017). *Theodoros Stamos: Contemplations on the Universal*. New York: Hollis Taggart Galleries. ISBN 978-0-9985000-0-3.

## InfoBox

| Theodoros Stamos | |
| --- | --- |
| (Θεόδωρος Στάμος) | |
|  | |
| Born | (1922-12-31)December 31, 1922
New York City, New York, United States |
| Died | February 2, 1997(1997-02-02) (aged 74)
Ioannina, Greece |
| Nationality | Greek American |
| Education | American Artists School |
| Known for | Painting |
| Movement | Abstract expressionism |


title: Post office box (electricity)

abstract: The post office box was a Wheatstone bridge–style testing device with pegs and spring arms to close electrical circuits and measure properties of the circuit under test.

text:
# Post office box (electricity)

The **post office box** was a Wheatstone bridge–style testing device with pegs and spring arms to close electrical circuits and measure properties of the circuit under test.

## Resistance measurement

The boxes were used in the United Kingdom by engineers from then General Post Office, who were responsible for UK telecommunications to trace electrical faults, i.e. to determine where a break occurred in a cable which could be several miles in length. It works on the principle of Wheatstone bridge to identify the resistance of wire connected and then by using wire resistivity and cross section calculating length of wire and thus determining where the cable had broken.

Post office boxes were common pieces of scientific apparatus in the UK O-Level and A-Level schools public examination physics syllabus in the 1960s.

## Construction

A typical post office box is in a wooden box with a hinged lid and a metal or bakelite panel showing circuit connections. Coils of wire are wound non-inductively, mounted in the body of the box, and have a negligible temperature coefficient.

Pairs of ratio arms are each 5 10 20 ohms. Resistance arms contains a number of coils from 1 to 5000 ohms with a plug for infinite resistance.


title: Pristaulacus montanus

abstract: Pristaulacus montanus is a species of wasp in the family Aulacidae occurring in North America.

text:
# Pristaulacus montanus

***Pristaulacus montanus*** is a species of wasp in the family Aulacidae occurring in North America.

## Further reading

## InfoBox

| *Pristaulacus montanus* | |
| --- | --- |
|
| Scientific classification | |
| Domain: | Eukaryota |
| Kingdom: | Animalia |
| Phylum: | Arthropoda |
| Class: | Insecta |
| Order: | Hymenoptera |
| Family: | Aulacidae |
| Genus: | *Pristaulacus* |
| Species: | ***P. montanus*** |
| Binomial name | |
| ***Pristaulacus montanus***<br>(Cresson, 1879) | |
|
| Synonyms | |
| * *Pristaulacus dentatus*  Bradley, 1908 * *Pristaulacus fuscalatus*  (Bradley, 1901) | |


title: US Gorée (basketball)

abstract: Union Sportive Gorée is a basketball club based in Gorée Island, east of the city centre of Dakar. They play in the top division in Senegalese basketball, the Nationale 1. Their home arena is the Marius Ndiaye Stadium. The team president is Augustin Senghor. The club has won six national championships.

text:
# US Gorée (basketball)

**Union Sportive Gorée** is a basketball club based in Gorée Island, east of the city centre of Dakar. They play in the top division in Senegalese basketball, the Nationale 1. Their home arena is the Marius Ndiaye Stadium. The team president is Augustin Senghor. The club has won six national championships.

## History

The basketball team was created in the 1960s and was one of the second sports department established. The club was the first participant in the national championships at the time only one division, the club was the first national champion. Gorée was the fourth club to have two titles in 1985. Gorée won back to back in 1991. Their fifth was in 2000 and their sixth and recent was in 2003.

## Arena

The team plays at Marius Ndiaye Stadium in the subdivision of Sicap Liberté II in Dakar. Teams based in the city that play in the arena include AS Douanes, Dakar Rapids and Sibac.

## Honours

**Winners (6):** 1971, 1985, 1989, 1991, 2000, 2003

## InfoBox

| US Gorée | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Leagues | Nationale 1 |
| Arena | Marius Ndiaye Stadium |
| Location | Gorée Island, Dakar, Senegal |
| President | Augustin Senghor |
| Website | unionsportivegoreenne.com |
|  | |
|  | |
|  | |


title: Metin Kaşıkoğlu

abstract: Metin Kaşıkoğlu is a Turkish jurist and politician and a former member of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey for the Justice and Development Party (AKP). He is a co-founder of the Democracy and Progress Party (DEVA).

text:
# Metin Kaşıkoğlu

**Metin Kaşıkoğlu** (born 3 January 1966, Düzce) is a Turkish jurist and politician and a former member of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey for the Justice and Development Party (AKP). He is a co-founder of the Democracy and Progress Party (DEVA).

## Early life and education

He studied law at the Istanbul University following which he worked as an independent lawyer. In his early political career, he became a Member of the Municipal Council of Dücze.

## Political career

As the head of the AKP of Düzce, he supported the Mehmet Keleş during his successful candidacy to the mayorship of Düzce in 2014. He was elected to the Grand National Assembly representing the AKP for Düzce in 2002 and 2007. In January 2021 he was made a member of the Dispute Resolution Board of the DEVA party led by Ali Babacan. In reaction to the People's Democratic Party's (HDP) acknowledgement of the Armenian genocide he wished the party their extinction as well.

## Personal life

Kaşıkoğlu is married and has three children.

1. "DEVA founder targets HDP for remembering Armenian genocide: I hope you become extinct too". *www.duvarenglish.com*. 2021-04-25. Retrieved 2021-04-28.
2. "Metin Kaşıkoğlu Kimdir ? - Metin Kaşıkoğlu Hayatı ve Biyografisi". *www.haberler.com*. Retrieved 2021-04-28.
3. "2014 yerel seçim sonuçları". *Memleket* (in Turkish). Retrieved 2021-04-28.
4. "PARTİ İL SEÇİM SONUÇLARI". *secim.haberler.com*. Retrieved 2021-04-28.
5. "Düzce SEÇİM SONUÇLARI". *secim.haberler.com*. Retrieved 2021-04-28.
6. "DEVA Party's 'A Team' has been announced! Babacan appointed 5 top advisers". 11 January 2021.
7. "DEVA Partili Kaşıkçıoğlu'ndan HDP'ye: Umarım soyunuz tükenir". *www.cumhuriyet.com.tr* (in Turkish). Retrieved 2021-04-28.

## InfoBox

| Metin Kasikoglu | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Member of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey | |
| **In office**
2002–2011 | |
|  | |
| Personal details | |
| Born | 3 January 1966
Düzce |
| Political party | AKP |
| Other political
affiliations | DEVA |
| Alma mater | Istanbul University |
|  | |


title: Lotte Hedeager

abstract: Lotte Hedeager is a Danish archaeologist who is Professor of Archaeology at the University of Oslo.

text:
# Lotte Hedeager

**Lotte Hedeager** (born 24 February 1948) is a Danish archaeologist who is Professor of Archaeology at the University of Oslo.

## Biography

Lotte Hedeager was born in Copenhagen on 24 February 1948. She gained her MA in prehistoric archaeology at the University of Copenhagen in 1978, and her PhD at the University of Århus in 1990. In 1996, Hedeager was appointed Professor of Archaeology at the University of Oslo. She specializes in the study of Iron Age Scandinavia. She is a fellow of the Norwegian Academy of Science and Letters.

## Selected works

* *Iron Age Societies. From Tribe to State in Northern Europe*, 1992

## InfoBox

| Lotte Hedeager | |
| --- | --- |
| Born | (1948-02-24) 24 February 1948<br>Denmark |
| Nationality | Danish |
|  | |
| Academic background | |
| Alma mater |  |
| Academic work | |
| Discipline | Archaeology |
| Sub-discipline | Prehistoric Archaeology |
| Institutions |  |
| Main interests | Iron Age Scandinavia |
| Notable works | *Iron Age Societies. From Tribe to State in Northern Europe* (1992) |
|  | |


title: WDJW

abstract: WDJW is the call sign of the FM radio station licensed to the Somers, Connecticut Board of Education. One of only a handful of high school radio stations in the state, WDJW has served the school and the community for over 35 years. Originally operating on 105.3 MHz, WDJW moved to 89.7 in the early 1990s and has had an eclectic format consisting of student and faculty programs supplemented with the programming of WWUH from the University of Hartford.

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# WDJW

**WDJW** is the call sign of the FM radio station licensed to the Somers, Connecticut Board of Education. One of only a handful of high school radio stations in the state, WDJW has served the school and the community for over 35 years. Originally operating on 105.3 MHz, WDJW moved to 89.7 in the early 1990s and has had an eclectic format consisting of student and faculty programs supplemented with the programming of WWUH from the University of Hartford.

## History

WDJW was founded in 1979 by Somers High School sophomore Robert Child. Child approached the Somers Board of Education in early 1979 to request funding and approval and was granted sufficient funds to purchase and install the requisite equipment. The radio station was installed in a small utility room at Somers High School, and was staffed by volunteer students under the direction of Radio Station Club faculty adviser Otto Bouldwin. Child went on to a distinguished career in film and television, and is an Emmy® nominated writer and director.

In 1979, representatives of the station requested and received authorization from WTIC-AM to simulcast Boston Red Sox games to the Somers community. Formal ratings data was not available during the station launch era , but the complete listening audience was better understood when in 1980 Somers High School Administration received a petition from inmates at the Somers Maximum Security Correctional Facility to support WDJW radio. The petition was signed by hundreds of prison inmates, who apparently followed and appreciated the efforts of the volunteer student 'disc jockeys'.

The earliest Federal Communications Commission (FCC) document available on line is an "original construction permit" which was granted on June 25, 1979, authorizing construction of a station on 89.7 MHz with 10 watts of power. A License to Cover was granted on March 14, 1980. A "Major Modification" was granted by the FCC on February 28, 1983, but the on line data base does not specify any details. On December 12, 1990, a Construction Permit was granted to change the frequency to 105.3 MHz. Reportedly the Board of Education decided not to pursue this change and the next FCC database entry is a renewal on June 10, 1999, showing the frequency as 89.7 MHz.

In late 1995 WDJW's old transmitter failed for good and the station went off the air. WDJW was faced with deletion since a recent FCC rule change called for automatic deletion of any license that was off the air for one year. WWUH at the University of Hartford offered the BOE a loan of a transmitter in return for use of the WDJW signal when local programming was unavailable. WDJW went back on the air in late 1996 and moved its studios and transmitter to the new high school building in the late 1990s.

WDJW has a construction permit from the FCC to add circular polarization and correct antenna coordinates. It is licensed for 9 watts effective radiated power and the antenna is -18 meters height above average terrain.

## InfoBox

WDJW
|  | |
| --- | --- |
| Frequency | 89.7 MHz |
| Programming | |
| Format | High School Radio |
| Ownership | |
| Owner | WDJW-Somers High School |
| Technical information | |
| Licensing authority | FCC |
| Facility ID | 71340 |
| Class | D |
| ERP | 9 watts |
| HAAT | -18 meters |
| Transmitter coordinates | 41°57′43″N 72°27′49″W / 41.96194°N 72.46361°W / 41.96194; -72.46361 |
| Links | |
| Public license information |  |


title: Film censorship in the United States

abstract: Film censorship in the United States was a frequent feature of the industry almost from the beginning of the U.S. motion picture industry until the end of strong self-regulation in 1966. Court rulings in the 1950s and 1960s severely constrained government censorship, though statewide regulation lasted until at least the 1980s.

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# Film censorship in the United States

**Film censorship in the United States** was a frequent feature of the industry almost from the beginning of the U.S. motion picture industry until the end of strong self-regulation in 1966. Court rulings in the 1950s and 1960s severely constrained government censorship, though statewide regulation lasted until at least the 1980s.

## State and local censorship, from pre-code to post-code

Complaints from government authorities about film content date back at least as far as what was probably the first appearance of a woman in a motion picture in the United States, resulting in local self-censorship of the 1894 silent film *Carmencita*.

Laws authorizing censorship of film in the United States began with an 1897 Maine statute prohibiting the exhibition of prizefight films; the state enacted the statute to prevent the exhibition of the 1897 heavyweight championship between James J. Corbett and Bob Fitzsimmons. Other states followed Maine's example.

Chicago enacted the first censorship ordinance in the United States in 1907, authorizing its police chief to screen all films to determine whether they should be permitted on screens. Detroit followed with its own ordinance the same year. When upheld in a court challenge in 1909, other cities followed and Pennsylvania became the first to enact statewide censorship of movies in 1911 (though it did not fund the effort until 1914). It was soon followed by Ohio (1914), Kansas (1915), Maryland (1916), New York (1921) and, finally, Virginia (1922). Eventually, at least one hundred cities across the nation empowered local censorship boards.

In 1915, the US Supreme Court determined in *Mutual Film Corporation v. Industrial Commission of Ohio* that motion pictures were purely commerce and not an art and so not covered by the First Amendment. This left local, state, and city censorship boards no constitutional impediment to editing or banning films.

This decision was not overturned by the Supreme Court until it heard *Joseph Burstyn, Inc. v. Wilson* in 1952. Its ruling was popularly referred to as the "Miracle Decision" because it involved the short film "The Miracle", part of Roberto Rossellini's *L'Amore* anthology film (1948). The Supreme Court's ruling still allowed censorship of "obscene" films, allowing censorship boards to continue under narrower authority until the 1965 decision *Freedman v. Maryland* ruled that prior restraint of film exhibition without a court order was unconstitutional. The public exhibition of obscene films may still incur legal difficulties after the fact, under the 1973 U.S. Supreme Court *Miller v. California* decision.

Seven states formed film censorship boards that exercised prior restraint on film exhibition, which both pre-dated and outlasted the Hays Code:

Hundreds of cities also regulated motion pictures, including Atlanta, Boston, Chicago, Dallas, Detroit, and Memphis.

## Production Code

Public outcry over perceived immorality in Hollywood and the movies, as well as the growing number of city and state censorship boards, led the movie studios to fear that federal regulations were not far off; so they created, in 1922, the Motion Pictures Producers and Distributors Association (which became the Motion Picture Association of America in 1945), an industry trade and lobby organization. The association was headed by Will H. Hays, a well-connected Republican lawyer who had previously been United States Postmaster General; he derailed attempts to institute federal censorship over the movies.

In 1927, Hays compiled a list of subjects, culled from his experience with the various US censorship boards, which he felt Hollywood studios would be wise to avoid. He called this list "the formula" but it was popularly known as the "don'ts and be carefuls" list. In 1930, Hays created the Studio Relations Committee (SRC) to implement his censorship code, but the SRC lacked any real enforcement capability.

The advent of talking pictures in 1927 led to a perceived need for further enforcement. Martin Quigley, publisher of a Chicago-based motion picture trade newspaper, began lobbying for a more extensive code that not only listed material inappropriate for movies, but also contained a moral system that the movies could help promote - specifically a system based on Catholic theology. He recruited Father Daniel Lord, a Jesuit priest and instructor at Catholic Saint Louis University, to write such a code. On March 31, 1930 the board of directors of the Motion Picture Producers and Distributors Association formally adopted it. This original version in particular was once popularly known as the Hays Code, but it and later revisions are now commonly called the Production Code.

Depression economics and changing social mores resulted in the studios producing racier fare that the Code, lacking an aggressive enforcement body, was unable to redress. This era is known as Pre-Code Hollywood. An amendment to the Code, adopted on June 13, 1934, established the Production Code Administration (PCA), and required that all films released on or after July 1, 1934 obtain a certificate of approval before being released. For the three-plus decades that followed, virtually all motion pictures produced in the United States and released by major studios adhered to the Code. The Production Code was not created or enforced by federal, state, or city government. In fact, the Hollywood studios adopted the Code in large part in the hopes of avoiding government censorship, preferring self-regulation to government regulation.

The enforcement of the Production Code led to the dissolution of many local censorship boards. Meanwhile, the US Customs Department prohibited the importation of the Czech film *Ecstasy* (1933), starring an actress soon to be known as Hedy Lamarr, a prohibition upheld on appeal.

In 1934, Joseph I. Breen was appointed head of the new Production Code Administration (PCA). Under Breen's leadership, until his retirement in 1954, enforcement of the Production Code became rigid and notorious. Breen's power to change scripts and scenes angered many writers, directors, and Hollywood moguls. The PCA had two offices, one in Hollywood, the other in New York City. Films approved by the New York PCA office were issued certificate numbers beginning with zero.

The first major instance of censorship under the Production Code involved the 1934 film *Tarzan and His Mate*, in which brief nude scenes involving a body double for actress Maureen O'Sullivan were edited out of the master negative of the film. Another famous enforcement case involved the 1943 western *The Outlaw*, produced by Howard Hughes. *The Outlaw* was denied a certificate of approval and kept out of theaters for years because the film's advertising focused particular attention on Jane Russell's breasts. Hughes eventually persuaded Breen that the breasts did not violate the Code and the film could be shown.

Some films produced outside the mainstream studio system during this time did flout the conventions of the Code, such as *Child Bride* (1938), which featured a nude scene involving 12-year-old actress Shirley Mills. Even cartoon sex symbol Betty Boop had to change from being a flapper, and began to wear an old-fashioned housewife skirt.

In 1936, Arthur Mayer and Joseph Burstyn attempted to distribute *Whirlpool of Desire*, a French film originally titled *Remous* and directed by Edmond T. Greville. The legal battle lasted until November 1939, when the film was released in the U.S.

In 1952, the U.S. Supreme Court in *Joseph Burstyn, Inc. v. Wilson* unanimously overruled its 1915 decision and held that motion pictures were entitled to First Amendment protection, so that the New York State Board of Regents could not ban "The Miracle", a short film that was one half of *L'Amore* (1948), an anthology film directed by Roberto Rossellini. Film distributor Joseph Burstyn released the film in the U.S. in 1950, and the case became known as the "Miracle Decision" due to its connection to Rossellini's film. That in turn reduced the threat of government regulation that justified the Production Code, and the PCA's powers over the Hollywood industry were greatly reduced.

At the forefront of challenges to the Production Code was director Otto Preminger, whose films violated the Code repeatedly in the 1950s. His 1953 film *The Moon is Blue*, about a young woman who tries to play two suitors off against each other by claiming that she plans to keep her virginity until marriage, was the first film since the pre-code Hollywood days to use the words "virgin", "seduce", and "mistress", and was released without a certificate of approval. Preminger later made *The Man with the Golden Arm* (1955), which portrayed the prohibited subject of drug abuse, and *Anatomy of a Murder* (1959) which dealt with rape. Preminger's films were direct assaults on the authority of the Production Code and, since they were successful, hastened its abandonment.

In 1954, Joseph Breen retired and Geoffrey Shurlock was appointed as his successor. *Variety* noted "a decided tendency towards a broader, more casual approach" in the enforcement of the Code.

Billy Wilder's *Some Like It Hot* (1959) and Alfred Hitchcock's *Psycho* (1960) were also released without a certificate of approval due to their themes and became box office hits, further weakening the Code's authority.

### *The Pawnbroker* and the end of the Code

In the early 1960s, British films such as *Victim* (1961), *A Taste of Honey* (1961) and *The Leather Boys* (1963) offered daring social commentary about gender roles and homophobia that violated the Hollywood Production Code, yet the films were released in the U.S. The American women's rights, gay rights, civil rights, and youth movements prompted a reevaluation of the depiction of themes of race, class, gender, and sexuality that had been restricted by the Code. In addition, the growing popularity of international films with more explicit content helped discredit the Code.

In 1964, *The Pawnbroker*, directed by Sidney Lumet and starring Rod Steiger, was initially rejected because of two scenes in which actresses Linda Geiser and Thelma Oliver fully expose their breasts, and a sex scene between Oliver and Jaime Sánchez, which it described as "unacceptably sex suggestive and lustful." Despite the rejection, the film's producers arranged for Allied Artists to release the film without the Production Code seal and the New York censors licensed *The Pawnbroker* without the cuts demanded by Code administrators. The producers also appealed the rejection to the Motion Picture Association of America.

On a 6-3 vote, the MPAA granted the film an "exception" conditional on "reduction in the length of the scenes which the Production Code Administration found unapprovable." The exception to the Code was granted as a "special and unique case," and was described by *The New York Times* as "an unprecedented move that will not, however, set a precedent." The requested reductions of nudity were minimal, and the outcome was viewed in the media as a victory for the film's producers. *The Pawnbroker* was the first film since pre-Code era featuring bare breasts to receive Production Code approval. In his 2008 study of films during that era, *Pictures at a Revolution*, author Mark Harris wrote that the MPAA's action was "the first of a series of injuries to the Production Code that would prove fatal within three years."

When Jack Valenti became President of the MPAA in 1966, he was immediately faced with a problem regarding language in the film version of Edward Albee's play *Who's Afraid of Virginia Woolf?* (1966). Valenti negotiated a compromise: The word "screw" was removed, but other language, including the phrase "hump the hostess," remained. The film received Production Code approval despite having language that was clearly prohibited. The British-produced, but American-financed, film *Blowup* (1966) presented a different problem. After the film was denied Production Code approval, MGM released it anyway, the first instance of an MPAA member company distributing a film that did not have an approval certificate. The MPAA could do little about it.

Enforcement had become impossible, and the Production Code was abandoned. The voluntary Motion Picture Association film rating system was adopted in 1968, and is used by participating studios and theaters to prevent children of various ages from seeing certain films.

### Later efforts

The 1982 documentary film *If You Love This Planet* was officially designated as "foreign political propaganda" by the United States Department of Justice and temporarily banned. It featured excerpts from a lecture by Dr. Helen Caldicott about the effects of nuclear weapons interspersed with shots of the effects of the atomic bombs and scenes from *Jap Zero*, a military educational film from 1943 featuring Ronald Reagan. The subsequent uproar over that action gave the film a publicity boost, and it later won the 1982 Academy Award for Best Documentary (Short Subject).

## In return for military access

As of 2022, the U.S. Department of Defense works with approximately 130 movies, television shows, video games, and documentaries per year. It offers producers access to military bases and loans of military equipment, but in return gets the right to demand script changes and in some cases add talking points. It removes or minimizes references to sexism, racism, war crimes, PTSD, and veteran suicide, and generally acts to portray the military in a positive light. Some movies choose to forgo this cooperation and obtain military hardware or backdrops internally or on the private market. The production of some films is made contingent on military approval by the studio for cost reasons. Changes have included altering the Tony Stark character in *Iron Man* from being opposed to weaponizing his technology into an arms dealer who sells it to the U.S. military, and deleting a reference to the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki from *Godzilla*. The Central Intelligence Agency has similar arrangements with some filmmakers.

## List of banned films

## Film censors

* Daniel Biltereyst & Roel Vande Winkel. *Silencing Cinema: Film Censorship around the World*. NY: Palgrave MacMillan, 2013.
* Gregory D. Black. *Hollywood Censored: Morality Codes, Catholics, and the Movies*. NY: Cambridge University Press, 1994.
* Gerald R. Butters, Jr. *Banned in Kansas: Motion Picture Censorship, 1915-1966*. Columbia, Mo.: University of Missouri Press, 2007.
* Ira Carmen. *Movies, Censorship, and the Law*. University of Michigan Press, 2016.
* Jeremy Geltzer. *Dirty Words and Filthy Pictures: Film and the First Amendment*. Austin, Tex.: University of Texas Press, 2015.
* Laura Wittern-Keller. *Freedom of the Screen: Legal Challenges to State Film Censorship, 1915-1981*. Lexington, Ky.: The University Press of Kentucky, 2008.


title: Thermophyte

abstract: Thermophyte is an organism which is tolerant or thriving at high temperatures. These organisms are categorized according to ecological valences at high temperatures, including biological extremely. Such organisms included the hot-spring taxa also. A large amount of thermophytes are algae, more specifically blue-green algae, also referred to as cyanobacteria. This type of algae thrives in hot conditions ranging anywhere from 50 to 70 degrees Celsius, which other plants and organisms cannot survive in. Thermophytes are able to survive extreme temperatures as their cells contain an “unorganized nucleus”. As the name suggests, thermophytes are found in high temperatures. They can be found in abundance in and around places like freshwater hot springs, such as YellowStone National park and in the Lassen Volcanic National park.

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# Thermophyte

**Thermophyte** (Greek *thérmos* = warmth, heat + *phyton* = plant) is an organism which is tolerant or thriving at high temperatures. These organisms are categorized according to ecological valences at high temperatures, including biological extremely. Such organisms included the hot-spring taxa also.

A large amount of thermophytes are algae, more specifically blue-green algae, also referred to as cyanobacteria. This type of algae thrives in hot conditions ranging anywhere from 50 to 70 degrees Celsius, which other plants and organisms cannot survive in. Thermophytes are able to survive extreme temperatures as their cells contain an “unorganized nucleus”.

As the name suggests, thermophytes are found in high temperatures. They can be found in abundance in and around places like freshwater hot springs, such as YellowStone National park and in the Lassen Volcanic National park.

## Mutualism in Thermophytes

There are instances in which a fungus and plant become thermophytes by forming a symbiotic relationship with one another. Some thermophytes live with a fungal partner in a symbiotic relationship with plants, algae, and viruses. Mutualists like the panic grass and its fungal partner cannot survive individually, but thrive when they are in the symbiotic relationship. This means the fungus, plant, and virus function together to survive in such extreme conditions by benefiting from each other. The fungi typically dwells in the intracellular spaces between the plant's cells.

In a study performed at Washington State, it was discovered that panic grass living near the hot springs in Yellowstone National park thrive due to their relationship with the fungus Curvularia protuberata. Neither organism can survive on their own at such high temperatures. The mycoviruses infect the fungi that live within these plants and algae. These mycoviruses prevent the fungi from having a pathogenic effect on the plants, thus preventing the fungus from harming the plant. The panic grass benefits because the fungi potentially help to disperse the heat and alert the plant of any environmental stress that the plant should activate its response.

The study at Washington State has led to the discovery of a way to use these relationships between fungi and plants to make crops more thermo-tolerant, allowing them to resist damage by heat.

The most famous of these ecological groups of organisms are:


title: Poétique du cerveau

abstract: Poétique du cerveau is a 66-minute 2015 French-German-Israeli French-, Hebrew-, and Italian-language independent underground experimental documentary art film directed by Nurith Aviv.

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# Poétique du cerveau

***Poétique du cerveau*** (English: *Poetics of the Brain*) is a 66-minute 2015 French-German-Israeli French-, Hebrew-, and Italian-language independent underground experimental documentary art film directed by Nurith Aviv.

## Synopsis

Childhood photos from Nurith Aviv's family album evoke memories and reflections which lead her to encounters with researches in neuroscience. The film, released on DVD by Epicentre Films, weaves associative links between Aviv's personal biographical stories and interviews she conducts with neuroscientists about their work. These scientists, including Prof. Dr. Laurent Cohen, Prof. Dr. Yadin Dudai, and Prof. Dr. Vittorio Gallese, discuss topics partly related to Aviv's previous films: memory, bilingualism, reading, mirror-neurons, smell, and traces of experience.

## Reception

The film, which includes music by Werner Hasler and was financed *inter alia* by Les Films d’ici, Angoa-Association of International Collective Management of Audiovisual Works, KTO, Conseil régional des Pays de la Loire, ZDF, Arte, Centre national du cinéma et de l’image animée, Procirep, Ministry of Culture and Sport's Israel Film Council, and Mifal HaPayis's, Ministry of Culture and Sport's Israel Film Council's, and Tel Aviv-Yafo Municipality's Yehoshua Rabinovich Foundation for the Arts, Tel Aviv, was screened at Les 3 Luxembourg in 2015 and 2016, at Centre Georges Pompidou in 2015, and at DocAviv, Tel Aviv Cinematheque, Arte, and Sderot Cinematheque’s Cinema South International Film Festival in 2016.

## InfoBox

| *Poétique du cerveau* | |
| --- | --- |
| DVD cover art | |
| *Poetics of the Brain* | |
| Directed by | Nurith Aviv |
| Written by | Nurith Aviv |
| Produced by | * Serge Lalou * Farid Rezkallah * Itai Tamir |
| Starring |  |
| Narrated by | Nurith Aviv |
| Cinematography | * Nurith Aviv * Sophie Cadet * Itai Marom |
| Edited by | * Amir Borenstein * Laure Saint-Marc |
| Music by | Werner Hasler |
| Production<br>companies |  |
| Distributed by | Margo Cinéma |
| Release date |  |
| Running time | 66 minutes |
| Countries | * France * Germany * Israel |
| Languages | * French * Hebrew * Italian |


title: 1974 Alcorn State Braves football team

abstract: The 1974 Alcorn State Braves football team was an American football team that represented Alcorn State University in the Southwestern Athletic Conference (SWAC) during 1974 NCAA Division II football season. In their 11th season under head coach Marino Casem, the Braves compiled an 9–2 record, won the SWAC championship, and outscored opponents by a total of 282 to 161. Alcorn State advanced to the NCAA Division II Football Championship playoffs, where the lost to UNLV in the quarterfinals. Alcorn State was recognized as the black college national champion and was ranked No. 14 in the final Associated Press small college rankings.

text:
# 1974 Alcorn State Braves football team

1974 Southwestern Athletic Conference football standings
|  | Conf | | | | |  |  | Overall | | | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| Team | W |  | L |  | T |  |  | W |  | L |  | T |
| No. 7 Grambling State \+ | 5 |  | 1 |  | 0 |  |  | 11 |  | 1 |  | 0 |
| No. 14 Alcorn State +^ | 5 |  | 1 |  | 0 |  |  | 9 |  | 2 |  | 0 |
| No. 10 Jackson State | 4 |  | 2 |  | 0 |  |  | 7 |  | 3 |  | 0 |
| No. 12 Southern | 3 |  | 3 |  | 0 |  |  | 8 |  | 3 |  | 0 |
| Texas Southern | 3 |  | 3 |  | 0 |  |  | 6 |  | 4 |  | 0 |
| Mississippi Valley State | 1 |  | 5 |  | 0 |  |  | 5 |  | 5 |  | 0 |
| Prairie View A&M | 0 |  | 6 |  | 0 |  |  | 0 |  | 10 |  | 0 |
|  | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| * \+  Conference co-champions * ^  NCAA Division II playoff participant Rankings from AP small college poll for Grambling State and Alconrn State and NAIA Division I poll for Jackson State and Southern | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |

The **1974 Alcorn State Braves football team** was an American football team that represented Alcorn State University in the Southwestern Athletic Conference (SWAC) during 1974 NCAA Division II football season. In their 11th season under head coach Marino Casem, the Braves compiled an 9–2 record (5–1 against conference opponents), won the SWAC championship, and outscored opponents by a total of 282 to 161. Alcorn State advanced to the NCAA Division II Football Championship playoffs, where the lost to UNLV in the quarterfinals.

Alcorn State was recognized as the black college national champion and was ranked No. 14 in the final Associated Press small college rankings.

## Schedule

| Date | Opponent | Rank | Site | Result | Attendance | Source |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| September 14 | Arkansas–Pine Bluff* |  |  | W 24–12 | 15,000 |  |
| September 21 | at No. 5 Grambling State |  |  | W 19–14 | 17,200–17,859 |  |
| September 28 | North Carolina Central* |  | * Henderson Stadium * Lorman, MS | W 14–12 | 14,600 |  |
| October 5 | at South Carolina State* |  |  | W 14–0 | 12,000 |  |
| October 12 | Texas Southern |  | * Henderson Stadium * Lorman, MS | W 37–34 | 19,000 |  |
| October 26 | Southern | No. 12 | * Henderson Stadium * Lorman, MS | W 23–14 | 8,400–21,080 |  |
| November 2 | Bishop* | No. 10 | * Henderson Stadium * Lorman, MS | W 38–0 | 19,460 |  |
| November 9 | at Mississippi Valley State | No. 9 |  | W 30–21 | 15,235 |  |
| November 16 | at Prairie View A&M | No. 9 |  | W 48–0 | 8,000 |  |
| November 23 | Jackson State | No. 8 | * Henderson Stadium * Lorman, MS | L 13–19 | 18,000–24,000 |  |
| November 30 | at No. 2 UNLV* | No. 12 |  | L 22–35 | 12,689 |  |
| * \*Non-conference game * Rankings from AP Poll released prior to the game | | | | | | | | |

## InfoBox

| 1974 Alcorn State Braves football | |
| --- | --- |
| Black college football national co-champion<br>SWAC co-champion | |
| NCAA Division II Quarterfinal, L 22–35 at UNLV | |
| Conference | Southwestern Athletic Conference |
| Record | 9–2 (5–1 SWAC) |
| Head coach |  |
| Home stadium | Henderson Stadium |
|


abstract: The Professional Psychology: Research and Practice is a peer-reviewed, English language journal published six times per year by the American Psychological Association (APA). The journal "publishes conceptual and data-based articles on the issues and methods involved in the practice of psychology. Topics encompass a broad range, including health psychology, community psychology, family psychology, forensic psychology, and clinical neuropsychology". The editor-in-chief is Ronald T. Brown. First published in 1970, as Professional Psychology, the name of the journal was extended to Professional Psychology: Research and Practice in 1983. The journal has implemented the Transparency and Openness Promotion (TOP) Guidelines. The TOP Guidelines provide structure to research planning and reporting and aim to make research more transparent, accessible, and reproducible.

text:
# Professional Psychology: Research and Practice

The ***Professional Psychology: Research and Practice*** is a peer-reviewed, English language journal published six times per year by the American Psychological Association (APA). The journal "publishes conceptual and data-based articles on the issues and methods involved in the practice of psychology. Topics encompass a broad range, including health psychology, community psychology, family psychology, forensic psychology, and clinical neuropsychology". The editor-in-chief is Ronald T. Brown (University of North Texas at Dallas).

First published in 1970, as *Professional Psychology*, the name of the journal was extended to *Professional Psychology: Research and Practice* in 1983.

The journal has implemented the Transparency and Openness Promotion (TOP) Guidelines. The TOP Guidelines provide structure to research planning and reporting and aim to make research more transparent, accessible, and reproducible.

## Abstracting and indexing

According to the *Journal Citation Reports*, the journal has a 2020 impact factor of 1.716.

## InfoBox

*Professional Psychology: Research and Practice*
|  | |
| --- | --- |
| Discipline | Psychology |
| Language | English |
| Edited by | Ronald T. Brown |
| Publication details | |
| Former name(s) | Professional Psychology |
| History | 1970–present |
| Publisher | American Psychological Association (United States) |
| Frequency | Bimonthly |
| Impact factor | 1.716 (2020) |
| Standard abbreviations
 | |
| ISO 4 | *Prof. Psychol.: Res. Pract.* |
| NLM | *Prof Psychol Res Pr* |
| Indexing
 | |
| ISSN | 0735-7028 (print)
1939-1323 (web)
 |
| Links | |
|  | |


title: Makololo Chiefs (Malawi)

abstract: The Makololo chiefs recognised by the governments of colonial Nyasaland and independent Malawi have their origin in a group of porters that David Livingstone brought from Barotseland in the 1850s to support his first Zambezi expedition that did not return to Barotseland but assisted Livingstone and British missionaries in the area of southern Malawi between 1859 and 1864. After the withdrawal of the Universities' Mission to Central Africa those Makololo remaining in the Shire valley used firearms provided by the Europeans to attract dependants seeking protection, to seize land and to establish a number of chieftainships. At the time that a British protectorate was established in 1891, there were seven Makololo chiefs of which six were recognised by the government. Five survived to be given local governmental powers in 1933, and these powers continued after Malawi became independent. Although called Makololo or Kololo, after the ruling group in Barotseland in the 1850s, the majority came from peoples subject to the Makololo who adopted the more prestigious name. As, regardless of their origin, they took wives from among the inhabitants of the Shire Valley, their modern descendants have little connection with the Kololo people apart from their name.

text:
# Makololo Chiefs (Malawi)

The **Makololo chiefs** recognised by the governments of colonial Nyasaland and independent Malawi have their origin in a group of porters that David Livingstone brought from Barotseland in the 1850s to support his first Zambezi expedition that did not return to Barotseland but assisted Livingstone and British missionaries in the area of southern Malawi between 1859 and 1864. After the withdrawal of the Universities' Mission to Central Africa those Makololo remaining in the Shire valley used firearms provided by the Europeans to attract dependants seeking protection, to seize land and to establish a number of chieftainships. At the time that a British protectorate was established in 1891, there were seven Makololo chiefs of which six were recognised by the government. Five survived to be given local governmental powers in 1933, and these powers continued after Malawi became independent. Although called Makololo or Kololo, after the ruling group in Barotseland in the 1850s, the majority came from peoples subject to the Makololo who adopted the more prestigious name. As, regardless of their origin, they took wives from among the inhabitants of the Shire Valley, their modern descendants have little connection with the Kololo people apart from their name.

## Makololo arrival in Malawi

The missionary activities of David Livingstone in Botswana for the London Missionary Society effectively ended in 1851 when he left Kolobeng Mission after failing to convert more than a few local people. During his last two years at Kolobeng, Livingstone had made three journeys well to the north of the mission which convinced him that the successful evangelisation of the interior of Africa would be achieved through exploring and mapping its navigable rivers as highways for missionaries and traders to enter the continental interior. Between 1852 and 1856, Livingstone mapped most of the course of the Zambezi, and made a transcontinental journey from Luanda on the Atlantic to Quelimane on the Indian Ocean between 1854 and 1856.

This journey was accomplished with the help of 27 Africans provided as porters by Sekeletu, the King of Barotseland and chief of the Makololo or Kololo people, which had conquered Barotseland in the previous decade, for the passage from Luanda to Linyanti, now in Namibia, and later with 114 men from the same source for the journey from Linyanti to Quelimane. From Sekeletu's perspective, establishing a secure route to the Atlantic or Indian Ocean, rather than relying on the dangerous and insecure one southward to the Cape Colony was well worth the loan of these men and they contributed significantly to Livingstone's success. Although, following the name Livingstone gave them, these men are conventionally called "Makololo" after the ruling group in Barotseland, most of them probably belonged to the Lozi people or other subject peoples of Sekeletu's kingdom that inhabited the Caprivi Strip around Linyanti, and who were usually described as Makalaka. Around 100 of these men were left at Tete in 1856 when Livingstone made his way to Quelimane and then to Britain. The local governor at Tete oversaw their welfare and they hunted elephant and cultivated land to support themselves there.

Although on one level, the individuals involved were working for both Sekeletu's and Livingstone's goals, those that the Makololo contemptuously dismissed as Makalaka, vassals or serfs, saw the expedition as a way to gain, wealth, authority, and power that their social position denied them in their homeland. The Makololo conquest had been completed barely a decade before Livingstone's arrival and the senior Makololo indunas had gained control of the traditional sources of the country's wealth, making emigration or association with new sources of wealth the Europeans promised and the firearms that they provided the best options for the young men of the subject populations seeking advancement.

After he had completed his first Zambezi expedition, the London Missionary Society told Livingstone it was unable to support him in exploration rather than missionary work, and he resigned from the society in 1857. Livingstone's second Zambezi expedition that started in 1858 was diverted up the Shire River in January 1859 after it was found that the Zambezi was not navigable beyond the Cabora Bassa rapids, which he had bypassed on his first expedition. On reaching Tete, he was reunited with the porters he had left there in 1856 and attempted to repatriate them all to Barotseland. However, by this time Sekeletu was facing increasing opposition from the Lozi majority, and a number of porters decided to remain on the middle Zambezi. These included two Makololo who had a superior status and their servants, the remainder being porters or canoemen from the subject peoples, and there were either 15 or 16 of them. They were used from 1859 onward, first by Livingstone and then by missionaries of the Universities' Mission to Central Africa (UMCA), as porters and armed guards to support their activities in the Shire valley and Shire Highlands including the freeing of slaves, and were paid in guns, ammunition and cloth. In 1861, after the original UMCA mission site at Magomero in the Shire Highlands was abandoned, the Makololo relocated with the missionaries to the Shire valley, from where the missionaries withdrew in January 1864. The Makololo decided to remain.

## Formation of chiefdoms

What is now southern Malawi was relatively peaceful, prosperous and densely populated by the Mang'anja people at the time of Livingstone's first visit in early 1859, but was about to become the focus of disruption caused by the large-scale migration of Yao people. The early Yao migrations from the 1830s involved few people and were relatively peaceful but, whether forced out of their earlier territory in Mozambique by the Makua people, by famine, by slave traders, by internal Yao conflicts or some combination of these, larger numbers of Yao moved, firstly, into the Niassa Province of Mozambique east of Lake Nyasa and then into the Shire Highlands in the 1850s. These incursions disrupted agriculture and caused widespread famine in the Shire Highland in the early 1860s as the local people abandoned their farms.

The Mang'anja were one of the Maravi cluster of peoples who moved into the Lower Zambezi and Lower Shire river valleys before the end of 16th century and coalesced into a number of loosely connected chieftainships which, under pressure from the Portuguese in the Lower Zambezi valley, recognised paramount chiefs with the titles of Lundu, Kalonga and Kaphwiti. These paramount chiefs derived some of their prestige through guardianship of the main shrines of the M'Bona Cult, and the Lundu kingdom, which included most of the Mang'anja people, controlled the main M'Bona shrine until the early 19th century. At that time, pressure from supposedly subordinate chiefs controlling other shrines and attacks from Afro-Portuguese chikunda raiding for slaves left the Lundu state with little real power over what had become a loose confederation of local chiefdoms.

In the early 1860s, members of Livingstone's expedition or UCMA missionaries described the Mang'anja as being ruled by a hierarchy of chiefs and headmen of varying power and influence. In theory, the Lundu was still the paramount ruler with the power to appoint local chiefs, but his influence was limited. Several major chiefs within the Lundu sphere had more real power than the Lundu himself, although their inability to defend their people against attacks by the Yao and chikunda was beginning to reduce their prestige. As a result of those attacks, some of the Mang'anja in the Shire Highlands were killed or exported as slaves to the Indian Ocean coast, others died of famine or famine-related disease and yet others fled to the Shire valley or the uplands beyond. The loss of population in the Shire Highlands was very great, and much land went out of cultivation and reverted to forest. Even thirty years later at the start of the colonial period, large areas of the Shire Highlands were underpopulated and remained so until the large-scale immigration of Lomwe people fleeing famine and forced labour in Mozambique at the end of the 19th century. Those Mang'anja remaining in the Shire Highlands were either slave wives or domestic slaves in Yao households or occupied defensible hilltops and inaccessible lakeshores.

Once the Makololo had relocated to the Shire valley, they maintained themselves through hunting elephants for ivory and attracted Mang'anja dependents seeking protection, many of whom were slaves liberated from slave caravans who had lost contact with their original homes. The freed women became polygamous wives of the Makololo and the men cultivated farmland seized from its original inhabitants. After the 1864 departure of the UMCA mission, which left behind supplies of arms, munitions and trade goods, the Makololo and their armed dependents attacked local Mang'anja chiefs and established chieftaincies in the present-day Chikwawa District. Graham-Jolly records the names of 16 original Makololo, but nothing is known of six of them beyond their names, and they were probably absorbed into the local population, losing their Makololo identity. The other ten became chiefs or headmen: two of these, Kasisi and Mloka, were said to be true Makololo rather than coming from subject peoples, and these were the first leaders of the group. The chiefs or headmen that were not originally Makololo soon also adopted what they considered the more prestigious, if fictitious, name of Makololo.

The Mang'anja put up little resistance to Kasisi, Mloka and their men and, apart from the deaths of the Lundu and Kaphwiti paramounts and a few followers, the takeover was relatively bloodless. Some Mang'anja chiefs were willing to cooperate with the Makololo against other Mang'anja who were their enemies, whereas the Makololo remained united among themselves and determined to build up their power. At first, Kasisi and Mloka divided the land they had occupied between them, with Kasisi as senior ruler. Kasisi enjoyed reasonably good relations with the Yao which, together with his guns, kept him and his dependents safe from Yao attacks. The Makololo were also some distance away from two other potential enemies. The more powerful and active were the Maseko Ngoni in present-day Ntcheu District, and Kasisi set up fortified villages at fords along the Shire River as protection against Ngoni raids. Several Makololo and some of their Mang'anja dependents were installed as headmen in these villages and, on the death of Mloka, Kasisi divided his former territory between three of the original Makololo. Until the death of their leader, Paul Marianno II in 1863, the Afro-Portuguese chikunda had considerable power and influence in the Lower Shire valley. However, as Marianno's son was then only 8 years old, he required a long minority, during which there were power struggles between the child's mother, his aunt and a prominent chikunda leader, which made it difficult to resist growing power of the Makololo, and the chikunda retreated further down the Shire.

## Later history

The territories of the two largest Makololo chiefdoms were each about 1,300 square kilometres (500 sq mi) in extent, the others being smaller. Between the 1870s and 1910s, the original ten Makololo that became chiefs or headmen died and several of their lines of descent died out or merged with others, so that there were seven Makololo chiefs in 1891. Since 1888, the most powerful of these was Mlauri, who tried to use the position of his village on a hill above the Shire River to dominate traffic on the river in the 1880s and impose tolls on European steamers using it. He became increasingly hostile to both British and Portuguese influences and, in 1889, he attacked a Portuguese military force under Major Alexandre de Serpa Pinto and was severely defeated, later fleeing from his village. As he had previously shown hostility to British as well as Portuguese forces, the British government did nothing to restore him and declined to recognise him as a chief. Mlauri was never restored although he lived until 1913. The other six Makololo chiefs were recognised, and five of their chiefdoms survived to be recognised as a Native Authority by the Nyasaland government in 1933 under the policy of Indirect rule, their titles were Kasisi, Makwira, Katunga, Masea and Mwita.

Apart from Mlauri, most of the Makololo chiefs valued their former connection with Livingstone and were favourably disposed to British missionaries and traders entering their area. They traded ivory in exchange for guns, ammunition and trade goods from the 1870s until a protectorate was established by John Buchanan in 1889 and extended into the British Central Africa Protectorate in 1891. The Makololo had a virtual monopoly over the collection of ivory in the lower Shire valley, which they sold to the African Lakes Company as they were unable to use the Shire-Zambezi route to the coast through Portuguese territory. There was a certain amount of friction between the Makololo and the African Lakes Company by the mid-1880s, because the company was unwilling to supply them with firearms and ammunition, which it did supply to independent African hunters competing with the Makololo. The Makololo in turn tried to bypass the company by trading with independent European traders, until one of these killed a Makololo chief in a dispute over trade goods and was in turn killed by the chief's men.

Relations with the Portuguese were difficult because they controlled the main access route to the coast and also laid claim to the Shire valley and Shire Highlands. The guardians of the young Paul Marianno III had been forced to withdraw south of the Ruo River on the eastern bank of the Shire, and their power on the western bank of the Shire virtually ended. In an attempt to regain these lost territories, an alliance of the *prazeros* of the middle Zambezi attacked the Makololo and were heavily defeated in 1877. In the same year and until 1881, the Makololo chiefs attacked the *prazos* of Marianno III and his allies, which were in areas of Portuguese jurisdiction. Fears that the Makololo were part of a British attempt, also including the Scottish missions and African Lakes Corporation, to claim the areas attacked persuaded the Portuguese government to reinforce its claims to the area by sending a number of expeditions there. As a result, the Scottish missionaries in Blantyre protested to the British government, asking it to oppose any Portuguese claim to the Shire Highlands. After Serpa Pinto's battles with Mlauri, Serpa Pinto's second-in-command took two armed steamboats up the Shire River to overawe the Makololo and some of their chiefs fled to the European settlement of Blantyre for safety, provoking the declaration of a British protectorate over the disputed area.

The first two colonial administrators of the British Central Africa Protectorate, Harry Johnstone and Alfred Sharpe, did not wish to involve African chiefs in the governance of the protectorate or to acknowledge their authority, but the small number of colonial officials in the protectorate and its poverty meant that many chiefs continued to exercise their traditional powers unofficially. As the administration did not recognise chiefs, it only removed those that had opposed them and made no attempt to replace Yao, Ngoni or Makololo chiefs that ruled people of different ethnicity. A government Ordinance of 1912 sanctioned the governmental appointment of Principal Headmen, with limited authority as government agents in their areas. Most were prominent local chiefs, including six Makololo chiefs. In 1933, a form of Indirect rule was introduced by the governor of Nyasaland, Sir Hubert Young, who appointed chiefs as local government officials with wider powers than in 1912, but with no jurisdiction over European-owned estates and no financial responsibilities. The Provincial Commissioner in the south of Nyasaland wished to deal with the anomaly that the five Makololo chiefs in Chikwawa District ruled over predominantly Mang'anja populations, whereas seven Mang'anja chiefs in the neighbouring Nsanje District had a majority of Sena immigrants as their subjects, but no changes were made.

The Native Authority scheme generally worked well until the mid-1940s, but in the post-Second World War period, most chiefs lost legitimacy by enforcing unpopular government policies. By the early 1950s, Indirect rule was barely operating in many areas and the political initiative had passed to the Nyasaland African Congress. However, after the country gained independence as Malawi in 1964, the Malawian government halted the decline of Indirect rule and, under the presidency of Hastings Banda, the chiefs, including the five Makololo chiefs, regained their lost status and became an essential part of the state apparatus.

## Sources

* N. R. Bennett, (1970). David Livingstone: Exploration for Christianity in R. I. Rotberg (editor), Africa and its Explorers. Harvard University Press.ISBN 978-0-67436-711-1.

* D. Cammack, E. Kanyongolo and T. O’Neil, (2009). Town Chiefs in Malawi: Africa Power and Politics Programme Working Paper No. 3. London, Department for Overseas Development.

* T. Jeal, (2013). Livingstone: Revised and Expanded Edition, Yale University Press.ISBN 978-0-30019-100-4.

* W. T. Kalusa, 2009. Elders, Young Men, and David Livingstone's "Civilizing Mission": Revisiting the Disintegration of the Kololo Kingdom, 1851-1864. The International Journal of African Historical Studies, Vol. 42, No. 1.

* J. McCracken, (2012). A History of Malawi, 1859–1966, Woodbridge, James Currey pp. 130–2. ISBN 978-1-84701-050-6.

* M. D. D. Newitt, (1970). The Massingire Rising of 1884, The Journal of African History, Vol. 11, No. 1.

* M. D. D. Newitt, (1982). The Early History of the Maravi, Journal of African History, Vol. 23, No. 3.

* N. Northrup,(1986). The Migrations of Yao and Kololo into Southern Malawi: Aspects of Migrations in Nineteenth Century Africa. The International Journal of African Historical Studies, Vol. 19, No. 1.

* B. Pachai, (1978). Land and Politics in Malawi 1875-1975, Kingston (Ontario), The Limestone Press. ISBN 0-91964-282-9.

* R. I. Rotberg, (1965). The Rise of Nationalism in Central Africa: The Making of Malawi and Zambia 1873–1964, Harvard University Press..ISBN 978-0-67477-191-8.

* M. Schoffeleers, (1972). The History and Political Role of the M'Bona Cult among the Mang'anja, in T. O. Ranger and I. N. Kimambo (editors), The Historical Study of African Religion. University of California Press. ISBN 0-52003-179-2.

* L. White, (1987). Magomero: Portrait of an African Village, Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-32182-4.


title: W. C. Bradley Co.

abstract: The W. C. Bradley company is an American manufacturer of consumer goods. It comprises four companies based on home and leisure products and services: Char-Broil, Lamplight, and W. C. Bradley Co. Real Estate.

text:
# W. C. Bradley Co.

The **W. C. Bradley** company is an American manufacturer of consumer goods. It comprises four companies based on home and leisure products and services: Char-Broil, Lamplight, and W. C. Bradley Co. Real Estate.

## History

The W. C. Bradley Co., founded in 1885, is a privately owned company headquartered in Columbus, Georgia. Founded as a "cotton factoring" business, the company heritage includes operating diverse businesses in the textiles industry, farm implement manufacturing, row crop and livestock production, wholesale supply businesses meeting the needs of industrial and building contractors, retail businesses in outdoor sports equipment and licensed sports apparel, and barbecue grill manufacturing.

The W. C. Bradley Co.’s headquarters are located on the Chattahoochee River, in uptown Columbus, Georgia. The building which became the headquarters was previously used as a cotton warehouse. Throughout its history, the company transitioned through various businesses and industries. In the early 1900s, W. C. Bradley joined Ernest Woodruff and other investors in purchasing the Coca-Cola Company in Atlanta, Georgia. As of 2022, the W. C. Bradley Co. is a multi-brand supplier of consumer goods and services focused primarily on the home and leisure lifestyle markets.

## Subsidiaries and Affiliates

### Char-Broil

Based in Columbus, Georgia, Char-Broil is a manufacturer of charcoal, gas, and electric outdoor grills, smokers, fryers and related accessories sold throughout North America, Europe, Australia, Latin America, and the Middle East. In addition to the Char-Broil label, the company manages and manufactures a portfolio of outdoor cooking brands: Oklahoma Joe’s smokers, SABER grills, and Dancook grills. In 1998, Char-Broil acquired the Oklahoma Joe’s brand name with a product line of smokers and accessories. In 2011, Saber Grills, LLC, was formed as a stand-alone entity which introduced SABER grills, a line of grills sold through the independent outdoor retailer channel. Also in 2011, Char-Broil acquired Kriswell A/S, beginning Char-Broil’s expansion into the international market. This Danish grill and grilling accessories company markets products under the Dancook brand.

### Badlands

Located at the base of the Wasatch Mountain Range in Sandy, Utah, Badlands manufactures hunting gear specializing in backpacks, apparel and hunting accessories. Founded in the early 1990s, the Badlands lineup grew from offering only backpacks for the first 20 years to now offering a full lineup of hunting apparel, lifestyle apparel, binocular cases, luggage, camping equipment and more. In 2015, Badlands released its first proprietary camouflage pattern, Badlands Approach. Today, all products are offered only in Badlands’ own camouflage patterns or solid colours.

### Lamplight

Headquartered in Menomonee Falls, Wisconsin, Lamplight was acquired by the W. C. Bradley Co. in 1998. Beginning in 1964, Lamplight developed smokeless, odorless indoor lamp oils. Lamplight expanded its line of indoor oil lamps and oil by illuminating yards with its outdoor torches and citronella fuel. To further expand its business, Lamplight acquired TIKI Brand in 2001.

### W. C. Bradley Co. Real Estate

W. C. Bradley Co. has been involved in real estate development in the Columbus, Georgia, area for over 50 years. Notable projects include the Synovus Centre building, Riverfront building, Starrett-Bytewise corporate offices, and Eagle & Phenix Mills —a multi-use development located on 13 acres along the river in Uptown Columbus. Additional riverfront developments include Whitewater Express and 11th & Bay restaurant. In 2017, the Real Estate group announced its newest venture — The Rapids at Riverfront Place — scheduled to open in 2019.

## InfoBox

W. C. Bradley Co.
| Company type | Private |
| --- | --- |
| Industry | Leisure, Lifestyle, Real Estate, |
| Founded | 1885 (1885) in Columbus, Georgia, USA |
| Headquarters | Columbus, Georgia, USA |
| Key people | * John T. Turner, Chairman * James G. Hillenbrand, President & CEO |
| Subsidiaries |  |
| Website | www.wcbradley.com |
| **Footnotes / references**<br> | |


title: Louisa High School

abstract: Louisa High School is a historic high school building located at Louisa, Louisa County, Virginia. It was designed by noted Richmond architect Charles M. Robinson and built in 1907, as a 1 1/2-story, stone building. About 1916, a second story was added along with an auditorium addition to the rear. Early in 1924 a fire gutted the building, leaving only the granite walls. It was rebuilt in its two-story configuration in 1925. The school served as an elementary school after 1940, and closed in 1987. The building was restored starting in 2002, and reopened in 2006 as a town hall, art gallery, and performing arts center. It was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 2011.

text:
# Louisa High School

**Louisa High School** is a historic high school building located at Louisa, Louisa County, Virginia. It was designed by noted Richmond architect Charles M. Robinson and built in 1907, as a 1 1/2-story, stone building. About 1916, a second story was added along with an auditorium addition to the rear. Early in 1924 a fire gutted the building, leaving only the granite walls. It was rebuilt in its two-story configuration in 1925. The school served as an elementary school after 1940, and closed in 1987. The building was restored starting in 2002, and reopened in 2006 as a town hall, art gallery, and performing arts center.

It was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 2011.

## InfoBox

|  | |
| --- | --- |
| Louisa High School | |
| U.S. National Register of Historic Places | |
| Virginia Landmarks Register | |
|  | |
|  | |
|  | |
| Location | 212 Fredericksburg Avenue, Louisa, Virginia |
| Coordinates | 38°01′30″N 77°59′52″W / 38.0251°N 77.9978°W / 38.0251; -77.9978 |
| Area | 2 acres (0.81 ha) |
| Built | 1907 (1907), 1916, 1924 |
| Built by | Leigh Brothers (1907), Elgin Morris (1924) |
| Architect | Robinson, Charles M. |
| NRHP reference No. | 11000605 |
| VLR No. | 254-0004 |
| Significant dates | |
| Added to NRHP | August 24, 2011 |
| Designated VLR | June 16, 2011 |


title: The Wheel of Fortune (Burne-Jones)

abstract: The Wheel of Fortune is an oil painting on canvas by the British Pre-Raphaelite painter Edward Burne-Jones, made from 1875 to 1883. The painting combines classical and medieval themes to present an allegory of the vagaries of life, a vanitas, with individual lives elevated or cast down as the wheel of fortune turns. Burne-Jones commented: "My wheel of Fortune is a true-to-life image; it comes to fetch each of us in turn, then it crushes us." The prime version has been in the collection of the Musée d'Orsay in Paris since 1980.

text:
# The Wheel of Fortune (Burne-Jones)

***The Wheel of Fortune*** is an oil painting on canvas by the British Pre-Raphaelite painter Edward Burne-Jones, made from 1875 to 1883. The painting combines classical and medieval themes to present an allegory of the vagaries of life, a *vanitas*, with individual lives elevated or cast down as the wheel of fortune turns. Burne-Jones commented: "My wheel of Fortune is a true-to-life image; it comes to fetch each of us in turn, then it crushes us." The prime version has been in the collection of the Musée d'Orsay in Paris since 1980.

## Prime version

The painting measures 200 cm × 100 cm (79 in × 39 in), with its frame, 259 cm × 151.5 cm (102.0 in × 59.6 in). It employs a dull palette of greys, browns, greens and blues. It was originally conceived as part of the predella for an unrealised triptych on the Fall of Troy.

The tall frame is filled by a gigantic spoked wooden wheel, turned by a giant personification of the goddess Fortune standing in a *contrapposto* position, wrapped in the voluminous folds of a metallic blue classical gown, head swathed in a matching cloth, with closed eyes cast down. Three smaller male nudes are being carried around by the wheel: at the top, a slave standing on the head of the second, a king with a crown and sceptre, and at the bottom the head and shoulders of a poet with laurel wreath, looking towards Fortune's feet. The nude male figures were influenced by Michelangelo's paintings at the Sistine Chapel. The wheel and the figures fill most of the composition, but fragments of a wall and a tree can be seen in the top left, with a small patch of grey sky.

The completed painting was exhibited at the Grosvenor Gallery in London in 1883, and acquired that year by the politician Arthur Balfour, who later served as British Prime Minister and was created 1st Earl of Balfour in 1922. It was exhibited at the Royal Jubilee Exhibition in Manchester in 1887, the Brussels International Exposition in 1897 and at a Burne-Jones exhibition at the New Gallery in London in 1898.

After Balfour's death in 1930, it was inherited by his brother, Gerald Balfour, 2nd Earl of Balfour, and sold in 1932 to the vicomte Charles de Noailles, who gave it to his daughter Nathalie de Noailles. It was acquired by the French state in 1980, and allocated to the Musée d'Orsay in Paris.

## Other versions

A second, smaller version in oils on canvas, painted from 1871 to 1885, is in the National Gallery of Victoria in Melbourne, Australia. Measuring 151.4 cm × 72.5 cm (59.6 in × 28.5 in), it was acquired as part of the Felton Bequest in 1909. It is displayed in a heavy gilded tabernacle-style frame, a modern reconstruction based on fragments of the original, which has a decorative frieze with candelabrum ornament and egg and dart outer border, similar to those of other Burne-Jones paintings such as his *Vespertina Quies* (1893) in Tate Britain.

National Museum Cardiff has an unfinished version from about 1882, and preparatory sketches are in the Lady Lever Art Gallery.


abstract: Prairie Township is one of twenty current townships in Boone County, Arkansas, USA. As of the 2010 census, its total population was 444.

text:
# Prairie Township, Boone County, Arkansas

**Prairie Township** is one of twenty current townships in Boone County, Arkansas, USA. As of the 2010 census, its total population was 444.

## Geography

According to the United States Census Bureau, Omaha Township covers an area of 78.986 square miles (204.57 km2); 77.985 square miles (201.98 km2) of land and 1.001 square miles (2.59 km2) of water.

### Cities, towns, and villages

## Population history

Figures below include the population of the incorporated town of Everton.

| Census | Population |
| --- | --- |
| 2010 | 444 |
| 2000 | 487 |
| 1990 | 436 |
| 1980 | 433 |
| 1970 | 367 |
| 1960 | 348 |
| 1950 | 503 |
| 1940 | 579 |
| 1930 | 530 |
| 1920 | 721 |
| 1910 | 670 |
| 1900 | 500 |
| 1890 | 617 |
| 1880 | 667 |
| 1870 | 1,214 |
| 1860 (area part of Carroll County at the time) | 1,205 |
| 1850 (area part of Carroll County at the time) | 1,131 |

## InfoBox

| Prairie Township | |
| --- | --- |
| Township | |
| Prairie TownshipLocation in Arkansas | |
| Coordinates: 36°9′19.06″N 92°54′54.74″W / 36.1552944°N 92.9152056°W / 36.1552944; -92.9152056 | |
| Country | United States |
| State | Arkansas |
| County | Boone |
| Area | |
| Total | 16.272 sq mi (42.14 km2) |
| Land | 16.266 sq mi (42.13 km2) |
| Water | 0.006 sq mi (0.02 km2) |
| Population (2010) | |
| Total | 444 |
| Density | 27.36/sq mi (10.56/km2) |
| Time zone | UTC-6 (CST) |
| Summer (DST) | UTC-5 (CDT) |
| Zip Code | 72633 (Everton) |
| Area code | 870 |