title: Land trust

abstract:
Land trusts are nonprofit organizations which own and manage land, and sometimes waters. There are three common types of land trust, distinguished from one another by the ways in which they are legally structured and by the purposes for which they are organized and operated:
  - A real estate investment trust is a fiduciary arrangement whereby one party agrees to own and to manage real property for the benefit of a limited number of beneficiaries.
  - A community land trust (CLT)  is a private, nonprofit corporation that acquires, manages, and develops land for a variety of purposes, primarily for the production and stewardship of affordable housing, although many CLTs are also engaged in non-residential buildings and uses.
  - A conservation land trust is a private, non-profit corporation in the US that acquires land or conservation easements for the purpose of limiting commercial development and preserving open space, natural areas, waterways, and/or productive farms and forests. In the United States, the land owned by the United States government and held in trust for Native American tribes and individuals is sometimes referred to as a land trust. In Australia, Aboriginal land trusts are a type of non-profit organisation that holds the freehold title to an area of land on behalf of a community of Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander people.

text:
# Land trust

**Land trusts** are nonprofit organizations which own and manage land, and sometimes waters. There are three common types of land trust, distinguished from one another by the ways in which they are legally structured and by the purposes for which they are organized and operated:

* A real estate investment trust is a fiduciary arrangement whereby one party (the trustee) agrees to own and to manage real property for the benefit of a limited number of beneficiaries.
* A community land trust (CLT)  is a private, nonprofit corporation that acquires, manages, and develops land for a variety of purposes, primarily for the production and stewardship of affordable housing, although many CLTs are also engaged in non-residential buildings and uses.
* A conservation land trust is a private, non-profit corporation in the US that acquires land or conservation easements for the purpose of limiting commercial development and preserving open space, natural areas, waterways, and/or productive farms and forests.

In the United States, the land owned by the United States government and held in trust for Native American tribes and individuals is sometimes referred to as a land trust.

In Australia, Aboriginal land trusts are a type of non-profit organisation that holds the freehold title to an area of land on behalf of a community of Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander people.

## History

### Ancient example

Possible earliest concept of equity in land held in trust is the depiction of this ancient king (trustor) which grants property back to its previous owner (beneficiary) during his absence, supported by witness testimony (trustee). In essence and in this case, the king, in place of the later state (trustor and holder of assets at highest position) issues ownership along with past proceeds (equity) back to the beneficiary:

> On the testimony of Gehazi the servant of Elisha that the woman was the owner of these lands, the king returns all her property to her. From the fact that the king orders his eunuch to return to the woman all her property and the produce of her land from the time that she left ...

### Roman era

Land trusts have been around at least since Roman times but their clearest history is from the time of King Henry VIII in England. At that time, people used land trusts to hide their ownership of land so they would not have to serve in the military or fulfill other obligations of land ownership. For example, an elder uncle would hold his nephew's land so he would not have to join the king's army. To end this, King Henry in 1536 passed the Statute of Uses. The statute declared that if one party held land "for the use of" or in trust for another ("beneficiary"), then legal title was vested in the beneficiary. Obviously, if the statute had been given literal effect, there would be no trust law. Shortly after the statute was enacted, however, English courts declared that the statute only applied if the trust was passive, that is, the trustee didn't do anything but hold the land.

### United States

In late 19th-century Chicago, some people figured out that land trusts would be good for buying property for investors to build skyscrapers on, and city aldermen figured they would be a good way to hide their ownership in land since they were forbidden to vote on city building projects when they owned land nearby. Because the law of England, including the Statute of Uses, was present in US law, the question arose whether a land trust would be valid. This question went to the Illinois Supreme Court. It ruled that if a land trust was set up with some minor duty on the trustee (such as to deed the property to the beneficiaries 20 years later), then the trust would not be considered passive and would be valid. Thus, the land trust in America today is often called an "Illinois-type" land trust or "Illinois Land Trust".

Land trusts have been actively used in Illinois for over a hundred years and in recent decades have begun to be used in other states. The declaration of a trust is through a "deed to trustee". If the trust is filed as a public document, it removes all of the asset protection provided by the formation of the land trust. Robert Pless pioneered the use of the land trust that has been used by many firms throughout the United States since the early 1990s.

## Types

### Community land trusts

Community land trusts trace their conceptual history to England’s Garden Cities, India's Gramdan Movement, and Israel’s cooperative agricultural settlements, the *moshavim*. As Robert Swann and his co-authors noted in *The Community Land Trust: A New Model for Land Tenure in America* (1972): "The ideas behind the community land trust...have historic roots" in the indigenous Americas, in pre-colonial Africa, and in ancient Chinese economic systems. Thus, "the goal is to 'restore' the land trust concept rather than initiate it."

### Real estate investment trusts

A real estate investment trust is a fiduciary arrangement whereby one party (the trustee) agrees to own and to manage real property for the benefit of a limited number of beneficiaries.

### Conservation land trusts

Land trusts used primarily for the protection and stewardship of natural areas or for the preservation of productive lands for food or fiber are most commonly called conservation land trusts, but may also be called '*land conservancies*.  They have been in existence since 1891. However, conservation land trusts were not well known before the 1980s. Conservation communities are examples of such land trusts.

#### History

The first conservation land trust The Trustees of Reservations was founded in 1891. In 1976, Ben Emory, new director of the Maine Coast Heritage Trust, had begun to call on Boston lawyer Kingsbury Browne for advice on federal tax issues related to conservation easements. Emory recruited a handful of other land trusts as clients for Browne’s periodic tax letters, and a small communications network of land trusts evolved.

When Congress considered new legislation relating to tax deductibility of easements, the Brandywine Conservancy, led by Bill Sellers, convened land trusts using easements in December 1979. Browne invited the under-secretary of the Treasury for tax policy, who brought IRS staff Stephen Small. The land trusts agreed to hire lobbyists and coordinate efforts to influence the legislation, winning expansion of the conservation purposes for which easements would qualify for deductibility.

Meanwhile, on the other side of the country, the Trust for Public Land sponsored a small gathering in San Francisco of established and newly forming Western land trusts in February 1978.

By 1980, more than 400 local and regional land trusts existed, most still in the North-east, three-fourths with no paid staff, and half with annual budgets under $50,000. The majority of land was protected by fee ownership, but the use of conservation easements was growing.

Then influences converged: the geographic spread resulting in isolation of newer land trusts; recognition of the difficulty of influencing vital legislation; and the growing engagement of Kingsbury Browne in land conservation, leading to his desire to learn about land trusts across the country. A movement was about to be born.

The number of land trusts steadily increased in the United States, with most forming in the late twentieth century. There are also land trusts working in Canada (e.g. Nature Conservancy of Canada, Escarpment Biosphere Conservancy, Wildlife Preservation Canada, Edmonton & Area Land Trust, Ecotrust Canada, Georgian Bay Land Trust and Thames Talbot Land Trust), Mexico, and other countries worldwide, in addition to international land trusts like The Nature Conservancy and the World Land Trust.

#### Aims

The goal of conservation trusts is to preserve sensitive natural areas, farmland, ranchland, water sources, cultural resources or notable landmarks. These include enormous international organizations such as The Nature Conservancy or World Land Trust, as well as smaller organizations that operate on national, state/provincial, county, and community levels. Conservation trusts often, but not always, target lands adjacent to or within existing protected areas. However, land areas that are particularly valuable in terms of natural or cultural resources or are home to endangered plant or wildlife are good candidates for receiving protection efforts.

Land trusts conserve all different types of land. Some protect only farmland or ranchland, others forests, mountains, prairies, deserts, wildlife habitat, cultural resources such as archaeological sites or battlefields, urban parks, scenic corridors, coastlines, wetlands or waterways; it is up to each organization to decide what type of land to protect according to its mission. Some areas have extremely limited public access for the protection of sensitive wildlife, or to allow recovery of damaged ecosystems.

Many protected areas are under private ownership, which tends to limit access. However, in many cases, land trusts work to eventually open up the land in a limited way to the public for recreation in the form of hunting, hiking, camping, wildlife observation, watersports, or other responsible outdoor activities. This is often with the assistance of community groups or government programs. Some land is also used for sustainable agriculture or ranching, or for sustainable logging. While important, these goals can be seen as secondary to protection of the land from development.

#### Strategies

Many different strategies are used to provide this protection, including outright acquisition of the land by the trust. In other cases, the land will remain in private hands, but the trust will purchase a conservation easement on the property to prevent development, or purchase any mining, logging, drilling, or development rights on the land. Trusts also provide funding to assist like-minded private buyers or government organizations to purchase and protect the land forever.

As non-profit organizations, land trusts rely on donations, grants and public land acquisition programs for operating expenses and for acquiring land and easements. Donors often provide monetary support, but it is common for conservation-minded landowners to donate an easement on their land, or the land itself. Some land trusts also receive funds from government programs to acquire, protect, and manage land. Some trusts can afford to pay employees, but many others depend entirely on volunteers. According to the 2005 National Land Trust Census, 31% of land trusts reported having at least one full-time staff member, 54% are all volunteer, and 15% have only part-time staff.

When land is acquired, trusts will sometimes retain ownership of the land in perpetuity, or sell the land to a third party. This third party is often the government, which will usually add the land to an existing protected area, or create a new one entirely. Land trusts were instrumental in the 2004 creation of Great Sand Dunes National Park in Colorado, as well as the expansion of Hawaii Volcanoes National Park by 50% in 2003. Land trusts also sell land to private buyers, usually with a strict conservation easement attached.

Land trusts use many different tools in their protection efforts. Land trusts buy or accept donations of land in fee. This means that the landowner will sell fee simple interest to the land trust or will just give the land they own to an organization. Landowners may also sell or donate a conservation easement to a land trust.

A landowner that donates a conservation easement to a land trust gives up some of the rights associated with the land. For example, the landowner might give up the right to build additional structures, while retaining the right to grow crops. Future owners also will be bound by the conservation easement's terms. The land trust is responsible for making sure the easement's terms are followed. This is done through monitoring of the land.

Conservation easements offer great flexibility. An easement on property containing rare wildlife habitat might prohibit any development, for example, while an easement on a working farm might allow the addition of agricultural structures. An easement may apply to all or a portion of the property, and need not require public access. Each conservation easement is carefully crafted to meet the needs of the landowner while not jeopardizing the conservation values of the land.

In between selling land or an easement to a land trust is an option called a bargain sale. A bargain sale is where a landowner sells a property interest to an organization for less than the market price. The amount of value between the market price and the actual sale price is considered a donation to the organization. There are other strategies to conserve land as well.

In October 2002, Property and Environment Research Center published a report by Dominic P. Parker entitled *Cost-Effective Strategies for Conserving Private Land*. This paper identified numerous ways for operating land trusts more efficiently, pointing out that conservation easement and other tools for land preservation may be less costly than ownership. Sometimes the various rights associated with land ownership are separable. A preservationist organization may, for instance, buy only the extraction rights on a property with oil or minerals, and then rent those rights to extracters on the organization's terms. The terms might include requirements to protect the environment and pay the organization royalties on materials extracted. Many land trust organizations had already been using these strategies for years when this report was published.

#### Structure

The Land Trust Alliance, formed in 1981, provides technical support to land trusts in the United States. The Alliance performs a National Land Trust Census that keeps track of the land protected by local and regional land trusts. The last Census, conducted in 2003, reported that these trusts have protected almost 9.4 million acres (38,000 km2) of land in the United States, double the 4.7 million acres (19,000 km2) recorded in the 1998 survey. Over 5 million acres (20,000 km2) of that was protected by conservation easement in 2003. Although it does not include national or international land trusts in its Census, the LTA estimates another 25 million acres (100,000 km2) in the U.S. have been protected by those organizations. The largest amount of land protected by local and regional trusts is in the Northeast with 2.9 million acres (12,000 km2), while the fastest growing region between 1998 and 2003 was the Pacific (consisting of California, Nevada, and Hawaii), with protected land increasing 147% to 1.5 million acres (6,100 km2) in 2003.

## Other types

In the United States; approximately 230,000 square kilometres (89,000 sq mi) (as of 2008) of land are owned by the United States government and held in trust for Native American tribes and individuals.

In Australia, Aboriginal land trusts are a type of non-profit organisation that holds the freehold title to an area of land on behalf of a community of Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander people.


title: O'Reilly Auto Parts 275

abstract: The O'Reilly Auto Parts 275 was a NASCAR Craftsman Truck Series race held at the Heartland Park Topeka road course, in Topeka, Kansas. It was first held during the inaugural season for the Craftsman Truck Series in 1995, and remained a part of the series through the 1999 season. The race date fluctuated, being run in June, July, and August over the course of its existence. Unlike most NASCAR races, the advertised distance of the race was measured in kilometers as opposed to miles and changed distance several times in its history.

text:
# O'Reilly Auto Parts 275

The **O'Reilly Auto Parts 275** was a NASCAR Craftsman Truck Series race held at the Heartland Park Topeka road course, in Topeka, Kansas. It was first held during the inaugural season for the Craftsman Truck Series in 1995, and remained a part of the series through the 1999 season. The race date fluctuated, being run in June, July, and August over the course of its existence.

Unlike most NASCAR races, the advertised distance of the race was measured in kilometers as opposed to miles and changed distance several times in its history.

## History

The first race at Topeka was held on July 29, 1995, and was won by Ron Hornaday Jr. in the No. 16 Chevrolet for Dale Earnhardt, Inc., who started from the pole position and led all but two laps of the 175-kilometer (109-mile) sponsorless race. For the 1996 race, Lund Look came on as the sponsor and the distance was increased to 225 kilometers (140 miles). As in 1995, the race was dominated by one driver. This time it was Mike Skinner in the No. 3 Chevrolet for Richard Childress Racing, who led 70 of 77 laps en route to victory.

After the 1996 race, the track was reconfigured from 1.8 miles (2.9 km) to 2.1 miles (3.4 km) long and the race was increased to 275 kilometers (171 miles). The first 275-kilometer race was run in 1997 and won by Joe Ruttman in the No. 80 Ford for Roush Racing. Although Ruttman started on the pole, he led just five laps and won when leader Jay Sauter, who was trying to give the No. 3 Chevrolet its second Topeka win, ran out of gas on the final lap. The 1998 race ended in similar circumstances. The race was dominated by Tom Hubert and Mike Bliss, but both's trucks succumbed to engine failure late in the race. When Bliss' engine expired with seven laps to go, Stacy Compton, in the No. 86 Ford for Impact Motorsports, took the lead and held it to the finish.

For the final race in 1999, O'Reilly Auto Parts took over as the sponsor and six laps were removed from the distance. Mike Bliss, in the No. 99 Ford for Roush Racing, found redemption, winning the race after losing an engine in the 1998 event. He took the lead from Jay Sauter with six laps to go and became the first and only Topeka winner to win from outside the top 10 (15th). Bliss' win also made Roush Racing the only team to win twice at this track.

## Past winners

| Year | Date | No. | Driver | Team | Manufacturer | Race Distance | | Race Time | Average Speed
(mph) | Ref |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| | | | | | | Laps | Miles (km) | | | |
| 1995 | July 29 | 16 | Ron Hornaday Jr. | Dale Earnhardt, Inc. | Chevrolet | 60 | 108 (173.809) | 1:30:49 | 71.336 |  |
| 1996 | June 9 | 3 | Mike Skinner | Richard Childress Racing | Chevrolet | 77 | 138.6 (223.055) | 1:42:20 | 81.264 |  |
| 1997 | July 27 | 80 | Joe Ruttman | Roush Racing | Ford | 81 | 170.1 (273.749) | 2:17:07 | 74.433 |  |
| 1998 | Aug 23 | 86 | Stacy Compton | Impact Motorsports | Ford | 81 | 170.1 (273.749) | 2:25:30 | 70.144 |  |
| 1999 | Aug 28 | 99 | Mike Bliss | Roush Racing | Ford | 75 | 157.5 (253.471) | 2:00:16 | 78.575 |  |

**Race length notes**

* **1995–1996:** 1.8 mile course
* **1997–1999:** 2.1 mile course

### Multiple winners (teams)

| \# Wins | Team | Years Won |
| --- | --- | --- |
| 2 | Roush Racing | 1997, 1999 |
| Source: | | |

### Manufacturer wins

| \# Wins | Make | Years Won |
| --- | --- | --- |
| 3 | Ford | 1997, 1998, 1999 |
| 2 | Chevrolet | 1995, 1996 |
| Source: | | |

1. "1995 Heartland Tailgate 175". Racing-Reference. Retrieved October 20, 2021.
2. "1996 Lund Look 225". Racing-Reference. Retrieved October 20, 2021.
3. "1997 Lund Look 275K". Racing-Reference. Retrieved October 20, 2021.
4. "1998 Lund Look 275K". Racing-Reference. Retrieved October 20, 2021.
5. "1999 O'Reilly Auto Parts 275". Racing-Reference. Retrieved October 20, 2021.
6. "Heartland Park Topeka: Camping World Truck Series Race Recaps". Racing-Reference. Retrieved October 20, 2021.

## InfoBox

O'Reilly Auto Parts 275
|  | |
| --- | --- |
| NASCAR Craftsman Truck Series | |
| Venue | Heartland Park Topeka |
| Corporate sponsor | O'Reilly Auto Parts |
| First race | 1995 |
| Last race | 1999 |
| Distance | 275 kilometres (170.9 mi) |
| Laps | 75 |
| Previous names | **Heartland Tailgate 175** (1995)
**Lund Look 225** (1996)
**Lund Look 275K** (19971998)
**O'Reilly Auto Parts 275** (1999) |


title: Táltos

abstract: The táltos is a figure in Hungarian mythology, a person with supernatural power similar to a shaman.

text:
# Táltos

The **táltos** (Hungarian: \[ˈtaːltoʃ\]; also "tátos") is a figure in Hungarian mythology, a person with supernatural power similar to a shaman.

## Description

The most reliable account of the táltos is given by Roman Catholic priest Arnold Ipolyi in his collection of folk beliefs, *Magyar mitológia* (Hungarian mythology) (1854). A táltos would be chosen by the gods or spirits before birth or during childhood. People with teeth at birth, a sixth finger or other additional bones, or with a caul were also often considered to be chosen.

If the extra bone broke or was stolen before the táltos turned 7, its abilities would be lost. Being a táltos could not be learned or taught; it could only happen through supernatural calling. Some beliefs hold that a táltos would have to be breastfed until it turned 7, which would grant it immense physical strength. (An example of this occurs in the archaic folk tale "Son of the White Mare".)

The most important ability of a táltos is a meditation or spiritual trance called "révülés" (verb: révül); in this state, he could heal wounds and sickness or learn hidden truths by "sending their soul among the stars". The *táltos* was chosen by gods or spirits for a specific calling in life and had the duty to communicate with the entire Hungarian nation in a time of danger, to warn against invading armies or an impending cultural collapse.

## Pagans

According to general consensus, the *táltos* were considered as part of pagan religion. There is evidence, though, that the *táltos* existed until the Habsburg era, when this tradition came to an end.

The painted ceiling of the church of Székelyderzs had a figure with six fingers; this was later renovated, "correcting" the picture to five fingers.

Post-Christianism Jesus Christ would sometimes be referred to as the *égi táltos* (or heavenly *táltos*).

## Origin of the word

The name "Táltos" may be connected to the verb "tált", which is to "open wide"; i.e. they "opened themselves to the world." More probable, however, is its cognation with Ugric words like Northern Mansi *tūltėn* "easy" and Vasyugan Khanty *tolten* "with magical powers". Yet another hypothesis suggests derivation from Turkic *talt* "unconsciousness".

## Göncöl and Kampó

In Hungarian folk tales *táltos* are common, such as Göncöl and Kampó.

*Kampó* was said to have had an "ice body" (*jégtestű*) and was short with thick legs. He lived in Temesvár (present-day Timișoara), ate lunch in Buda at the same table as King Matthias and was always poorly dressed. King Matthias was asked several times why a pauper was eating at the same table as the king, but King Matthias insisted on this tradition. When the Ottoman army attacked the Kingdom of Hungary, Kampó reportedly spilled fire from his mouth and he "fought with his iced body against Turkish metal", redeeming a "moonlike" ("holdas" = "eclipse") horse of King Matthias from the Turks.

*Göncöl* (also *Döncöl*, *Güncü*), on the other hand, had tremendous knowledge. He spoke with animals, understood the meanings of the stars, and invented the horse-coach. He was said to have a coach which was pulled by multiple horses that reportedly had its perch broken and bent. His death was not witnessed, but instead it was said that he simply "disappeared into the stars". The "coach of Göncöl" is visible in the night sky as Ursa Major (the "Great Bear"), where the tail of the bear is the perch of the coach.

## References in historiography

In the Chronicle of the Hungarians by Johannes de Thurocz, Attila of the Huns asked several *táltos* to foresee the outcome of Battle of Chalons, where they predicted that the war would be lost. They based their predictions on the intestines of animals, but how the actual prediction is done is not known.

The heritage of *táltos kings* can be found in several parts of Hungary and are linked mainly to kings of the Árpád dynasty. The most important is the chivalrous King Ladislaus; the name of his horse was Szög.

One legend says, that St. Stephen went hunting, but grew tired and took a nap under a tree. He had a dream (or *révülés*/meditation) of speaking with the head of the Pecheneg army. When he woke up, he knew they were preparing to attack, and he could take action to protect the country. According to this legend, St. Stephen himself was a *táltos*. These folk tales may have arisen later and not in the time of these pious Christian kings.

From the times of Matthias Corvinus, Galeotto Marzio writes: "you had a man of six fingers in your father's court". The horse of Matthias was "moonly" (*holdas*), referring to it as *táltos horse*.

There was a lawsuit in 1725, in Debrecen, where Erzsébet Balázsi, a well-known *táltos* at that time, was accused of being a witch. The court asked her to explain the role of *táltos*. She replied: the *táltos* cures, sees buried treasures with the naked eye, and "the *táltos* are fighting for Hungary in heaven".

There is a common belief that St. Stephen has persecuted the *táltos* during Christianisation of Hungary, but this is not linked to any fact. When pagan revolts started in 1046 and 1061 there were enough *táltos* for the leaders to choose for their court.

## The *"táltos horse"*

The *táltos* horse or steed ("táltos paripa") is the mount of the táltos, and also a stock character in Hungarian folk tales. (Here, "táltos" typically refers to the power of the horse and not necessarily its association with a shaman, though some folk heroes are identified as táltos themselves.)

The táltos steed would typically appear at first to the protagonist (usually a peasant's son, adventuring prince, or a youngest son) disguised as an old and ugly jade. If it is treated well, it would ask the hero to feed it hot cinders, whereupon its transform into a steed with golden coat, golden saddles and five or six legs. In this form it could fly with the protagonist on its back; its speed is mandatorily described as "faster than a bird", "faster than wind", and finally "faster than thought".

(As with Hungarian dragons and their heads, the number of legs may appear as other mythical numbers and the coat as other noble metals (in the usual order copper, silver and gold); a higher number/nobler metal implying greater power.)

According to some experts, the *táltos* horse is a symbol of the drum of the *táltos*. They heated it over fire (see hot cinders) to make it suitable to play and used the drum to meditate (fly away).

### Bibliography

* Ortovay, Gyula (1978). *Ősi magyar hitvilág* (in Hungarian). Budapest: Gondolat.

## Further reading


title: Andrej Štimac

abstract: Andrej Štimac is a Croatian professional basketball coach and former player who is the current head coach of Donar. During his playing career, he played as power forward and center.

text:
# Andrej Štimac

**Andrej Štimac** (born March 31, 1979) is a Croatian professional basketball coach and former player who is the current head coach of Donar. During his playing career, he played as power forward and center.

## Playing career

Štimac started his professional career with KK Kvarner of the Croatian HT Premijer liga in 2001. Next, he spent three seasons with Cibona, also playing a total of 44 games in the EuroLeague where he averaged 4.7 points and 2.3 rebounds per game. In 2005, he played for Menorca Bàsquet in Spain.

From 2012 to 2016, he played in Switzerland for Lions de Genève (2012–2015) and Lugano Tigers (2015–2016). Štimac finished his career with a last season at his first club, Kvarner 2010.

## Coaching career

Štimac began his coaching career in 2017, as an assistant for Fribourg Olympic in Switzerland, serving under Petar Aleksić. He left Fribourg in 2020, he became the head coach of Lions de Genève and helped them win the Swiss Cup and SBL Cup in 2021. His contract was not renewed after the 2021–22 season after the Lions were eliminated in the semi-finals by Fribourg.

In the summer of 2022, Štimac signed a one-year contract to become assistant coach for the Dutch club Donar of the BNXT League, where he was an assistant under Matthew Otten. After Otten was fired after a disappointing start of the season, Stimac signed a contract as head coach until 2023–24 on October 31.

Štimac and Donar reached the finals of the Dutch playoffs, following a win in the semi-finals over Heroes Den Bosch. In the finals, Donar lost 2–3 to ZZ Leiden, following a Game 5 loss in Leiden.

1. "ANDREJ STIMAC | EuroLeague". *Euroleague Basketball*. Retrieved 21 November 2022.
2. "Andrej Stimac now with Lugano Tigers - Latest Basketball News". *latestbasketballnews.com*. 3 September 2015. Retrieved 21 November 2022.
3. FOB (17 April 2020). "Andrej Stimac verlässt Olympic". *Fribourg Olympic Basket* (in Swiss High German). Retrieved 21 November 2022.
4. "Basketball: Stimac non reconduit par les Lions de Genève, Attallah à la barre". *RTSSport.ch* (in French). 25 May 2022. Retrieved 21 November 2022.
5. "Andrej Stimac nieuwe assistent coach". *Donar* (in Dutch). Retrieved 21 November 2022.
6. "Andrej Stimac aangesteld als hoofdcoach" \[Andrej Štimac appointed head coach\]. *Donar* (in Dutch). Retrieved 21 November 2022.
7. "Donar stort volledig in en geeft landstitel weg aan ZZ Leiden" \[Donar collapsed completely and gives away national championship to ZZ Leiden\]. *RTV Noord* (in Dutch). 29 May 2023. Retrieved 3 June 2023.

## InfoBox

Andrej Štimac
| Donar | |
| --- | --- |
| Position | Head coach |
| League | BNXT League |
| Personal information | |
| Born | (1979-03-31) March 31, 1979
Rijeka, Croatia |
| Nationality | Croatian |
| Listed height | 2.05 m (6 ft 9 in) |
| Career information | |
| Playing career | 2001–2017 |
| Position | Power forward / center |
| Coaching career | 2017–present |
| Career history | |
| As player: | |
| 2001–2002 | Kvarner |
| 2002–2005 | Cibona |
| 2005–2006 | Menorca Bàsquet |
| 2006–2007 | Turów Zgorzelec |
| 2007–2008 | Zadar |
| 2008–2010 | Zagreb CO |
| 2010–2011 | Mersin BB |
| 2011–2012 | Djuro Djokovic |
| 2012–2015 | Lions de Genève |
| 2015–2016 | Lugano Tigers |
| 2016–2017 | Kvarner |
| As coach: | |
| 2017–2020 | Fribourg Olympic (assistant) |
| 2020–2022 | Lions de Genève |
| 2022 | Donar (assistant) |
| 2022–present | Donar |
|  | |
| Career highlights and awards | |
| **As player:** **As assistant coach:**
**As head coach:** | |
|  | |


title: Hypostomus kopeyaka

abstract: Hypostomus kopeyaka is a species of catfish in the family Loricariidae. It is native to South America, where it occurs in the basin of the Tiquié River, a tributary of the Vaupés River, which is itself a tributary of the Rio Negro, in Brazil, although it has also been reported from Vaupés Department in Colombia. It generally occurs in rapids, cataract pools, and slow-flowing portions of the Tiquié and some of its large tributaries. The species reaches 22.6 cm in standard length and is believed to be a facultative air-breather. Its specific epithet, kopeyaka, refers to its common name in the Tuyuca and Tucano languages, kope ya’ka, reportedly meaning "pleco from the holes", in reference to the species' tendency to hide in holes in the river bank.

text:
# Hypostomus kopeyaka

***Hypostomus kopeyaka*** is a species of catfish in the family Loricariidae. It is native to South America, where it occurs in the basin of the Tiquié River, a tributary of the Vaupés River, which is itself a tributary of the Rio Negro, in Brazil, although it has also been reported from Vaupés Department in Colombia. It generally occurs in rapids, cataract pools, and slow-flowing portions of the Tiquié and some of its large tributaries. The species reaches 22.6 cm (8.9 inches) in standard length and is believed to be a facultative air-breather. Its specific epithet, *kopeyaka*, refers to its common name in the Tuyuca and Tucano languages, *kope ya’ka*, reportedly meaning "pleco from the holes", in reference to the species' tendency to hide in holes in the river bank.

## InfoBox

| *Hypostomus kopeyaka* | |
| --- | --- |
|
| Scientific classification | |
| Domain: | Eukaryota |
| Kingdom: | Animalia |
| Phylum: | Chordata |
| Class: | Actinopterygii |
| Order: | Siluriformes |
| Family: | Loricariidae |
| Genus: | *Hypostomus* |
| Species: | ***H. kopeyaka*** |
| Binomial name | |
| ***Hypostomus kopeyaka***<br>Carvalho, Lima & Zawadzki, 2010 | |
|


title: Voisin X

abstract: The Voisin X was a French two-seat pusher biplane which was built in two versions, one fitted with a 37 mm (1.46 in) Hotchkiss cannon, and the other as a conventional night bomber. Problems with the Peugeot engine in the previous Voisin VIII led to the installation of a new Renault engine of greater power and reliability, but the new aircraft was otherwise nearly identical to the VIII. Despite its obsolescence, it would make up the bulk of front line night bomber escadrilles until the end of the war.

text:
# Voisin X

The **Voisin X** (sometimes written as Voisin 10) was a French two-seat pusher biplane which was built in two versions, one fitted with a 37 mm (1.46 in) Hotchkiss cannon (the **LBR** or **X Ca.2**), and the other as a conventional night bomber (the **LAR** or **X Bn.2**). Problems with the Peugeot engine in the previous Voisin VIII led to the installation of a new Renault engine of greater power and reliability, but the new aircraft was otherwise nearly identical to the VIII. Despite its obsolescence, it would make up the bulk of front line night bomber escadrilles until the end of the war.

## Development

With the failure of the 1915 and 1916 bomber contests to produce any usable types to replace the Voisin V, Voisin was asked to produce an interim type pending the development of the next generation of bombers. This began with the Voisin VII which was itself an enlarged V, but was underpowered, and was soon followed by the Voisin VIII, which suffered severe reliability problems. As with the VIII, two versions were to be built, a night bomber, and an aircraft armed with a large single shot 37 mm (1.457 in) Hotchkiss cannon. By the time the X appeared, the cannon had been found to be of little use and most of those built as LBR/Ca.2s were converted into bombers with the cannons removed. Those **LBR**s fitted with the cannon had the pilot in the rear seat, while in the **LAR**, the pilot sat in the front seat, while the rear occupant could be equipped with a light machine gun such as a Lewis. On some aircraft, the observer's gun was mounted on a ring that was inclined forward to make movement forward easier against the wind.

Like the previous Voisins going back to the Voisin III, the Voisin VIII had a steel tube structure to provide adequate strength, covered with aluminium sheet on the fuselage nacelle and doped fabric on the flying surfaces. The fuselage was square in section, with no attempt at reducing drag. The 3-bay wings had a constant chord and square tips, and the top wings were slightly greater in span than the lower wings. The cruciform tail was mounted on booms which tapered in plan view to a vertical knife edge that formed the rudder post. The all-flying rudder and elevator were aerodynamically balanced and had no fixed surfaces. Unusually for the period, and because it had no skid to drag it to a stop, it was equipped with drum brakes on the rear wheels. Like the Voisin VIII, the X was fitted with two large strut mounted teardrop fuel tanks that could be jettisoned in the event of a fire. Also, as with the VIII, the X was usually fitted with tall individual exhaust stacks projecting above the top wing. Due to the change from a V-8 to a V-12 there were additional stacks, and some examples had a muffler installed. A small additional aerodynamic counterbalance was sometimes also added at the bottom of the rudder.

## Operational history

### French service

The first Voisin X's entered service with VB.114 in late 1917.

Due to their poor performance relative to contemporary fighters, when opposition was anticipated, operations were carried out at night. Voisin X's were used primarily as night bombers, attacking both strategic targets such as railyards, as well as carrying out tactical missions, such as suppressing enemy troop movements. 7 Bombing Groups (*Groupes de Bombardment*) were formed for this purpose. Voisin X's were also used for night reconnaissance, for which 6 *escadrilles* were specifically formed for this role.

Beginning in July 1918, the Voisin began being supplemented by the Farman F.50 in French front-line service, with surviving aircraft being transferred to newly created second line units, however examples remained in front line service until after the armistice. Examples still equipped a number of units in 1920 but by then in the process of being wound down.

### Aerochir

While the British and Americans experimented with aerial ambulances, carrying a single stretcher in a Curtiss Jenny or Airco DH.4, in France, a Voisin X was converted into a complete mobile flying hospital, the *Aerochir*, complete with X-ray machines and other modern equipment for a full service operating room, so as to better support the mobile battlefield conditions created by the introduction of tank warfare.

### Drone/autopilot

In 1918, a Voisin X made a fully automated 100 km flight without human assistance. A pilot was carried as a backup but wasn't found to be necessary. Four Sperry gyroscopes actuated electrical servo motors which controlled the flight surfaces and the engine throttle. During the flight, it changed altitude and direction multiple times, based on a preprogrammed course set with a series of switches. Testing resumed in 1923, for intended use as an auto-pilot.

## Variants

Voisin IX * lightened one-off prototype with 160 hp (120 kW) Renault 8Gb for reconnaissance, with radiator in rounded nose
    + Voisin **LC** \- factory designation for IX

Voisin X * 280 hp (210 kW) Renault 12Fe
    + E.54 - factory designation for prototype
    + Voisin **X Bn.2** \- official designation for night bomber
    + Voisin **X Ca.2** \- official designation for cannon fighter
    + Voisin **LAR** \- factory designation for X Bn.2 night bomber
    + Voisin **LBR** \- factory designation for X Ca.2 armed with cannon

Voisin XI * Development with 350 hp (260 kW) Panhard 12Bc and minor changes to proportions but only around 10 built

## Operators

France  Czechoslovakia * four examples used by 4 Letecka Setnina and Letecke Dilny, both at Cheb postwar.

United States

## Survivors/Aircraft on display

## Specifications (Voisin X Bn.2/LAR)

*Data from* French Aircraft of the First World War

**General characteristics**

* **Crew:** 2
* **Length:** 10.35 m (33 ft 11 in)
* **Wingspan:** 17.90 m (58 ft 9 in)
* **Height:** 3.95 m (13 ft 0 in)
* **Wing area:** 61.14 m2 (658.1 sq ft)
* **Empty weight:** 1,400 kg (3,086 lb) LBR was 50 kg (110 lb) heavier.
* **Max takeoff weight:** 2,200 kg (4,850 lb)
* **Powerplant:** 1 × Renault 12Fe V-12 water-cooled pusher piston engine, 210 kW (280 hp)
* **Propellers:** 2-bladed *Lumière* or *Régy*, 3.12 m (10 ft 3 in) diameter wood fixed-pitch pusher propeller

**Performance**

* **Maximum speed:** 135 km/h (84 mph, 73 kn) at 2,000 m (6,600 ft), LBR was 5 km/h (3.1 mph; 2.7 kn) slower.
* **Range:** 350 km (220 mi, 190 nmi)
* **Endurance:** 5 hours
* **Time to altitude:** 20 minutes to 2,000 m (6,600 ft), LBR took 14 minutes 40 seconds to the same altitude.

**Armament**

* **LAR** equipped with one machine gun and 300 kg (660 lb) of bombs.
* **LBR** equipped with a 37 mm (1.457 in) Hotchkiss cannon

**Related development**

**Aircraft of comparable role, configuration, and era**

**Related lists**

### Citations

### Bibliography

* Davilla, Dr. James J.; Soltan, Arthur (1997). *French Aircraft of the First World War*. Mountain View, CA: Flying Machines Press. ISBN 978-1891268090.
* de Fouchier, Arnauld (1978). "Un Voisin sans pilot en 1918". *L'Enthousiaste* (in French). **5** (July/August). Editions E.P.A.: 1–4.
* Hartmann, Gérard (6 January 2015). "Les héliciers français" (PDF) (in French). Retrieved 5 August 2019.
* Woodman, Harry (1989). *Early Aircraft Armament: The Aeroplane and the Gun Up to 1918*. London, UK: Arms & Armour Press. ISBN 978-0853689904.

## Further reading

## InfoBox

| Voisin X/10/LAR/LBR/E.54 | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Role | Night Bomber & Reconnaissance |
| Manufacturer | Voisin |
| Designer | Gabriel Voisin |
| First flight | 1917 |
| Introduction | 1917 |
| Primary user | France *Aéronautique Militaire* |
| Number built | approx 900 LAR & LBR built. |
| Developed from | Voisin VIII |


title: Jim Leftwich

abstract: James Randolph Leftwich was the national Aboriginal bishop of the Anglican Church of Australia, licensed as an assistant bishop in the Diocese of North Queensland. Leftwich was educated at Nungalinya College and Wontulp-bi-Buya College, and was ordained deacon in 1987 and priest in 1988. Leftwich served as bishop to the Aborigine peoples of northern Queensland and all Australia from his consecration on 16 September 2001 until his retirement on 31 December 2010. He died in 2020.

text:
# Jim Leftwich

**James Randolph Leftwich** (1944 - 27 January 2020) was the national Aboriginal bishop of the Anglican Church of Australia, licensed as an assistant bishop in the Diocese of North Queensland.

Leftwich was educated at Nungalinya College and Wontulp-bi-Buya College, and was ordained deacon in 1987 and priest in 1988.

Leftwich served as bishop to the Aborigine peoples of northern Queensland and all Australia from his consecration on 16 September 2001 until his retirement on 31 December 2010.

He died in 2020.

1. ""Vale James Leftwich", *Reef & Beef*, March 2020, p 1" (PDF). Retrieved 1 January 2023.
2. Tasmanian Anglican – Consecration of new national Aboriginal bishop
3. Anglican Diocese of North Queensland – Bishop Bill's Bulletin, December 2010 Archived 27 September 2013 at the Wayback Machine (Accessed 25 September 2013)
4. ""Vale James Leftwich", *Reef & Beef*, March 2020, p 1" (PDF). Retrieved 1 January 2023.


title: Nate Boyden

abstract: Nathaniel Bostwick "Nate" Boyden is an American former professional soccer player who currently serves as an assistant coach for the Loyola Ramblers men's soccer team.

text:
# Nate Boyden

**Nathaniel Bostwick "Nate" Boyden** (born November 27, 1982) is an American former professional soccer player who currently serves as an assistant coach for the Loyola Ramblers men's soccer team.

## Early life and education

Boyden was born on November 27, 1982, in Woodland, California. He attended Davis Senior High School, where he played on the soccer team. He later attended the University of California, Santa Barbara.

While at UCSB, he played college soccer with the UC Santa Barbara Gauchos men's soccer team led by Tim Vom Steeg. He was with the program for 5 seasons, redshirting in 2003 to rehabilitate an injury. He would appear for the Gauchos in 82 games scoring 6 times.

## Playing career

Boyden made himself eligible for the 2006 MLS Supplemental Draft, but went undrafted. He also wasn't selected in the 2006 USL First Division College Draft.

Boyden did preseason training with the reigning USL First Division champion Seattle Sounders and Brian Schmetzer ultimately signed Boyden as a free agent in April 2006. He was eventually released after playing one game in 2007. Following the 2007 season, Boyden retired from playing professional soccer.

While on work in Germany, Boyden played for amateur side Rostocker FC in the German Verbandsliga Mecklenburg-Vorpommern.

In 2012, Boyden played for American amateur side Michigan Bucks in the USL Premier Development League, scoring 4 times in 15 games played.

## Managerial career

While attending graduate school at the University of Michigan, Boyden served as a volunteer assistant coach for the Michigan Wolverines women's soccer team under former United States women's national soccer team coach Greg Ryan. He spent one year with the Wolverines before accepting an assistant coach job with Bradley Braves.

In March 2013, Boyden was hired by former UCSB teammate Neil Jones as an assistant coach with Loyola Ramblers.

## Personal life

Boyden attended the University of Michigan for graduate classes and his first publication examined the factors affecting career length in Major League Soccer.

## Honors

### Seattle Sounders

## InfoBox

Nate Boyden
| Personal information | | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| Full name | Nathaniel Bostwick Boyden | | |
| Date of birth | (1982-11-27) November 27, 1982 | | |
| Place of birth | Woodland, California, United States | | |
| Height | 6 ft 1 in (1.85 m) | | |
| Position(s) | Midfielder | | |
| Youth career | | | |
| 1997–2000 | Davis Senior High School | | |
| College career | | | |
| Years | **Team** | **Apps** | **(Gls)** |
| 2001–2005 | UC Santa Barbara Gauchos | 82 | (6) |
| Senior career\* | | | |
| Years | **Team** | **Apps** | **(Gls)** |
| 2006–2007 | Seattle Sounders | 13 | (0) |
| 2009 | Rostocker FC |  |  |
| 2012 | Michigan Bucks | 15 | (4) |
| Managerial career | | | |
| 2011 | Michigan Wolverines (volunteer assistant) | | |
| 2012 | Bradley Braves (assistant) | | |
| 2013– | Loyola Ramblers (assistant) | | |
| \*Club domestic league appearances and goals | | | |


title: Hori (slur)

abstract: Hori is an ethnic slur used against people of Māori descent. The term comes from a Māori-language approximation of George, an English name that was very popular during the early years of European colonisation of New Zealand. By means of synecdoche, the term came to be ascribed firstly to any unknown male Māori and then as a negative epithet to all male Māori. The usage as a derogatory term for Māori grew with the increasing urbanisation of Māori and is still common, though its usage may be less than in past decades. The level of offence implied by the use of the term has varied over time and with context. In the mid-1950s, there was a radio sketch "Dad and Hori" and in the early 1960s, the Pākehā writer W. Norman McCallum published several bestselling comedic books under the pseudonym "Hori". The pseudonym was chosen as a typical Māori name and the books depicted Māori as overweight, lazy, and happy-go-lucky. In recent years amongst Māori it has to some extent been "reclaimed" by the community which it was originally intended to insult – being often used as a term of endearment or as a signifier of "keeping it real". An example is the musical group AHoriBuzz, the frontman of which describes the term as embracing Māori humour. This "reclamation" over the last 20 years has progressed so far that many youth may have no idea that the word is a racial slur.

text:
# Hori (slur)

***Hori*** is an ethnic slur used against people of Māori descent. The term comes from a Māori-language approximation of *George*, an English name that was very popular during the early years of European colonisation of New Zealand. By means of synecdoche, the term came to be ascribed firstly to any unknown male Māori and then as a negative epithet to all male Māori.

The usage as a derogatory term for Māori grew with the increasing urbanisation of Māori and is still common, though its usage may be less than in past decades. The level of offence implied by the use of the term has varied over time and with context. In the mid-1950s, there was a radio sketch "Dad and Hori" and in the early 1960s, the Pākehā writer W. Norman McCallum published several bestselling comedic books under the pseudonym "Hori". The pseudonym was chosen as a typical Māori name and the books depicted Māori as overweight, lazy, and happy-go-lucky.

In recent years amongst Māori it has to some extent been "reclaimed" by the community which it was originally intended to insult – being often used as a term of endearment or as a signifier of "keeping it real". An example is the musical group AHoriBuzz, the frontman of which describes the term as embracing Māori humour. This "reclamation" over the last 20 years has progressed so far that many youth may have no idea that the word is a racial slur.

## Etymology

In *The Oxford Dictionary of New Zealandisms*, the term *Hori* is defined as a direct "transliteration of *George*, a name adopted by Māori males from British royal use". Although initially used predominantly as the closest Māori translation of the word *George*, the term later evolved into an "informal offensive" descriptor for all Māori people. The exact timeframe in which the word *Hori* morphed from a simple transliteration into a universal racial slur towards Māori people is unspecified. Nonetheless, it is known that during the period of mass Māori urbanisation between 1950 and 1980, the usage and range of offensive and prejudiced Pākehā identifiers expanded. The newly urban Māori "were doubly alienated, as they were rejected by the dominant Pākehā culture", via the everyday use of racist slurs and characterisations such as *Hori*, and simultaneously removed from their cultural lands.

## History and meaning

The term *Hori* is recognised in academic and public discourses to be an ethnic and/or racial epithet directed towards the Māori people. The word *Hori*, when employed to refer to individuals of the Māori racial-ethnic identity or descent, has a pejorative and derogatory connotation. This connotation originated in colonial-era attitudes and racialised policies. For example, under the New Zealand Settlements Act 1863, native lands belonging to and occupied by different Māori tribes (iwi) and sub-tribes (hapū) were forcibly confiscated by the colonial New Zealand government. This land dispossession, together with the denial of other legal rights, despite the Treaty of Waitangi (1840), fostered the prejudiced characterisation that Māori people were second-class citizens or "sublegal". Building on this historic foundation, the modern meaning of the term is that the Māori subject is, "slovenly, unhygienic, poorly presented (personally and in their home or other possessions) and other similar socially inappropriate characteristics".

Brad Coombes, co-director of the Indigenous research initiative Te Whare Kura, says that the rise in popularity of the name *Hori* eventually led to the belief that, "all Māori could be nicknamed George/Hori". This increase in popularity and general usage coincided with an increase in Māori urban poverty during the 1950s–1980s; wherein, due to the loss of 95% of their native land, 60% of the Māori population moved from rural areas to lower-socioeconomic urban areas with "poorer housing". In the 1960s, John Foster noted that the social disadvantage and racial discrimination (e.g. being called a *Hori*) experienced by Māori people was not solely, "a function of their being Maori, but… instead, the result of being poor." As a consequence, the prejudiced view that all Māori were poor and “behaved in an ill-mannered, common, sublegal, and, albeit, jocular manner”, became encoded in the slur *Hori* and its use was normalised.

Despite the specific intention of the speaker varying person-to-person, Diane Blakemore, as well as other linguists and sociologists, posit that *Hori*: "is not simply an offensive attitude towards the particular individual who is being described as a hori, but more generally towards any person with this racial identity." The term is empowered by the wide variety of cultural stereotypes associated with Māori people in New Zealand social life. For instance, a common stereotype held by non-Māori students in New Zealand is that "all the Māoris are hori \[poor and tough\]", as well as aggressive and lazy in school.

## Usage

### Politics

Historically, the racial epithet *Hori* was employed by white New Zealand subjects in order to degrade and socially marginalise Māori people in public life. In 1954, the white (or Pākehā) engineering student body at the University of Auckland commenced an annual tradition of performing a "mock haka", wherein the participants painted sexual iconography on their bodies and, *in addition*, chanted racial obscenities. The Auckland District Maori Council, in their submission to the *Human Rights Commission (1979)* investigating the mock haka, included one recorded chant:

> Ka Mate! Ka Mate!
>
> (Translated as Death! Death! accompanied by stamping feet and slapping thighs)
>
> Hori! Hori!
>
> (Translated as a derogatory name for Maori, accompanied with left hand patting head, right hand simulating masturbation)
>
> I got the pox (venereal disease) from Hori! Hori!

The Pākehā students also wore grass skirts and carried mock taiaha, mimicking the stereotypical Māori savage and using the *Hori* slur to offend Māori onlookers. However, despite formal complaints from students in the Māori and Polynesian community, the university faculties held that the mock haka was, "too trivial a matter to investigate or to use their powers to intervene".

In 1978, Hilda Halkyard, a Māori university student and activist (later a member of He Taua), confronted the Pākehā students for performing their mock haka at the Auckland University Quad. The powerful imagery of Hilda publicly challenging the Pākehā students acted as a catalyst for future Māori led protests and was used in ‘Anti-Racism Week’ (ca. 1979–80) posters on campus.

In 1979, in response to the lack of disciplinary action and/or intervention, a group of Māori and Polynesian protesters (He Taua) violently confronted the Pākehā students during a practice run of the mock haka. The incident was labelled by New Zealand media as both "the He Tau Incident" and "the Haka Party Incident", the former emphasising the He Taua's status as instigators, rather than the Pākehā student's racism. Reactions to the incident varied in news publications from measured sympathy, especially from Māori figures such as Ralph Hotere, to condemnation and total dismissal. Ben Couch, the Minister of Māori Affairs at the time, observed that the He Taua and Māori everywhere "should be able to laugh at themselves".

Following this incident, the Human Rights Commission investigated Māori-Pākehā relations at Auckland University and concluded, albeit critical of the physical violence, that the mock haka and use of the term *Hori* was "a form of cultural violence". The Race Relations Conciliator, in review of the Haka Party Incident, advised the Pākehā population to combat their own "casual racism" (e.g. the everyday use of the racial slur *Hori*) and to acknowledge instances of institutional racism (e.g. the mock haka).

### Media

Originating in the 1860s, New Zealand newspapers and other publishers began to print fiction and editorial cartoons containing racist caricatures and stereotypes of Māori. During the colonial era, early Pākehā cartoonists and columnists stereotyped all Māori as violent savages and later, "doltish but cunning figures unwilling to part with their land." At the turn of the 19th century, drawing on the polygenism of colonial New Zealand, this stereotype developed to portray the Māori people as, "a vanquished degenerate race", who "all go back to the  in the long run".

In the 1910s–1930s, Pākehā novels and editorial cartoons (e.g. in the *Observer* (1914) and *New Zealand Truth* (1922)) continued to degrade the unassimilated Māori for their laziness, stupidity and cunning. During this period, published Pākehā folk humour, present in both fiction and cartoons, began to label unnamed Māori characters 'Hori'. By means of synecdoche, this resulted in the term *Hori* capturing the range of negative stereotypes ascribed to the Māori (e.g. poor, stupid, etc.), within fiction and public life, by the white majority at the time, eventually transforming the term into a universal racial slur. For example, the white author and journalist Patrick Lawlor (1893–1979), in the 1920s–1930s, wrote three collections of short stories focused on multiple stereotypical ‘Hori’ characters: namely, *Maori Tales: A Collection of over One Hundred Stories* (1926), *More Maori Tales: A Collection of over One Hundred New Stories* (1927) and *Still More Maori Tales: A Further Collection of over One Hundred Stories* (1930). In the introduction of the first collection, Lawlor notes to the Pākehā reader that his main inspiration was the "guile and simplicity" of the Māori; and that the broken or Pidgin English spoken by 'Hori' is "suffice to supply the necessary 'atmosphere'..." of an authentic Māori character. The popularity of this genre of short stories helped to spread the racist "happy-go-lucky 'Hori' figure" and related stereotypes throughout New Zealand society. For instance, it popularised the stereotype that Māori men wore poorly fitting European clothing with bare feet, because of their slovenliness and stupidity.

In the 1960s, Wingate Norman McCallum, a non-Māori author of Scottish heritage, published a successful series of stories under the pseudonym 'Hori'. In the series, the central character is a stereotypical Māori man also called 'Hori', who has comedic experiences with his "too-tired-to-work brother-in-law" at the expense of neighbouring Pākehā and traffic cops. In 1962, the stories were collected in *The Half-Gallon Jar*, with illustrations (or racist Māori caricatures) provided by Frank St. Bruno, and sold over "68,000 copies". The success of the first compendium led to three further collections: namely, *Fill it up Again!* (1964), *Flagon Fun* (1966) and *Flagons of Fun: Selected Stories from Flagon Fun, Half Gallon Jar & Fill it up Again* (1968). The series functioned to reinforce multiple racist conceptions and stereotypes held by the white population in New Zealand, such as that the group identifier 'Māori' and the racial epithet *Hori* were equivalent and interchangeable. In 1963, John Rangihau (1919–1987), a Māori leader of the Ngāi Tūhoe iwi and academic, wrote that the series upheld the Pākehā mindset that viewed "all Maoris as lazy and unpunctual". In the 1960s, Graham Latimer (1926–2016), a prominent Māori land rights activist and leader, remarked that racial perceptions of the Māori were greatly affected by the success of the 'Hori' paperbacks. According to Noel Harrison, Latimer's biographer, whilst "few people read the Hunn Report on the state of Maori in 1960, many thousands laughed at the character named Hori, who came to represent one persistent stereotype of Maori", highlighting the exploitative power of racist *Hori* imagery in fiction.

## Cultural identity

The term *Hori*, albeit still functioning as a slur definitionally and in broader public spheres, has to some degree been "reclaimed" by Māori youth and incorporated into the modern Māori cultural identity with a positive connotation. For example, multiple ethnographic studies, relating to urban education and racialisation in the New Zealand education system, found that although, "… others label… \[Māori people\] 'hori' in a negative way, ... \[a Māori student\] later uses it with pride to refer to behaviours associated with her own Māori culture". The term has largely shifted into a positive form of self-identification in the Māori youth cultural identity, as "the phrase has almost become a badge of honor".

In popular culture, various Māori musicians and contemporary artists have also embraced the term, in order to reappropriate the meaning of *Hori* and diffuse its negative power. For instance, in 2012, activist Hohepa Thompson created the artistic label and studio HORI for the purpose of generating public debate about Māori cultural issues and social inequalities. Another example is the musical project AHoriBuzz by Māori musician Aaron Tokona, who claimed in an interview with Radio New Zealand that the name is about embracing the Māori sense of humour:

> It didn't actually truthfully occur to me that it had racial ramifications about it until someone pointed it out in to me, because I don't live in that space… a Hori to me is the funniest sides of turning a coat hanger into a car aerial, that Billy T. James depicted so beautifully in his comedy sketches, you know? That's hori-as.

Tokona reclaims the racial slur *Hori* in his solo project AHoriBuzz by focusing on the positive aspects of the Hori figure depicted in classic Māori comedy. For example, in the second season of *The Billy T. James Show*, Billy introduced *Te News*, a parody of the Māori news bulletin *Te Karere.* Billy received criticism that he was further stereotyping the Māori people. He denied this and argued: "I think I've just come in in the middle of this quiet spot where everyone's too frightened to say anything, and just done it. There's still further to go."

* Boong, ethnic slur for Indigenous Australians
* Kanake, ethnic slur for Polynesians
* Redskin, ethnic slur for Native Americans
* Nigger, ethnic slur for African peoples


title: Milesia confluens

abstract: Milesia confluens is a species of hoverfly in the family Syrphidae.

text:
# Milesia confluens

***Milesia confluens*** is a species of hoverfly in the family Syrphidae.

## Distribution

Philippines.

## InfoBox

| *Milesia confluens* | |
| --- | --- |
|
| Scientific classification | |
| Domain: | Eukaryota |
| Kingdom: | Animalia |
| Phylum: | Arthropoda |
| Class: | Insecta |
| Order: | Diptera |
| Family: | Syrphidae |
| Subfamily: | Eristalinae |
| Tribe: | Milesiini |
| Subtribe: | Milesiina |
| Genus: | *Milesia* |
| Species: | ***M. confluens*** |
| Binomial name | |
| ***Milesia confluens***<br>Hippa, 1990 | |
|


title: Land tenure in Angola

abstract: The system of land tenure in Angola was addressed by the 2004 land act. While the land act is a crucial step towards normalization of land ownership in post-war Angola, some problems such as competing land claims, land grabbing and the unresolved status of customary land tenure persist.

text:
# Land tenure in Angola

The system of **land tenure in Angola** was addressed by the 2004 land act. While the land act is a crucial step towards normalization of land ownership in post-war Angola, some problems such as competing land claims, land grabbing and the unresolved status of customary land tenure persist.

## The 2004 land reform

The recent land reform in Angola took place after the Angolan Civil War had ended in 2002. After two years of preparation, the land law (*Lei de Terras de Angola*) was passed on 18 December 2004. Amongst others, this law included a formal possibility of transforming customary land rights into legal rights. During the civil war, a clear system of land rights was largely absent, so it was one of the most urgent tasks to have them re-establish in the immediate post-war time. Access and entitlement to land were seen as a key point in the Angolan recovery process. This is especially relevant as two thirds of Angolans work in agriculture and are thus directly dependent on land rights. One of the main tasks of the new land laws was to protect people from evictions, which had frequently taken place during the colonial period as well as during the civil war, largely due to unclear land rights. Nevertheless, some people doubt whether the land reform has been able to fully address the challenges, which is seen by some as related to the insufficient overall accountability of Angola’s government.

## Challenges for land issues

It is estimated that the Angolan Civil War resulted in a total of 4.1 million internally displaced persons (IDPs). This posed a major problem of land distribution, because it led to a situation in which often competing land claims existed between IDPs who relocated to the land during the conflict, and others who had owned the land in the pre-war period. Another challenge to land rights is constituted by land grabbing. This process set in during the last years of the war, as big areas of fertile land, which had once been the territory of pastoralists and their herds, were grabbed by a new wealthy class of land owners, which were often either connected to or part of the government In the recent years, several additional deals between multinational corporations or foreign governments and the Angolan government have been agreed on. Even now, most of the land in Angola is still owned by 'custom', which means that people have no documents to prove that they own the land. As the situation of customary land tenure is still very ambiguous, those who claim their land on the basis of customary law are vulnerable to arbitrary actions perpetrated by the state. Amongst others, this situation led to numerous forced evictions, particularly in the capital city Luanda.

## Further reading

* Robson, P. (2006). *What to do when the fighting stops: challenges for post-conflict reconstruction in Angola*. Luanda: Development Workshop. ISBN 978-0-9688786-7-5
* Hodges, T. (2001). *Angola: from Afro-Stalinism to Petro-Diamond Capitalism*. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-21466-9


title: ITPKA

abstract: Inositol-trisphosphate 3-kinase A is an enzyme that in humans is encoded by the ITPKA gene.

text:
# ITPKA

**Inositol-trisphosphate 3-kinase A** is an enzyme that in humans is encoded by the *ITPKA* gene.

## Structure

ITPKA is one of three inositol-trisphosphate 3-kinase (ITP3K) genes in humans. ITP3K proteins regulate inositol phosphate metabolism by phosphorylation of the second messenger inositol 1,4,5-trisphosphate to produce Ins(1,3,4,5)P4, which is sometimes abbreviated as IP4. Structurally, ITPKA belongs to the inositol polyphosphate kinase (IPK) family. The activity of the inositol 1,4,5-trisphosphate 3-kinase is responsible for regulating the levels of a large number of inositol polyphosphates that are important in cellular signaling, most notably, inositol trisphosphate, which is the enzyme's only substrate. Both calcium/calmodulin and protein phosphorylation mechanisms control its activity. It is also a substrate for the cyclic AMP-dependent protein kinase, calcium/calmodulin- dependent protein kinase II, and protein kinase C in vitro. ITPKA and ITPKB are 68% identical in the C-terminus region The amino- terminal region of ITPKA binds filamentous actin. This property localizes the ITPKA to dendritic spines in principal neurons. ITPKA is expressed physiologically in neurons, but it is sometimes expressed in cancer cells and may contribute to processes of metastasis.

## Physiological function

ITPKA participates in learning and memory processes in neurons.

## Roles in human disease

Although ITPKA is expressed physiologically in neurons and testis, it sometimes becomes expressed in cancer cells, and the expression usually makes the cancer more aggressive.

## Relationship to F-tractin

F-tractin is amino acids 9-52 of rat ITPKA. It was later determined that amino acids 9-40 were sufficient for binding filamentous actin. When fused to a reporter, such as green fluorescent protein, It is useful for the visualization of actin dynamics in living cells.

## Further reading

## InfoBox

| ITPKA | | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
|  | | | |
| Available structures  PDB Ortholog search: PDBe RCSB | | | |
| Identifiers | | | |
| Aliases | ITPKA, IP3-3KA, IP3KA, inositol-trisphosphate 3-kinase A | | |
| External IDs | OMIM: 147521; MGI: 1333822; HomoloGene: 1671; GeneCards: ITPKA; OMA:ITPKA - orthologs | | |
|  | | | |
|  | | | |
|  | | | |
|  | | | |
| Orthologs  Species **Human** **Mouse**  Entrez   Ensembl   UniProt   RefSeq (mRNA)     NM\_002220   NM\_146125   RefSeq (protein)     NP\_002211   NP\_666237   Location (UCSC) Chr 15: 41.49 – 41.5 Mb Chr 2: 119.57 – 119.58 Mb  PubMed search | | | |
| Wikidata | | | |
| View/Edit Human View/Edit Mouse | | | |


title: U-Turn GmbH

abstract: U-Turn GmbH is a German aircraft manufacturer originally based in Villingen-Schwenningen and later in Tuningen. The company specializes in the design and manufacture of paragliders in the form of ready-to-fly aircraft, particularly for aerobatics. The company was founded by Thomas Vosseler and Ernst Strobl in 2002. One early innovation was offering glider purchase financing through an owners' club. U-Turn is organized as a Gesellschaft mit beschränkter Haftung (GmbH), a German Limited liability company. The company's first product was the U-Turn Infinity, an intermediate glider designed for easy handling and safety. By 2016 they had a full line of gliders for all levels of pilots, plus aerobatics, including a two-place aerobatic glider, the U-Turn Twinforce.

text:
# U-Turn GmbH

**U-Turn GmbH** is a German aircraft manufacturer originally based in Villingen-Schwenningen and later in Tuningen. The company specializes in the design and manufacture of paragliders in the form of ready-to-fly aircraft, particularly for aerobatics.

The company was founded by Thomas Vosseler and Ernst Strobl in 2002. One early innovation was offering glider purchase financing through an owners' club.

U-Turn is organized as a Gesellschaft mit beschränkter Haftung (GmbH), a German Limited liability company.

The company's first product was the U-Turn Infinity, an intermediate glider designed for easy handling and safety. By 2016 they had a full line of gliders for all levels of pilots, plus aerobatics, including a two-place aerobatic glider, the U-Turn Twinforce.

## Aircraft

Summary of aircraft built by U-Turn GmbH:

## InfoBox

U-Turn GmbH
|
|  |
| Company type | Gesellschaft mit beschränkter Haftung |
| Industry | Aerospace |
| Founded | 2002 |
| Founder | Thomas Vosseler and Ernst Strobl |
| Headquarters | Tuningen, Germany |
| Products | Paragliders |
| Website | www.u-turn.de |


title: Psychology of dance

abstract: The psychology of dance is the set of mental states associated with dancing and watching others dance. The term names the interdisciplinary academic field that studies those who do. Areas of research include interventions to increase health for older adults, programs for stimulating children’s creativity, dance movement therapy, mate selection and emotional responses.

text:
# Psychology of dance

The **psychology of dance** is the set of mental states associated with dancing and watching others dance. The term names the interdisciplinary academic field that studies those who do. Areas of research include interventions to increase health for older adults, programs for stimulating children’s creativity, dance movement therapy, mate selection and emotional responses.

## Audience perception

Continuous response data provide choreographers information about audiences' perception of their dance material. Matches and mismatches between the choreographer's intention and the audience's response were found by continuously judging the emotions expressed when audience members watched Sue Haeley's *Fine Line Terrain*. Key moments and intended structural changes described by the choreographer were mapped onto the continuous response data to compare the choreographer's intent and the audience's perception.

Surface features of dance contribute to audience arousal. Audience members continuously indicated their arousal and valence while viewing the Quantum Leap Youth Choreographic Ensemble's *Landscape: time, place, and identity* by continuously judging valence and emotion portrayed by the dance. Researchers compared this to choreographic notes about emotions expressed during the piece and found that arousal was related to changes in music and dancer activity.

## Recognizing emotion

### Adults

Laban Movement Analysis categorizes human movement based on the duration of time and tempo changes, the contraction and expansion of limbs and the tension and dynamics of movement. In an experiment, subjects viewed 20 videos of dancers performing the same dance attempting to convey anger, fear, grief or joy. Viewers performed at an above-chance level for all but one performance of grief. The highest recognition rate was for grief, followed by anger, then joy. An automated recognition system attempted to find movement cues for different emotions. Fear was expressed with low fluency and many contractions in toward the body, joy with very fluent motion, and grief with frequent transitions between motion and pauses, reducing fluency. The extracted cues were validated by the spectators' recognition of the different emotions in movement and the dancers' performing the emotions similarly.

Observers picked up emotion even without facial expressions. Raters with no dance experience watched videos of a dancer performing movement with seven different motives and six emotions, but with a neutral face. Raters employed a list of motive terms including happy, lonely, sharp, natural, solemn, dynamic and flowing. They assessed emotional intensity on a scale of one to four concerning happiness, surprise, loneliness, fear, anger and disgust. All the intended emotions and motives were perceived, showing that attempts to communicate emotion and motivation via movement can succeed.

Individuals participating in dance therapy identify feelings similar to those observing the activity. Participants attempted each posture after viewing a photograph or a model in the posture. Participants noted the emotion they associated with each posture. Responses were the same whether the subject was observing or embodying the posture, except for anger. Movers noted an anger response more often than observers.

### Children

Four-, five-, and eight-year-old children and adults watched videos of movement expressing joy, anger, fear and sadness and indicated which emotions they perceived in each video. All age groups achieved recognition scores above chance level. The four-year-olds had the lowest scores, while the five-year-olds achieved levels close to the eight-year-olds' and the adults' scores.

## Expertise

### Ballet and Indian dance

Untrained, frequent spectators and novices of ballet or Indian dance watched videos of ballet, Indian dance, and non-dance soloists. Motor-potentials (MEPs) in their hands and arms were used to measure corticospinal excitability. In ballet, the arms are used frequently, while the hands are used in Indian dance. Participants had higher MEPs in their arms when watching ballet compared to Indian dance. Ballet spectators' visual experience, not motor experience, drove motor resonance.

### Position sense

Dancers have more accurate position sense than non-dancers allowing them to rely more on position sense than vision. Experts, amateurs and novices differ in their mental representations based on spatial parameters. Subjects in each group viewed clips of basic classical ballet steps and noted the spatial parameters of basic action concepts (BACs), which are mental representations of each part of a movement. For the pas assemblé, amateurs and experts clustered the movement into functional phases, but for the pirouette, only experts had adequate spatial parameters. This suggests that experts retain spatial parameters in their long-term memory and that dancers use mental imagery to memorize long complex phrases.

## Participating in dance

Dancers think in different modes, remember complex movement and respond to the other dancers. Communication between dancers occurs through direct perception of motion, recognition of structure and neural mirroring. Dancers' memory includes procedural knowledge of how to move their bodies and declarative knowledge of specific combinations. Thus, dance is similar to language, where grammar depends on procedural memory and memory of words depends on declarative memory. Dance also involves feelings and personal experience.

Each contemporary dancer has a moving identity as a result of a collection of choreographic and training influences that reveals a personal narrative.

One Duke University study found that dancers learn routines in different ways, whether by dancing at half speed or in their minds.

A study has found that participating in synchronised dancing facilitates group bonding and higher pain thresholds more so than participating in unsynchronised dancing together.

## Emotion

### Empathy

Empathy mediates cognition in dance improvisation. Through understanding others' emotions and intentions, dancers make affective motor decisions. Improvised movement is based on embodied cognition, the theory that the body reveals the nature of the mind, motor cognition, that cognition is embodied in action, social cognition, dancers' understanding of others' actions and emotions, and situated cognition, that knowing is inseparable from action. Mirror neurons underlie many movements, allowing dancers to subconsciously respond to stimuli from the other dancers. Empathy provides temporary structuring of movements, which allows contact improvisation to be a kind of choreography.

### Creativity

Emotions were shown to affect creativity through arousal and valence interactions for subjects playing the video game *Dance Dance Revolution*. Participants were randomly assigned to three different levels of exertion, representing levels of arousal. While the participants danced, an experimenter randomly gave them either a very bad grade or a very good grade, attempting to affect the subject's mood. After dancing, the participants were tested on valence, mood, arousal, creativity and level of physical and mental energy. Lower arousal levels resulted in higher creativity scores when a negative mood was induced. With higher arousal levels, a positive mood resulted in greater creativity than a negative mood.

## Schools

Dance employs emotion, creativity, cultural influence and symbolism to convey meaning. Dance resembles verbal language because it has a vocabulary (dance movements) and grammar (system for combining movements). Dance increases connectedness among students and between students and teachers in the classroom. In schools students can enhance bodily-kinesthetic intelligence, reorganize neural pathways to improve learning, and express knowledge through dance.

Dance helps students to develop a sense of self as an emotional and social being. In preschool, children developed language, movement and collaborative skills to express their ideas. They created and named poses, learned ways of breathing to apply in different emotional situations, mirrored others' movements, incorporated emotions into their movement and participated in free movement. Children enhanced their social cognition and raised their awareness of their bodies.

## Therapy

### Dance movement therapy

Dementia patients who participated in a dance movement therapy (DMT) intervention showed improved cognition compared to a control group. The intervention group participated in nine thirty- to forty-minute sessions of dance movement therapy. The control and intervention groups completed the Mini-Mental State Examination (MMSE), the Word List savings score, the instrumental activities of daily living (IADLs) and the Clock Drawing Test a week before, immediately before, at week five, at week nine and four weeks after the intervention. MMSE scores improved in the DMT group at follow-up and IADL scores improved in the DMT group at week 9. The changes were small, but intervention-related improvements in visuospatial ability were found.

### Aerobic dance

An aerobic dance program improved older adults' executive function. Participants were assigned to a freestyle workout, which involved patterns of movement, or a combination style workout, in which they learned a long choreographic routine. Their cognitive function was tested immediately before and after the forty-minute dance class with a task-switching reaction time test. Performance improved in the combination group after the program, while there was no change in the freestyle group.

### Jazz dance

A jazz dance class study was conducted to improve older adults' balance, cognition and mood. These were measured with the MMSE, Geriatric Depression Scale (GDS), and Sensory Organization Test (SOT), respectively before (time 1), at the midpoint (time 2), and after (time 3) the class. Differences in MMSE and GDS scores were not significant, but SOT scores increased from time 1 to time 2 and from time 2 to time 3.

## Implications about mate selection

### Symmetry

Charles Darwin suggested that dance is a signal for natural selection in courtship. Fluctuating asymmetry (FA) measures quality of dancing, where higher scores indicate lower quality. Higher FA individuals are less attractive. They are more likely to engage with other FA individuals. A motion capture study of videos of Jamaican dancers, altered to make the dancers unrecognizable used FA ratings to categorize the dancers. Male and female subjects assessed dancing ability and identified the dancer's sex. Symmetrical dancers were rated as significantly better than others, but female symmetry accounted for less than it did in males. Female evaluators more strongly preferred symmetrical male dancers than male evaluators, while there was no gender difference in ratings of female dancers. Lower FA male evaluators were less likely to prefer dances performed by symmetrical females.

Below Citation has been retracted since 2013.

### Risk-taking

Mate preference occurs when women perceive risk-taking in men from motion cues in dance. Non-professional heterosexual male dancers completed the Sensation Seeking Scale (SSS-V) assessing their attitudes towards risky activities, thrill-seeking, partying and sexual activities. Women viewed videos of them dancing alone in a room and rated them on perceived risk-taking and perceived attractiveness. Mean attractiveness ratings of the dancers correlated positively with their mean risk-taking and sensation seeking ratings.


title: Hârtibaciu

abstract: The Hârtibaciu is a river in the Transylvania historical region of Romania. It develops in the South Carpathians and flows into the Cibin, a tributary of the Olt, in Mohu, southeast of Sibiu. It flows through the towns and villages Bărcuț, Retiș, Brădeni, Netuș, Agnita, Benești, Alțâna, Nocrich, Hosman, Cornățel and Cașolț. Its length is 110 km (68 mi) and its basin size is 1,025 km⁲ (396 sq mi). King Géza II of Hungary settled the initial Transylvanian Saxon colonists along the Hârtibaciu, referred to by them as the Harbach. The Saxons established many towns along the river such as Agnita with Kirchenburgen, or fortified churches.

text:
# Hârtibaciu

The **Hârtibaciu** (German: *Harbach*; Hungarian: *Hortobágy*) is a river in the Transylvania historical region of Romania. It develops in the South Carpathians and flows into the Cibin, a tributary of the Olt, in Mohu, southeast of Sibiu. It flows through the towns and villages Bărcuț, Retiș, Brădeni, Netuș, Agnita, Benești, Alțâna, Nocrich, Hosman, Cornățel and Cașolț. Its length is 110 km (68 mi) and its basin size is 1,025 km2 (396 sq mi).

King Géza II of Hungary settled the initial Transylvanian Saxon colonists along the Hârtibaciu, referred to by them as the *Harbach*. The Saxons established many towns along the river such as Agnita with *Kirchenburgen*, or fortified churches.

## Tributaries

The following rivers are tributaries to the river Hârtibaciu (from source to mouth):

## InfoBox

| Hârtibaciu | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
|  | |
| Location | |
| Country | Romania |
| Counties | Brașov, Sibiu |
| Towns | Agnita |
| Physical characteristics | |
| Mouth | Cibin |
| location | Mohu |
| coordinates | 45°44′02″N 24°14′16″E / 45.7338°N 24.2379°E / 45.7338; 24.2379 |
| Length | 110 km (68 mi) |
| Basin size | 1,025 km2 (396 sq mi) |
| Basin features | |
| Progression | CibinOltDanubeBlack Sea |


title: Voisin VII

abstract: The Voisin VII was a French reconnaissance pusher biplane aircraft of World War I.

text:
# Voisin VII

The **Voisin VII** was a French reconnaissance pusher biplane aircraft of World War I.

## Design

The Voisin VII was a biplane with a single engine in a pusher configuration, developed by Voisin in 1916 as an enlarged Voisin V with the engine cooling radiators moved to the nose. However, the Voisin VII was underpowered, even with improvements over its predecessor.

## Operators

France

## Specifications

*Data from*

**General characteristics**

* **Crew:** 2
* **Length:** 10.35 m (33 ft 11 in)
* **Wingspan:** 17.93 m (58 ft 10 in)
* **Height:** 3.95 m (13 ft 0 in)
* **Wing area:** 61.14 m2 (658.1 sq ft)
* **Empty weight:** 1,250 kg (2,756 lb)
* **Gross weight:** 1,700 kg (3,748 lb)
* **Powerplant:** 1 × Renault 8G V-8 water-cooled piston engine, 130 kW (180 hp)
* **Propellers:** 2-bladed *Voisin 4*, 2.98 m (9 ft 9 in) diameter wood fixed pitch pusher propeller

**Performance**

* **Maximum speed:** 112 km/h (70 mph, 60 kn) at sea level
* **Endurance:** 4½ hours

**Armament**

* **Guns:** 1 x 7.7 mm (0.303 in) machine gun

### Citations

### Bibliography

* Davilla, Dr. James J.; Soltan, Arthur (1997). *French Aircraft of the First World War*. Mountain View, CA: Flying Machines Press. ISBN 978-1891268090.
* Hartmann, Gérard (6 January 2015). "Les héliciers français" (PDF) (in French). Retrieved 5 August 2019.

## InfoBox

| Voisin VII | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Role | Reconnaissance |
| Manufacturer | Voisin |
| Designer | Gabriel Voisin |
| First flight | 1916 |
| Introduction | 1916 |
| Primary user | *Aéronautique Militaire* |
| Number built | 100 |
| Developed from | Voisin V |
| Developed into | Voisin VIII |