title: Every Day (2018 film)

abstract: Every Day is a 2018 American romantic fantasy drama film directed by Michael Sucsy and written by Jesse Andrews, based on the 2012 novel of the same name by David Levithan. The film stars Angourie Rice as 16-year-old Rhiannon, who falls in love with a traveling soul who wakes each morning in a different body; Justice Smith, Debby Ryan and Maria Bello also star. The film was released on February 23, 2018.

text:
# Every Day (2018 film)

***Every Day*** is a 2018 American romantic fantasy drama film directed by Michael Sucsy and written by Jesse Andrews, based on the 2012 novel of the same name by David Levithan. The film stars Angourie Rice as 16-year-old Rhiannon, who falls in love with a traveling soul who wakes each morning in a different body; Justice Smith, Debby Ryan and Maria Bello also star. The film was released on February 23, 2018.

## Plot

"A" is a traveling spirit who experiences every day in the body of a different teenager.

A wakes up in the body of Justin, the neglectful boyfriend of Rhiannon. At school, Rhiannon approaches A as Justin, convincing A to skip school with her. As the day goes on, A falls in love with Rhiannon, as she confides her troubled home life following her father's mental breakdown, almost resulting in her family losing their home. At the end of their day together, A alludes to the fact that tomorrow will be different but Rhiannon responds that tomorrow is tomorrow and that today should end on "a nice note". Rhiannon feels a rekindled love for Justin, seemingly a more caring and different person.

The next day, Rhiannon finds Justin has reverted to his old, careless self and does not remember the previous day. Meanwhile, A wakes up in the body of Amy and masquerades as an exchange student to be close to Rhiannon.

Waking up as Nathan, A attends a party and finds Rhiannon. Dancing together, A and Rhiannon bond, and A tells Rhiannon she deserves better than Justin before Justin chases A off. A few days later, A texts Rhiannon to meet, and she does, assuming she is meeting Nathan. A arrives as Megan, explaining that A was Justin, Amy, and Nathan, and has fallen in love with her. Initially disdainful, Rhiannon agrees to meet with A the next day.

Now in the body of James, A reveals that A has shifted bodies every day since infancy and shows her the private Instagram account with pictures taken in every body, through which Rhiannon can communicate with A. Meeting with Nathan, who believes he was possessed by the devil, Rhiannon realizes A is real. A, in the body of transgender teen Vic, convinces Rhiannon to give A a chance, suggesting that it is the soul that matters, not the body. After some thought, Rhiannon agrees to continue meeting A.

Surprised to awaken in the body of Rhiannon herself, A sees it as an opportunity to get to know Rhiannon better. A promises to be respectful of Rhiannon's privacy and her life, not breaking up with Justin or looking at Rhiannon's naked body. Over the course of the day, A bonds with Rhiannon's mother, as well as her sister and father.

The following day, having finally found the courage, Rhiannon breaks up with Justin. She immediately calls A for a weekend trip at her uncle's cabin. A, in the body of Xavier, talks about the day spent in Rhiannon's body. Rhiannon tells A that leaving a mark could be a good thing so people will know A exists, but A feels obligated to leave people's memories unchanged.

At the end of the day, A kisses Rhiannon goodbye and plans to return the next day but does not, forcing Rhiannon to call her mother to pick her up. A later explains that day's body was undergoing a lung transplant. Rhiannon and A gradually become intimate and promise they will figure out how to maintain their relationship.

A wakes in the body of the suicidal Kelsea, and Rhiannon convinces A to attempt to hold onto Kelsea's body for more than twenty-four hours, to keep her alive until Kelsea's father can be alerted to her struggles. A is successful, and Rhiannon convinces A to stay in the body of her classmate, Alexander, so they can remain together. Though this seems to work for a short time, A is unwilling to take over somebody else's life permanently.

Alone with Rhiannon at Alexander's house, A tells her that they cannot realistically be together forever, that Alexander himself is perfect for Rhiannon, and that A would be keeping her from that someone. Realizing that this is their last night together, Rhiannon and A dance and talk; as they wait for midnight, A tells her that "this is the nice note"  alluding to Rhiannon's comment to Justin about ending their day together on "a nice note".

The next day, A awakens in the body of Katie and drives to New York while Rhiannon meets Alexander at school.

## Cast

* All following actors portray characters who are at one point inhabited by the entity "A"

## Production

In June 2017, it was announced that MGM had acquired film rights for the novel *Every Day*, with Angourie Rice attached to star as Rhiannon, from a screenplay by Jesse Andrews, author of *Me and Earl and the Dying Girl*, and Michael Sucsy directing.

In July 2017, the rest of the main cast was announced, as the film began production in Toronto, Ontario, Canada. Later, Owen Teague joined the cast. The film was shot in Toronto from July 6, 2017 until August 12, 2017.

## Release

Orion Pictures distributed in wide release for MGM. The film was initially scheduled for release on February 2, 2018, but was pushed back to April 27, 2018, and then moved up to the final date of February 23, 2018. The studio spent around $10 million for promotion.

In the United Kingdom, the British Board of Film Classification issued the film a 12A certificate but removed four seconds in order to achieve the classification. The trimmed material involved images of suicide methods.

## Reception

### Box office

*Every Day* grossed $6.1 million in the United States and Canada, and $4.3 million in other territories, for a worldwide gross of $10.4 million.

*Every Day* was released alongside *Game Night* and *Annihilation*, and was projected to gross $2–4 million from 1,667 theaters in its opening weekend. It earned $3.1 million over the weekend, finishing ninth at the box office.

### Critical response

On Rotten Tomatoes, the film holds an approval rating of 63% based on 64 reviews with an average rating of 5.7/10. The website's critical consensus reads, "*Every Day* wastes its metaphysical premise on shallow storytelling, though its diverse young cast adds flavor to an otherwise bland teen-romance." On Metacritic, the film has a weighted average score of 52 out of 100, based on 11 critics, indicating "mixed or average reviews". Audiences polled by CinemaScore gave the film an average grade of "B+" on an A+ to F scale, while PostTrak reported filmgoers gave the film a 64 percent overall positive score and a 39 percent "definite recommend".

Film critic Peter Bradshaw called the film "the quirky film overlooked by the complacent MSM gatekeeper-establishment which might be a future cult classic".

## InfoBox

| Every Day | |
| --- | --- |
| Theatrical release poster | |
| Directed by | Michael Sucsy |
| Written by | Jesse Andrews |
| Based on | *Every Day*
by David Levithan |
| Produced by |  |
| Starring |  |
| Cinematography | Rogier Stoffers |
| Edited by | Kathryn Himoff |
| Music by | Elliott Wheeler |
| Production
companies |  |
| Distributed by | Orion Pictures |
| Release date | * February 23, 2018 (2018-02-23) |
| Running time | 97 minutes |
| Country | United States |
| Language | English |
| Budget | $4.9 million |
| Box office | $10.4 million |


title: Every Day's the Weekend

abstract: "Every Day's the Weekend" is a song by Australian recording artist Alex Lahey. The song was released in July 2017 as the lead single from Lahey's debut studio album, I Love You Like a Brother, and was certified gold in 2019. Upon release, Lahey said "I wrote it about that feeling when you really like someone, you're hanging out all the time, and the rest of your life falls by the wayside. It's almost like, 'oh I'm just going to pull a sickie and hang out', that sort of vibe. So, the song is about losing sight of maybe what's important to you as an individual for the supposed benefit of maybe spending time with someone else." At the AIR Awards of 2018, the song won Best Independent Single.

text:
# Every Day's the Weekend

"**Every Day's the Weekend**" is a song by Australian recording artist Alex Lahey. The song was released in July 2017 as the lead single from Lahey's debut studio album, *I Love You Like a Brother*, and was certified gold in 2019.

Upon release, Lahey said "I wrote it about that feeling when you really like someone, you're hanging out all the time, and the rest of your life falls by the wayside. It's almost like, 'oh I'm just going to pull a sickie and hang out', that sort of vibe. So, the song is about losing sight of maybe what's important to you as an individual for the supposed benefit of maybe spending time with someone else."

At the AIR Awards of 2018, the song won Best Independent Single.

## Certification

| Region | Certification | Certified units/sales |
| --- | --- | --- |
| Australia (ARIA) | Gold | 35,000 |
| Sales+streaming figures based on certification alone.
 | | |

## InfoBox

| "Every Day's the Weekend" | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Single by Alex Lahey | |
| from the album  *I Love You Like a Brother* | |
| Released | 28 July 2017 (2017-07-28) |
| Length | 3:10 |
| Label | Alex Lahey, Nicky Boy Records |
| Songwriter(s) | Alex Lahey |
| Alex Lahey singles chronology | |
| "Wes Anderson"
(2017) "**Every Day's the Weekend**"
(2017) "Lotto in Reverse"
(2017) | |
|  | |
| Music video | |
| "Every Day's the Weekend" on YouTube | |
|  | |


title: The Artwoods

abstract: The Artwoods were a British rhythm and blues band who formed in 1963 and were professionally active between 1964 and 1967. They were a popular live attraction, rivalling groups such as the Animals, although, despite releasing a clutch of singles and an album, their record sales never reflected this popularity.

text:
# The Artwoods

**The Artwoods** (also sometimes known by Decca Records as **the Art Woods**) were a British rhythm and blues band who formed in 1963 and were professionally active between 1964 and 1967. They were a popular live attraction, rivalling groups such as the Animals, although, despite releasing a clutch of singles and an album, their record sales never reflected this popularity.

## History

Singer Arthur Wood, from whom the band took their name, was the eldest brother of Ronnie Wood (who later found fame with the Faces and Rolling Stones). Art Wood had been a vocalist with Alexis Korner's Blues Incorporated for a short period during 1962, simultaneously fronting his own group, the Art Wood Combo. When keyboardist Jon Lord and guitarist Derek Griffiths from Red Bludd's Bluesicians joined the Art Wood Combo, the Artwoods were formed. With Keef Hartley, formerly with Rory Storm & the Hurricanes, joining on drums and Malcolm Pool from the Roadrunners joining as bassist, in December 1964 the band turned professional, securing a residency at London's 100 Club and signing a recording contract with Decca Records. Colin Martin joined from the band the Ingoes, who changed their name to the Blossom Toes. Colin went on to work at Radio 2 where he produced the like of Terry Wogan, Ken Bruce and Gloria Hunniford and was later appointed as Head of Music at the station.

The intended debut single, a cover of Muddy Waters' "Hoochie Coochie Man", was shelved in favour of a rendition of an old Lead Belly song, "Sweet Mary". Although it didn't reach the charts, it got sufficient airplay to bring the band a lot of live work, including an appearance on the first live edition of *Ready Steady Go!*. Their second record, "Oh My Love", was another blues cover. Like its predecessor (and subsequent releases), it failed to chart. Their only chart single was "I Take What I Want", which reached No 28 on 8 May 1966. The Artwoods were one of the few British bands of the era to play behind the Iron Curtain as they toured Poland in 1966 with Lord's then-girlfriend Elkie Brooks as opener.

### As the St Valentines Day Massacre

The Artwoods were dropped by Decca at the end of 1966, and they signed a one-record deal with Parlophone, but their release "What Shall I Do" also had no success. Later in 1967, a final "one-off" single appeared on the Fontana label, with the band billing itself as St. Valentine's Day Massacre; but by the time of its release the Artwoods had effectively ceased to exist.

## Critical reception and post-band activity

Bruce Eder of Allmusic notes that the Artwoods' early records today stand up well against the work of more successful groups such as the Rolling Stones, the Yardbirds or the Birds (who included Art's younger brother Ronnie). But at the time they came out, despite appearances on programs like *Ready, Steady, Go!* their singles never seemed to connect with the record-buying public. The group broke up in mid-1967. Art Wood joined his brother Ted in the graphics-art business and continued to perform music on a semi-professional basis. He also played with the Downliners Sect. Keef Hartley went on to play with John Mayall's Bluesbreakers and Jon Lord became a founder member of Deep Purple.

Over the years, there have been two compilations released by the band. In 1983, *100 Oxford Street*, including most of their mid-'60s singles and seven songs from *Art Gallery*, was released by Edsel Records. In 2000, *Singles A's & B's*, comprising the group's entire single and EP output, was released by Repertoire Records.

## Band members

## Discography

### Albums

* *Art Gallery* (Decca, LK4830) Nov 1966
* *Art Gallery* \[Reissue\] (Repertoire, REP4533-WP) 1995

### Live albums

* *Live at Klooks Kleek* (Diamond) 2016
* *Art's Gallery* (Top Sounds) 2019

### Compilation albums

* *The Artwoods* (Spark, SRLM2006) 1974
* *100 Oxford Street* (Edsel, ED107) 1983
* *Singles A's & B's* (Repertoire, REP4887) 2000
* *Steady Gettin' It – The Complete Recordings 1964–67* (RPM) 2014

### EPs

* *Oh My Love* \["Oh My Love"/"Big City"/"If I Ever Get My Hands on You"/"Sweet Mary"\] (Decca 457.076 M) 1966
* *Jazz in Jeans* \["These Boots Are Made for Walkin'"/"A Taste of Honey"/"Our Man Flint"/"Routine"\] (Decca DFE 8654) 1966
* *The Artwoods* \["I Take What I Want" (Hayes/Porter/Hodges)/"If I Ever Get My Hands on You" (Carter/Lewis)/"I Feel Good" (Neville)/"She Knows What to Do" (Hill/Rebennack)\] (Decca DFE 8576) Reissue, 2009 in Japan

### Singles

* "Sweet Mary"/"If I Ever Get My Hands on You" (Decca F 12015) Nov 1964
* "Oh My Love"/"Big City" (Decca F 12091) Feb '65
* "Goodbye Sisters"/"She Knows What to Do" (Decca F 12206) Aug 1965
* "I Take What I Want"/"I'm Looking for a Saxophonist Doubling French Horn Wearing Size 37 Boots" (Decca F 12384) Apr 1966
* "I Feel Good"/"Molly Anderson's Cookery Book" (Decca F 12465) Aug 1966
* "What Shall I Do"/"In the Deep End" (Parlophone R 5590) Apr 1967
* "Brother Can You Spare a Dime"/"Al's Party" (Fontana H883) (as St. Valentine's Day Massacre) 1967

## InfoBox

| The Artwoods | |
| --- | --- |
| Origin | London, England |
| Genres | R&B |
| Years active | 1964–1967 |
| Labels | Decca, Parlophone, Repertoire, Spark |
|  | |
| Past members | Art Wood
Derek Griffiths
Reginald Dunnage
Malcolm Pool
Keef Hartley
Jon Lord
Colin Martin |


title: Execution of Benjamin Moloise

abstract: Malesela Benjamin Moloise was a South African poet and political activist who came to international attention following his arrest and subsequent execution by the government of South Africa. From Soweto, Moloise worked as an upholsterer before turning to poetry during his time on death row. In 1983, Moloise was arrested for the 1982 murder of Phillipus Selepe, a black security policeman who assisted in capturing three African National Congress (ANC) members. Although he initially confessed to the murder, he later retracted the statement during his trial. Moloise's death sentence sparked national and international outrage and was seen as emblematic of South Africa's brutal crackdown on anti-apartheid activists. Throughout Moloise's trial, allegations arose about the legitimacy of the evidence against him, the veracity of his confession, and the overall fairness of the process. Following a refusal of clemency or retrial by President P. W. Botha, Moloise was executed in 1985. His execution sparked riots in Johannesburg, protests in major world cities, and a flurry of diplomatic condemnations. The legacy of Moloise's life, death, and anti-apartheid poems penned during his time on death row transcended South Africa, manifesting in global displays of solidarity and streets named in his honor.

text:
# Execution of Benjamin Moloise

**Malesela Benjamin Moloise** (c.1955 – 18 October 1985) was a South African poet and political activist who came to international attention following his arrest and subsequent execution by the government of South Africa. From Soweto, Moloise worked as an upholsterer before turning to poetry during his time on death row. In 1983, Moloise was arrested for the 1982 murder of Phillipus Selepe, a black security policeman who assisted in capturing three African National Congress (ANC) members. Although he initially confessed to the murder, he later retracted the statement during his trial. Moloise's death sentence sparked national and international outrage and was seen as emblematic of South Africa's brutal crackdown on anti-apartheid activists.

Throughout Moloise's trial, allegations arose about the legitimacy of the evidence against him, the veracity of his confession, and the overall fairness of the process. Following a refusal of clemency or retrial by President P. W. Botha, Moloise was executed in 1985. His execution sparked riots in Johannesburg, protests in major world cities, and a flurry of diplomatic condemnations. The legacy of Moloise's life, death, and anti-apartheid poems penned during his time on death row transcended South Africa, manifesting in global displays of solidarity and streets named in his honor.

## Early life and background

Malesela Benjamin Moloise was born to Pauline and Robert Moloise in 1955. He worked as an upholsterer in Soweto, later turning to poetry and religion while on death row for two years. Moloise also fathered two children.

On 7 November 1982, Warrant Officer Phillipus Selepe, a black security policeman who had been instrumental in capturing three African National Congress (ANC) members, was fatally ambushed at his home in Mamelodi. Selepe sustained eight gunshot wounds from an AK-47 rifle, with 25 spent cartridges found near his body. Moloise was arrested three months later; following two days of interrogations, he confessed to Selepe's murder.

During the apartheid era, black police officers thought to be cooperating with the South African government faced significant risks, becoming frequent targets for the ANC. These officers lived in areas where mistrust and accusations of betrayal were common sentiments. The South African government, while readily tapping into the talents and expertise of black citizens, often hesitated to ensure their protection, especially when such measures seemed at odds with the deeply entrenched apartheid principles. Reflecting a strategic shift, the ANC had recently expanded its focus to not only strike at military and economic establishments but also civilians. This change in tactics stemmed from the ANC's growing frustration with the loss of their members to South African law enforcement, leading to them announcing: "No longer will they do all the killing, while we do all the suffering."

## Trial

During the trial, the prosecution alleged that Moloise's motivation for killing Selepe was revenge. The policeman had previously provided testimony that contributed to the conviction and subsequent execution of three ANC members on charges of treason. Despite initially confessing, Moloise retracted his admission during the trial.

ANC officials asserted Moloise's innocence, suggesting that an ANC guerilla firing squad was responsible for Selepe's death. The evidence, including 25 spent cartridges, appeared to align with the ANC's account, suggesting multiple gunmen rather than a lone assassin. However, Moloise's subsequent testimonies during the hearing cast doubt on his own defence. He claimed that the ANC had presented him with an ultimatum: to assassinate Selepe or face death himself. Reflecting on his decision, he stated, "I chose, and chose wrongly". Later, he modified his testimony, stating that while he was involved in plotting the murder, he did not actively partake in the act.

Priscilla Jana, the lawyer representing Moloise, highlighted significant discrepancies during his trial. She alleged that Moloise had been coerced into writing a confession while enduring a phase of solitary confinement. Jana further added that Moloise was pressed to enter an official plea on the murder charge before consulting his legal team and required to outline his defence strategy without their direction. Moloise would be convicted of murder by the Transvaal Supreme Court in September 1983.

## United Nations resolution

On 15 January 1984, the United Nations Security Council convened briefly to pass United Nations Security Council Resolution 547, which urged South Africa to grant clemency to Moloise. The African nations on the Security Council were eager to formalise a plea to spare Moloise's life. While not all nations shared equal enthusiasm for the proposal, the majority assented to a Security Council session. Scheduled for 11 a.m., the meeting commenced late, a common occurrence. Delegates leisurely entered, showing little urgency regarding their advocacy for Moloise, especially since the meeting's outcomes had already been decided. By 11:30, a third of the Security Council members were present, and by 11:45, more delegates had joined, engaging in small group discussions.

There was an evident tension between the African nations' urgency to highlight Moloise's looming execution, viewing it as an extension of South Africa's apartheid policies, and the Western preference to maintain a lower profile on the subject. Western representatives felt that the United Nations spent an excessive amount of time critiquing South Africa, often overshadowing numerous other pressing issues in Africa and beyond. A Western diplomat remarked that if they convened every time a policeman was killed in South Africa, "we would be meeting all the time". Western representatives also worried that excessive diplomatic attention might provoke South African authorities, potentially increasing the chances of Moloise's execution.

An hour behind schedule, the Security Council's 2,512th meeting commenced under the leadership of Javier Chamorro Mora from Nicaragua. By then, a consensus had been achieved. Western Council members consented to support a resolution, which, compared to other resolutions criticizing South Africa, was relatively moderate, urging for the commutation of Moloise's sentence. In return for Western support, African countries agreed not to deliver speeches during the session. This made the meeting one of the briefest in the Council's history, lasting under five minutes, with a unanimous 15-0 vote in favour of the resolution.

## Stay of execution

On 20 August 1985, the Transvaal Supreme Court in Pretoria granted Moloise a three-week stay of execution, a decision seemingly influenced by significant diplomatic pressures on the government. Just a week prior, President P. W. Botha had declined a clemency appeal. However, following the United States' diplomatic engagements with South African officials, defence attorneys were advised to promptly request an execution delay. The plea, lodged by lawyer Isaac Maisels and based on a sociologist's analysis of Moloise, was approved by Judge Eloff. While the judge was hesitant to set a precedent for last-minute stays, he recognized the merit of the application.

Moloise's mother, Pauline, appealed to the international community, particularly the U.S. and Britain, urging them to press the South African government to spare her son's life. She maintained his innocence, pointing to statements from the ANC's Zambia headquarters, which denied he was part of their hit squad that murdered the security policeman. This claim is notable since the ANC typically does not disavow its members when they are convicted. Following Mrs. Moloise's plea, Britain engaged with the South African Embassy in London and the Department of Foreign Affairs in Pretoria.

On 10 September, Priscilla Jana sought a retrial, but government officials informed her over a call that Botha had declined her request. Jana believed Botha's refusal was driven by political motivations and called upon the international community for support. In a subsequent press conference, she expressed her surprise at the president's decision, emphasising the presence of new evidence that might warrant a case review.

## Execution

> All the armies that ever marched, all the parliaments that ever sat, have not affected the life of man on earth as that one solitary life… I am proud of what I am… The storm of oppression will be followed by the rain of my blood. I am proud to give my life, my one solitary life.

— Moloise's poem printed in the *Weekly Mail*.

On the night before Moloise's scheduled execution, soldiers surrounded and tear-gassed his mother's home in Soweto during a vigil, as reported by eyewitnesses. As global organizations and governments called for clemency for Moloise, around 300 youths had convened at Pauline Moloise's home. Priscilla Jana stated she had visited the house with Pauline, only to find an instruction for her and Robert Moloise to visit the local police station. As they attempted to contact authorities, they observed soldiers in armored vehicles encircling the house and ordering the protesting youths to leave. Despite Jana's assurances of the vigil's peaceful nature, the military remained unyielding, illuminating the vicinity with bright searchlights and declaring the assembly unlawful through loudspeakers. Earlier, Pauline, after her final meeting with her son, conveyed his message: the belief that South Africa will one day be governed by its black population, and that those sacrificing their lives are doing so for freedom. Pauline also stated that Moloise would walk to the gallows singing a song honoring the African National Congress and its exiled leader, Oliver Tambo.

Moloise was executed at Pretoria Central Prison around 7 a.m. on 18 October 1985. His parents waited in a car across the street until they were informed of their son's death, with no significant crowds or vigils marking the event. Reflecting on the ordeal and the treatment by the prison staff, Pauline Moloise lamented the government's cruelty. Moloise was hanged alongside another convicted murderer, Thembinkosi Ngubuane. Despite their grief, the Moloise family were not allowed to sing traditional funeral dirges during their prayer in the prison chapel. Moloise's parents sang the ANC anthem, Nkosi Sikelel' iAfrika, in the parking lot and displayed a black power salute. They were then permitted inside to pray beside their son's coffin. Pauline mentioned that a prison warden commended her son's bravery but did not confirm if he had sung, as she believed he would, on his way to the gallows. The prison authorities declined to hand over Moloise's body to his family, instead opting for a burial in a government cemetery, with Pauline instructed to return later to receive the grave's location.

At Moloise's memorial service, Winnie Mandela defiantly addressed the crowd, despite being prohibited from speaking at public events. At the time, her husband, ANC leader Nelson Mandela, was imprisoned for life on charges of treason and sabotage. Mandela called for united action against the white-minority government, condemning its harsh segregation policies. She appealed for unity against the South African government, receiving enthusiastic responses of "Power!" and "Viva Mandela!" from the attendees.

## Reaction

Approximately six hours following Moloise's execution, around 500 mourners gathered at the South African Council of Churches' headquarters in downtown Johannesburg for a memorial service. Subsequently, they spilled into the streets, with some holding signs bearing the message: "The struggle will go on, Ben". But in a display of frustrated anger, hundreds began to riot in Johannesburg for four hours. Amidst the chaos, a group cornered a young woman holding her baby, terrifying her by smashing a store window behind her with various objects. However, they did not harm the woman or her child. In another example, a middle-aged woman and a young boy were pursued and attacked by a group of people. They were kicked and punched until they fell. Seeking refuge in a grocery store, they escaped further harm. White merchants who tried to prevent looting were brutally beaten, and police faced attacks, with one officer stabbed in the shoulder. Despite the violence, no white people were killed. What started as a protest by a small group of black mourners swelled as thousands joined in. Police efforts, even with the use of dogs, proved ineffective due to being heavily outnumbered. Ultimately, it was the army's intervention that dispersed the crowd. Significantly, this marked the first instance where black people confronted the police in an area considered white territory.

In Britain, thousands participated in a sit-in outside of the South African Embassy in London, protesting against apartheid. Their actions, which included throwing bottles and paint, led to major traffic disruptions. Over 300 participants were detained. The demonstrators expressed their opposition towards the South African government and disrupted traffic around Trafalgar Square for several hours. In Paris, an explosion occurred at the offices of two companies that had ties with South Africa. The extremist group, Direct Action, took responsibility for the attack, citing it as a reaction to Moloise's execution. The French airline UTA and the Chargeurs Reunis shipping firm suffered significant damages due to the explosion.

### Foreign government reaction

The White House criticized the execution, noting that the U.S. government had "made a number of appeals for clemency” that were ignored. White House Press Secretary Larry Speakes stated, "We want to see tensions reduced and confidence restored in South Africa", expressing regret that an action that could "exacerbate this situation" took place. Similarly, the Soviet Union voiced its strong denunciation of the execution. However, the Soviets insinuated U.S. complicity, suggesting that without U.S. backing of the South African government, such an execution might not have taken place. The Soviet Union's state-run news agency, TASS, declared, "South African authorities have again demonstrated to the whole world that they will resort to any crime in order to prolong the racist domination."

The Nordic countries, during a meeting in Oslo, condemned the execution carried out by South Africa. As a response, they introduced sanctions against South Africa that impacted trade, transportation, and investment. The ministers from Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden jointly stated that the execution disregarded humanitarian concerns and would escalate political tension.

In Brussels, the European Community's External Affairs Commissioner, Willy De Clercq, expressed that Pretoria missed a chance for dialogue. He warned that their dismissal of global appeals might intensify violence, primarily affecting those demanding basic rights. In France, Prime Minister Laurent Fabius expressed his protest against the execution by observing a minute of silence in front of the South African Embassy in Paris. The West German government in Bonn denounced the hanging, fearing it would harm the prospects of peaceful apartheid reform. The Dutch government expressed deep regret over South Africa's failure to respond to the EEC's plea for clemency.

## Legacy

Following Moloise's execution in 1985, streets in Italy and France were named in his honor. However, in contemporary South Africa, his legacy is not widely remembered, with limited photographs of him available. Images from protests against his execution have been vital in keeping his memory alive around the world. In 2015, the online newspaper *TheJournal.ie* featured an article with a short documentary about Moloise's execution. The documentary includes footage of a post-execution press conference where Pauline Moloise sings the banned resistance song "Oliver Tambo", which Moloise had planned to sing before his execution. The video also shows Pauline and other mourners singing the Southern African liberation anthem "Nkosi Sikelel' iAfrika", reflecting the intense grief and emotional atmosphere of the apartheid era.

In Desmond Egan's poem "For Benjamin Moloise," he contrasts the vocal grief of South African mourners to the silent mourning of the global community. The poem draws a parallel between Moloise and Patrick Pearse, an Irish nationalist and poet executed in 1916. Egan emphasizes shared sorrow and unity against oppression with lines such as "your death now our bereavement" and the recurring sentiment "so that when they hanged you we all became black". Critics claim that Egan's poem, while expressing solidarity with Moloise, risks oversimplifying and appropriating experiences he has not lived. By equating Moloise's plight as a black individual under apartheid with broader struggles, the poem might unintentionally diminish the unique challenges of apartheid and use them to bolster Irish nationalism.

## Citations

## Literature

Ashik, Ritu (1990). *Benjamin Moloise*. Teshro Vishwa Weekly Publication. OL 1375777M.

## InfoBox

| Benjamin Moloise | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Born | Malesela Benjamin Moloise
1955 (1955)
Alexandra, South Africa |
| Died | (aged 30)
Pretoria Central Prison, South Africa |
| Occupation | Upholsterer |
|  | |
| Conviction(s) | Murder |
| Criminal penalty | Execution by hanging |
|  | |


title: Magic Leap

abstract: Magic Leap, Inc. is an American technology company that released a head-mounted augmented reality display, called Magic Leap One, which superimposes 3D computer-generated imagery over real world objects. It is attempting to construct a light-field chip using silicon photonics. Magic Leap was founded by Rony Abovitz in 2010 and has raised $2.6 billion from a list of investors including Google and Alibaba Group. In December 2016, Forbes estimated that Magic Leap was worth $4.5 billion. On July 11, 2018, AT&T invested in the company and became its exclusive partner. On August 8, 2018, the Magic Leap One was made available in the United States through AT&T. On May 28, 2020, Rony Abovitz announced that Magic Leap had raised $350 million in new funding and that he would be stepping down as CEO. On July 7, 2020, the company announced their new CEO would be former Microsoft executive Peggy Johnson.

text:
# Magic Leap

**Magic Leap, Inc.** is an American technology company that released a head-mounted augmented reality display, called *Magic Leap One*, which superimposes 3D computer-generated imagery over real world objects. It is attempting to construct a light-field chip using silicon photonics.

Magic Leap was founded by Rony Abovitz in 2010 and has raised $2.6 billion from a list of investors including Google and Alibaba Group. In December 2016, *Forbes* estimated that Magic Leap was worth $4.5 billion. On July 11, 2018, AT&T invested in the company and became its exclusive partner. On August 8, 2018, the Magic Leap One was made available in the United States through AT&T.

On May 28, 2020, Rony Abovitz announced that Magic Leap had raised $350 million in new funding and that he would be stepping down as CEO. On July 7, 2020, the company announced their new CEO would be former Microsoft executive Peggy Johnson.

## History

### 2010–2014: founding and secrecy

Magic Leap was founded by Rony Abovitz in 2010. According to past versions of its website, the startup evolved from a company named "Magic Leap Studios" which around 2010 was working on a graphic novel and a feature film series, and in 2011 became a corporation, releasing an augmented reality app at Comic-Con that year. In October 2014, when the company was still operating in stealth mode (but already reported to be working on projects relating to augmented reality and computer vision), it raised more than $540 million of venture funding from Google, Qualcomm, Andreessen Horowitz and Kleiner Perkins, among other investors.

A November 2014 analysis by Gizmodo, based on job listings, trademark registrations and patent applications from Magic Leap, concluded that the company appeared to be building a competitor to the Google Glass and Oculus Rift that would "blend computer-generated graphics with the real world". It had also been compared to Microsoft HoloLens.

Before Magic Leap, a head-mounted display using light field had been demonstrated by Nvidia in 2013, and the MIT Media Lab has also constructed a 3D display using "compressed light fields"; however, Magic Leap asserts that it achieves better resolution with a new proprietary technique that projects an image directly onto the user's retina. According to a researcher who studied the company's patents, Magic Leap is likely to use stacked silicon waveguides.

Richard Taylor of special effects company Weta Workshop is involved in Magic Leap alongside Abovitz. Science fiction author Neal Stephenson joined the company in December 2014. Graeme Devine is their Chief Creative Officer & Senior VP Games, Apps and Creative Experiences.

### 2015–2018: product teases and reveal

On March 19, 2015, Magic Leap released a demo video titled "Just another day in the office at Magic Leap". The video includes augmented reality gaming and productivity applications but it was unclear if the video was actual footage using their technology or a simulated experience.

On October 20, 2015, Magic Leap released actual footage of their product. While still not showing any hardware, the footage claims that it was filmed through a Magic Leap device without the use of special effects or compositing. The video suggests that virtual 3D objects can be occluded by real objects, which may be predefined geometry in the scene but led to speculation about 3D spatial mapping being used. It also shows virtual lights reflecting from a real table, which seem to be incorrectly placed in space, and therefore may suggest that the reflections are part of the virtual scene without interacting with the real world (similarly to "fake" shadows in early video games). The video showcases only quite bright objects superimposed over dark areas of the real world. This suggests that the hardware can only add new light without blocking incoming light from the real world. This would allow it to render only fully transparent objects which emit or reflect light, and may not allow virtual objects to occlude real objects.

On December 9, 2015, *Forbes* reported on documents filed in the state of Delaware, indicating a Series C funding round of $827m. This funding round could bring the company's total funding to $1.4 billion, and its post-money valuation to $3.7 billion. On February 2, 2016, *Financial Times* reported that Magic Leap further raised another funding round of close to $800m, valuing the startup at $4.5 billion.

On February 11, 2016, *Silicon Angle* reported that Magic Leap had joined the Entertainment Software Association.

On June 16, 2016, Magic Leap announced a partnership with Disney's Lucasfilm and its ILMxLAB R&D unit. The two companies would form a joint research lab at Lucasfilm's San Francisco campus.

On December 20, 2017, Magic Leap unveiled their *Magic Leap One*, to be shipped the following year.

In December 2017, UK technology news site *The Register* described Magic Leap as a vaporware company that "has received nearly $2bn in funding over four years, values itself at $6bn, and has yet to produce anything but fake technology".

On March 7, 2018, Magic Leap raised $461 million in Series D funding led by the Public Investment Fund of Saudi Arabia, the country's sovereign wealth fund.

In June 2018, the company's first headset, called the Magic Leap One, was showcased for the first time online, only showcasing the device visually but performing no demonstration of its functionality.

On July 1, 2018, the device was finally demoed, confirming its use of NVIDIA TX2 hardware. The general reaction was of disappointment with what was shown, based on what had been promised up to that point.

### 2018–present: product launches

On July 11, 2018, AT&T invested in the company, set to become its exclusive partner. Magic Leap One became the first product to be sold only in AT&T-owned stores across the United States. Also AT&T Communications' CEO John Donovan is set to become a board member of the company.

On October 10, 2018, Magic Leap introduced Mica, a human-like AI assistant.

In April 2019, it was reported that Magic Leap had raised an additional $280 million from NTT Docomo as part of a partnership announced by the two companies.

In November 2019, it was reported that Magic Leap assigned all of its US patents to J.P. Morgan Chase in August 2019. The company also announced a significant financing round, which would become its series E when complete.

On April 22, 2020, Magic Leap indicated a major company restructuring and that half of the company's staff would be laid off due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Despite the job cuts, the company raised $350 million in May 2020.

In September 2020, The Information reported that the company valuation was $6.4 billion in 2019 and by June 2020 it dropped to $450 million, by 93 percent in six months.

In October 2021, Venture Beat reported that the company's valuation was $2 billion after raising $500 million from an unidentified source and that the company would unveil the new Magic Leap 2 AR headset in 2022 (“select customers” are already using it in 2021 as part of an early access program).

In October 2021, Magic Leap's CEO announced Magic Leap 2 would be the "industry’s smallest and lightest device" for business uses, with a significantly larger field of view, and include a dimming feature to be used in brightly lit settings.

On September 30, 2022, Magic Leap officially released its latest AR Headset, the Magic Leap 2.

On December 31, 2024, cloud services for Magic Leap 1 will no longer be available, core functionality will reach end-of-life and the Magic Leap 1 device and apps will stop working.

In July 2024, Magic Leap cut about 75 jobs, including its entire sales and marketing teams. The company is also partnering with Google.

By August 2024, Magic Leap had raised at least $3.5 billion, including $750 million from Saudi Arabia's Public Investment Fund.

## Acquisitions

* April 18, 2016: Israeli cybersecurity company NorthBit.
* February 18, 2017: the 3D division of Swiss computer vision company Dacuda.
* Early 2018: military startup Chosen Realities.
* May 2019: Belgian startup Mimesys, developer of volumetric video conferencing software for the Magic Leap platform.

## Further reading

## InfoBox

Magic Leap, Inc.
|  | |
| --- | --- |
| Type of business | Private |
| Headquarters | Plantation, Florida |
| Founder(s) | Rony Abovitz |
| CEO | Ross Rosenberg |
| URL | www.magicleap.com |
| Launched | 2010 (2010) |
| Current status | Active |


title: Gmina Lubawka

abstract: Gmina Lubawka is an urban-rural gmina in Kamienna Góra County, Lower Silesian Voivodeship, in south-western Poland. Its seat is the town of Lubawka, which lies approximately 14 kilometres (9 mi) south of Kamienna Góra, and 87 kilometres (54 mi) south-west of the regional capital Wrocław. The gmina covers an area of 138.08 square kilometres (53.3 sq mi), and as of 2019 its total population is 10,901.

text:
# Gmina Lubawka

**Gmina Lubawka** is an urban-rural gmina (administrative district) in Kamienna Góra County, Lower Silesian Voivodeship, in south-western Poland. Its seat is the town of Lubawka, which lies approximately 14 kilometres (9 mi) south of Kamienna Góra, and 87 kilometres (54 mi) south-west of the regional capital Wrocław.

The gmina covers an area of 138.08 square kilometres (53.3 sq mi), and as of 2019 its total population is 10,901.

## Neighbouring gminas

Gmina Lubawka is bordered by the town of Kowary and the gminas of Kamienna Góra and Mieroszów. It also borders the Czech Republic.

## Villages

The gmina contains the villages of Błażejów, Błażkowa, Bukówka, Chełmsko Śląskie, Jarkowice, Miszkowice, Niedamirów, Okrzeszyn, Opawa, Paczyn, Paprotki, Stara Białka, Szczepanów and Uniemyśl.

## Twin towns – sister cities

Gmina Lubawka is twinned with:

## InfoBox

| Gmina Lubawka Lubawka Commune | |
| --- | --- |
| Gmina | |
|  | |
| Coordinates (Lubawka): 50°42′12″N 16°0′7″E / 50.70333°N 16.00194°E / 50.70333; 16.00194 | |
| Country | Poland |
| Voivodeship | Lower Silesian |
| County | Kamienna Góra |
| Seat | Lubawka |
| Area | |
| Total | 138.08 km2 (53.31 sq mi) |
| Population (2019-06-30) | |
| Total | 10,901 |
| Density | 79/km2 (200/sq mi) |
| Website | http://www.lubawka.net.pl |


title: Jean-Claude Golvin

abstract: Jean-Claude Golvin is a French archaeologist and architect. He specializes in the history of Roman amphitheatres and has published hundreds of reconstruction drawings of ancient monuments. Golvin is a researcher with the CNRS at the Bordeaux Montaigne University. The son of art historian Lucien Golvin, he was born in Sfax (Tunisia) and studied in Algiers. As an architect, he worked on the restoration of the El Djem amphitheater, and led the French-Egyptian research center of Karnak and Luxor. He obtained a doctorate in archaeology in 1985 with a thesis on Roman amphitheaters. Since 1989, Golvin's work has focused on creating watercolor illustrations of ancient and medieval cities as they appeared in their heyday. In 2010, he donated his body of work, over a thousand drawings and sketches, to the Arles Museum of Antiquities.

text:
# Jean-Claude Golvin

**Jean-Claude Golvin** (born 18 December 1942) is a French archaeologist and architect. He specializes in the history of Roman amphitheatres and has published hundreds of reconstruction drawings of ancient monuments. Golvin is a researcher with the CNRS at the Bordeaux Montaigne University.

The son of art historian Lucien Golvin, he was born in Sfax (Tunisia) and studied in Algiers. As an architect, he worked on the restoration of the El Djem amphitheater, and led the French-Egyptian research center of Karnak and Luxor. He obtained a doctorate in archaeology in 1985 with a thesis on Roman amphitheaters.

Since 1989, Golvin's work has focused on creating watercolor illustrations of ancient and medieval cities as they appeared in their heyday. In 2010, he donated his body of work, over a thousand drawings and sketches, to the Arles Museum of Antiquities.

* *Jean-Claude Golvin, un architecte au cœur de l'Histoire*, Exposition catalogue, Éditions Errance, Paris, 2011.
* *Sur les tracés de Jean-Claude Golvin*, film by Alexandra Ena, Christophe Gombert and Claude Delhaye


title: Ur-Ningirsu

abstract: Ur-Ningirsu also Ur-Ningirsu II in contrast with the earlier Ur-Ningirsu I, was a Sumerian ruler (ensi) of the state of Lagash in Southern Mesopotamia who ruled c. 2110 BC. He was the son of the previous ruler of Lagash named Gudea.

text:
# Ur-Ningirsu

Lagashclass=notpageimage|Ur-Ningirsu ruled in Lagash.

**Ur-Ningirsu** (Sumerian: 𒌨𒀭𒎏𒄈𒋢, *Ur--nin-gir-su*) also **Ur-Ningirsu II** in contrast with the earlier Ur-Ningirsu I, was a Sumerian ruler (*ensi*) of the state of Lagash in Southern Mesopotamia who ruled c. 2110 BC. He was the son of the previous ruler of Lagash named Gudea.

## Statue of Ur-Ningirsu

A statue of Ur-Ningirsu, dedicated to Ningishzida (Sumerian: 𒀭𒎏𒄑𒍣𒁕*, Nin-ḡiš-zi-da*), is shared by The Metropolitan Museum of Art of New York, and the Musée du Louvre, as they own separately the head and the body of the statue, respectively. The statue has an inscription in the back, which reads:

> "For Ningišzida, his (personal) god, Ur-Ningirsu, ruler of Lagash, son of Gudea, ruler of Lagash, who built Ningirsu’s Eninnu, fashioned his (own) statue. I am the one beloved of his (personal) god; let my life be long - (this is how) he named that statue for his (Ningirsu’s) sake, and he brought it to him into his House"
>
> Inscription of Statue A of Ur-Ningirsu. AO 9504 Louvre Museum.

## Other objects and inscriptions

Also found was a foundation cone describing Ur-Ningirsu's construction of several temples.

## Sources

## InfoBox

| Ur-Ningirsu<br>𒌨𒀭𒎏𒄈𒋢 | |
| --- | --- |
| *Ruler of Lagash* | |
| Statue of Ur-Ningirsu, prince of Lagash. AO 9504 Louvre Museum. | |
| Reign | c. 2110 BC |
| Predecessor | Gudea |
| Successor | Ur-gar |
| Dynasty | Rulers of Lagash |


title: Prayagraj–Mau–Gorakhpur main line

abstract: Prayagraj–Mau–Gorakhpur main line is a passenger and freight train line operating in the Uttar Pradesh state of India. The line has 51 stations, between its start at Prayagraj Junction to its point of termination at Gorakhpur Junction.

text:
# Prayagraj–Mau–Gorakhpur main line

**Prayagraj–Mau–Gorakhpur main line** is a passenger and freight train line operating in the Uttar Pradesh state of India. The line has 51 stations, between its start at Prayagraj Junction to its point of termination at Gorakhpur Junction.

## Operation

The Allahabad–Mau–Gorakhpur mainline is owned by Indian Railways, and operated by North Eastern Railway and North Central Railway respectively.

## Technical information

The length of the line is 330.720 km (205 mi), with the length of the track being 356 km (221 mi). Using 5 ft 6 in (1,676 mm) broad gauge1,676 mm (5 ft 6 in) track, the rolling stock on the line includes the diesel locomotives; WDM-2, WDM-3A, WDP 4 and WDG 4. The main line is now electrified. There is a max operating speed of up to 110 km/h.

## InfoBox

| PrayagrajMauGorakhpur main line | |
| --- | --- |
| Azamgarh is an important railway station on Prayagraj–Mau–Gorakhpur main line | |
| Overview | |
| Status | Operational |
| Owner | Indian Railways |
| Locale | Uttar Pradesh |
| Termini |  |
| Stations | 51 |
| Service | |
| Type | Passenger and freight train line |
| Operator(s) | North Eastern Railway, North Central Railway |
| Rolling stock |  |
| History | |
| Opened | 1930 (1930) |
| Technical | |
| Line length | 330.720 km (205 mi) |
| Track length | 356 km (221 mi) |
| Track gauge | 5 ft 6 in (1,676 mm) broad gauge |
| Operating speed | up to 110 km/h |
| Route map | |


title: Francis Humphris Fraser

abstract: Francis Humphris Fraser (1833–1911) was a politician in Wellington, New Zealand.

text:
# Francis Humphris Fraser

**Francis Humphris Fraser** PC MP (1833–1911) was a politician in Wellington, New Zealand.

## Early life

Born in London, England, in 1833, Fraser grew up in Edinburgh, where he attended Watson's Hospital School. In 1847, he returned to London briefly before embarking on a journey to New Zealand. His arrival in Wellington occurred in 1864 aboard the Wild Duck..

## Political career

### National politics

New Zealand Parliament
| Years | Term | Electorate | | Party | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| 1887 | 9th | Te Aro | |  | Independent |

Fraser briefly represented the Te Aro electorate in Wellington in 1887 after winning a by-election, from 15 April to 15 July, when he was defeated. He unsuccessfully contested the three-member Wellington electorate in the 1890, 1893, and 1896 elections where he came sixth, fifth and seventh respectively. Later, he was a member of the New Zealand Legislative Council for one seven-year term from 1899 to 1906.

### Local politics

Fraser won a seat on the Wellington City Council in 1888. During his tenure on the council he was the central figure of Wellington's temperance movement. He also served on the Wellington Harbour Board, District Charitable Aid Board, and Wellington Hospital Trustees Board. The latter of these he also held the position of chairman.

## InfoBox

| The HonourableFrancis Fraser | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
|  | |
| Member of the New Zealand Parliament
for Te Aro | |
| **In office**
15 April 1887  15 July 1887 | |
| Preceded by | Charles Johnston |
| Succeeded by | Andrew Menteath |
| New Zealand Legislative Councillor | |
| **In office**
1899–1906 | |
| Appointed by | Richard Seddon |
|  | |
| Personal details | |
| Born | 1833
London, England |
| Died | 1911
Wellington, New Zealand |
| Political party | Liberal |
|  | |


title: Vaginal estrogen

abstract: Vaginal estrogen is a form of estrogen that is delivered by intravaginal administration. Vaginally administered estrogens are thereby exerting their effects mainly in the nearby tissue, with more limited systemic effects compared to orally administered estrogens. It will not protect against osteoporosis. With perhaps the exception of the Femring, it also will not alleviate the hot flashes and hormonal imbalance caused by menopause.

text:
# Vaginal estrogen

**Vaginal estrogen** is a form of estrogen that is delivered by intravaginal administration. Vaginally administered estrogens are thereby exerting their effects mainly in the nearby tissue, with more limited systemic effects compared to orally administered estrogens. It will not protect against osteoporosis. With perhaps the exception of the Femring, it also will not alleviate the hot flashes and hormonal imbalance caused by menopause.

## Indications

Vaginally administered estrogen are usually used to treat some menopausal symptoms that are isolated to the vagina, vulva and urethra.

* Atrophic vaginitis, with presentations such as dryness and soreness in the vagina and dyspareunia (pain during sexual intercourse)
* Itching, redness, or soreness of the vulva
* Urinary urgency (feeling an urge to urinate more often than is needed), or dysuria (experiencing pain while urinating)

## Forms

* Vaginal tablets, including **Vagifem** which contains estradiol
* Vaginal creams, including Premarin which is a compound cream consisting primarily of conjugated estrogens isolated from mare's urine. Another vaginal cream is **Ovesterin**, which contains estriol.
* Vaginal rings (such as *Oestring*), which are polymeric drug delivery devices designed to provide controlled release of drugs to the vagina over extended periods of time. Although the Femring might be able to ease hot flashes, this does not appear to be the case for other vaginal estrogen rings or vaginal creams.

## Side effects

Most of the vaginally administered estrogens are synthetic and therefore cause the following side effects

Serious side effects:

* chest pain or heavy feeling, pain spreading to the arm or shoulder, nausea, sweating, general ill feeling;
* sudden numbness or weakness, especially on one side of the body;
* sudden severe headache, confusion, problems with vision, speech, or balance;
* pain, swelling, warmth, or redness in one or both legs;
* abnormal vaginal bleeding;
* migraine headache;
* pain, swelling, or tenderness in your stomach;
* confusion, problems with memory or concentration;
* jaundice (yellowing of the skin or eyes);
* swelling in your hands, ankles, or feet; or
* a breast lump.

Less serious side effects may include:

* mild nausea, vomiting, bloating, stomach cramps;
* breast pain, tenderness, or swelling;
* freckles or darkening of facial skin;
* increased hair growth, loss of scalp hair;
* changes in weight or appetite;
* problems with contact lenses;
* vaginal itching or discharge;
* changes in your menstrual periods, decreased sex drive; or
* headache, nervousness, dizziness, tired feeling.

## Contraindications

Estrogen administered vaginally should not be given to persons who are:

### Pregnant women

Estrogen should not be used while pregnant as it could cause serious birth defects.

### Breastfeeding

Estrogen passes into the breast milk and will cause a decrease in the production and quality of breast milk.

## Alternatives

To effectively alleviate the symptoms of menopause, it is best to take oral estrogen instead of topical estrogen since the results are systemic and it will rejuvenate the entire reproductive system and not just the perineal area.

Phytoestrogens are plant derived compounds found in a wide variety of foods. Several health benefits including a lowered risk of osteoporosis, heart disease, breast cancer, and menopausal symptoms are frequently attributed to phytoestrogens but many are also considered to have the potential to cause adverse health effects. Plants such as Kacip Fatimah have been found to contain phytoestrogens that could alleviate some symptoms of menopause.


title: Giuseppe Novelli

abstract: Giuseppe Novelli is an Italian geneticist and the president of the University of Rome Tor Vergata.

text:
# Giuseppe Novelli

**Giuseppe Novelli** (born 27 February 1959) is an Italian geneticist and the president of the University of Rome Tor Vergata.

## Early life and career

Born in Rossano in the south of Italy, he graduated magna cum laude in genetics at the University of Urbino in 1981. In 1985 earned a Ph.D at Sapienza University of Rome. In 1995 he was appointed professor of genetics at the University of Rome Tor Vergata.

From 2003 he is also adjunct professor at Arkansas University.

From 2008 to 2011 he was president of the Faculty of Medicine and Surgery at Tor Vergata. In 2013 he was elected rector of his university.

## InfoBox

| Giuseppe Novelli | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| President of University of Rome Tor Vergata | |
| **In office**
1 October 2013 (2013-10-01)  30 September 2019 (2019-09-30) | |
| Preceded by | Renato Lauro |
|  | |
| Personal details | |
| Born | (1959-02-27) 27 February 1959
Rossano, Italy |
| Residence | Rome |
| Alma mater | University of Urbino
Sapienza University of Rome |
| Profession | Professor of genetics |
|  | |


title: José Mancisidor

abstract: José Mancisidor Ortiz was a Mexican writer, historian and politician.

text:
# José Mancisidor

**José Mancisidor Ortiz** (Veracruz, Veracruz; April 20, 1894 – Monterrey, Nuevo León; August 22, 1956) was a Mexican writer, historian and politician.

## Biography

José Mancisidor Ortiz was born on April 20, 1894, in Veracruz, Veracruz, Mexico, the fifth of eleven children to Jorge Tomás Mancisidor Oyarzábal (1860–1921) and Catalina Ortiz Alpuche: Jorge, Rodolfo, Catalina, Esperanza, José, Anselmo, Carmela, Raimundo, María, Emilio and Francisco. He received his primary education from the "Francisco Javier Clavijero" School, and later went to learn a trade at the vocational school of the Secretariat of the Navy, located at the San Juan de Ulúa Fortress, until his third year reaching the rank of sergeant. In April 1914 he participated in the defense of the port of Veracruz against the occupation by the United States Marine Corps. He escaped to join the Constitutionalist Army of General Cándido Aguilar who incorporated him to the First Regiment of Artillery of the First Eastern Division with the rank of lieutenant. His military career continued till 1920, and participated in the Mexican Revolution within the Constitutionalist Army of Venustiano Carranza, reaching the rank of Lieutenant Colonel of Artillery and getting appointed Military Commander and Governor of the Quintana Roo territory. He married Dolores Varela in 1917 with whom he had five children: Orlando, Arnaldo, Kolda, Elvia and Yolanda. Between 1920 and 1922 he was municipal syndic of Xalapa. On December 8, 1923, he helped to organise the civil defense of the city against the de la Huerta uprising. From 1926 to 1929, he was local deputy for the Xalapa district. He supported the uprising of General Arnulfo R. Gómez in the state under the orders of General Miguel Alemán González; however, after the execution of Gómez in 1927 he accepted to amnesty offered by the government. One more time, in 1929, he joined the failed Escobar uprising led by General Jesús M. Aguirre, who adhered to General José Gonzalo Escobar, who previously fought against, defeated and executed General Arnulfo R. Gómez.

Left without political or military possibilities, José Mancisidor was appointed director of the Veracruz state government press by Governor Adalberto Tejeda, who had already distanced himself from the *Jefe Máximo*, the political chieftain, Plutarco Elías Calles. In 1932, Mancisidor became History Professor at the Veracruzan Normal School "Enrique C. Rébsamen", counting only with his primary education. In those years he collaborated with *Simiente* journal, he edited a journal titled *Ruta*, created his own publishing house called "Integrales", and published his first novels: *La asonada* (*The Riot*) and *La ciudad roja* (*The Red City*).

In April 1935 he traveled to New York City as the Mexican Delegate to the First American Writers Congress which eventually founded the League of American Writers. Fomented by Communists who hoped to nurture Proletarian literature the First Congress was presided over by Waldo Frank and was attended by important novelists, such as John Steinbeck, John Dos Passos and many others, who eventually abandoned the push for Marxist literature. Mancisidor remained faithful to the cause and published numerous works.

In June 1935, the governor of the state of Veracruz, Gonzalo Vázquez Vela, was appointed as Secretary of Public Education by President Lázaro Cárdenas, and included José Mancisidor within his team of associates that also included Luis Chávez Orozco, Rafael Ramos Pedrueza and Germán Lizt Arzubide, among others.

In 1936, he traveled to the Soviet Union where he met President Mikhail Kalinin, the Azerbaijani President Majid Afandiyev, among other politicians, and attended Maxim Gorky's funerals. When Manuel Ávila Camacho became president, changes were made within the Secretariat of Public Education, thus Mancisidor left his position and continued to teach history classes at the National Professors School, the National Normal School, the Secondary School for Young Women No. 8 and the Worker's University of Mexico. He died on August 22, 1956, after fainting while giving a conference at the Autonomous University of Nuevo León, in Monterrey.

## Works

### Novels

* *La asonada* (1931)
* *La ciudad roja* (1932)
* *Nueva York revolucionario* (1935)
* *De una madre española* (1938)
* *En la rosa de los vientos* (1940)
* *Frontera junto al mar* (1953)
* *El alba de las simas* (1955)
* *Nuestro petróleo* (1956)
* *Se llamaba Catalina* (1958)
* *Otra vez aquellos días*, unfinished.
* *La semilla del hombre*, unfinished.
* *Imágenes de mi tiempo*, unfinished.

### Short stories

* *Cómo cayeron los héroes* (1930)
* *120 días* (1937)
* *El juramento* (1947)
* *El destino* (1947), honorary mention by the Republic of Cuba.
* *La primera piedra* (1950), containing *La primera piedra*, *El regreso de Juan*, *El ojo siniestro e implacable*, *Un ladrón honrado*, *Mejor que perros*, *Los cuentos de abuelita*, *La culpa la tuvo el jefe*, *El tragalumbre*, *El mandato del espíritu*, *Crepúsculo*,  *El tiras*, *El hombre que desintegró el átomo*, *¡Terrible noche!*, *El juramento*, *Tierra y pan*, *El destino*.
* *Me lo dijo María Kaimlova* (1955)

### Essay

* *Carranza y su política internacional* (1929)
* *Lenin* (1934)
* *Marx* (1934)
* *Romain Rolland* (1935)
* *Zola, soñador y hombre* (1940)
* *Hidalgo y la cuestión agraria* (1944)
* *Miguel Hidalgo, constructor de una patria* (1944)
* *Henri Barbusse, ingeniero de almas* (1945)
* *Stalin, el hombre de acero* (1950)
* *Balzac, el sentido humano de su obra* (1952), awarded in Balzac's Centennial.
* *El Huertismo* (1953), in *Historia mexicana* **3** (1), July–August, pp. 34–51.
* *Sobre literatura y filosofía* (1956)
* *Máximo Gorki, su filosofía y su religión* (1956)
* *El fin del porfiriato*

### Playwright

* *Juárez*, drama in three acts.
* *Frontera junto al mar* (1953)

### Screenplays

* *El joven Juárez* (1955)
* *Yanga*
* *Tres relatos*
* *El duelo*
* *Valentín Gómez Farías*
* *El camino de la libertad* (1956), or *Arriba Madero* or *Aquellos días*
* *El asesino*
* *El juramento*
* *El mundo de la infancia y adolescencia de Juárez*
* *El caso de Pascual Durán*

### History

* *Síntesis histórica del movimiento social mexicano* (1940)
* *Historia de las luchas sociales en México*
* *Hidalgo, Morelos, Guerrero* (1956), historic trilogy.
* *Historia de la Revolución Mexicana* (1958)

### Anthologies

* *Angulos de México* (1940), selection of short stories.
* *Antología de cuentistas mexicanos del siglo XIX* (1946)
* *Antología de cuentistas contemporáneos* (1946)

### Conferences

* *Zola* (1933)


title: José Padilla (criminal)

abstract: José Padilla, also known as Abdullah al-Muhajir or Muhajir Abdullah, is a United States citizen who was convicted in a federal court of aiding terrorists. Padilla was arrested in Chicago on May 8, 2002, on suspicion of plotting a radiological bomb attack. He was detained as a material witness until June 9, 2002, when President George W. Bush designated him an enemy combatant and, arguing that he was not entitled to trial in civilian courts, had him transferred to a military prison in South Carolina. Padilla was held for three and a half years as an enemy combatant. Upon pressure and lawsuits from civil liberties groups, he was transferred to a civilian jail in 2006. In August 2007, a federal jury found him guilty of conspiring to commit murder and fund terrorism. Government officials had earlier claimed Padilla was suspected of planning to build and explode a "dirty bomb" in the United States, but he was never charged with this crime. He was initially sentenced to 17 years in prison, which was increased on appeal to 21 years. His lawsuits against the military for allegedly torturing him were rejected by the courts for lack of merit and jurisdictional issues.

text:
# José Padilla (criminal)

**José Padilla** (born October 18, 1970), also known as **Abdullah al-Muhajir** (/ɑːbˈdʌlə ɑːl mʊˈhɑːɪər/  *ahb-DUL-ə ahl moo-HAH-jeer*) or **Muhajir Abdullah**, is a United States citizen who was convicted in a federal court of aiding terrorists.

Padilla was arrested in Chicago on May 8, 2002, on suspicion of plotting a radiological bomb ("dirty bomb") attack. He was detained as a material witness until June 9, 2002, when President George W. Bush designated him an enemy combatant and, arguing that he was not entitled to trial in civilian courts, had him transferred to a military prison in South Carolina. Padilla was held for three and a half years as an enemy combatant. Upon pressure and lawsuits from civil liberties groups, he was transferred to a civilian jail in 2006.

In August 2007, a federal jury found him guilty of conspiring to commit murder and fund terrorism. Government officials had earlier claimed Padilla was suspected of planning to build and explode a "dirty bomb" in the United States, but he was never charged with this crime. He was initially sentenced to 17 years in prison, which was increased on appeal to 21 years. His lawsuits against the military for allegedly torturing him were rejected by the courts for lack of merit and jurisdictional issues.

## Early life

José Padilla was born in Brooklyn, New York, to Estella Obregón and her husband, both of Puerto Rican descent. The family later moved to Chicago, Illinois. As a youth, Padilla joined the Latin Kings street gang and was arrested several times. During his gang years, he maintained several aliases, such as José Rivera, José Alicea, José Hernandez, and José Ortiz. As a 14-year-old juvenile, he was convicted of aggravated assault and manslaughter after a gang member, whom he had kicked in the head, died.

After serving his last jail sentence, Padilla converted to Islam after his marriage to a Muslim woman and moved to the Middle East. One of his early religious instructors was an Islamic teacher who professed a nonviolent philosophy and Padilla appeared at the time to be faithful to his mentor's teachings. While living in Fort Lauderdale, Florida, Padilla attended the Masjid Al-Iman mosque, as did Adham Amin Hassoun, "for most of the 1990s and \[they\] were reportedly friends."

U.S. authorities accused Hassoun of associating with radical Islamic fundamentalists, including Al-Qaeda. Hassoun, a Lebanese-born Palestinian, was arrested in 2002 for overstaying his visa and was charged in 2004 with providing material support to terrorists. By that time, Hassoun had already been charged with perjury, a weapons offense, and other offenses.

## Marriage and family

Broward County, Florida court records show that on July 1, 1994, Padilla changed his name to one word: "Ibrahim". He was married under that name to Cherie Maria Stultz on January 2, 1996. They divorced in March 2001, according to court records. In January 2001, she had placed an ad in a local business newspaper, serving notice that she was seeking divorce. Their divorce papers identify him as Jose Ibrahim Padilla.

Padilla married an Egyptian woman named Shamia'a, and they had two sons together. When he was arrested in 2002, the boys were infants. At his bail hearing, his wife and children were believed to be overseas.

## Terroristic activity

According to press reports in 2002, Padilla had been in the AfghanistanPakistan region in 2001 and early 2002. At the time, the Defense Department said that Abu Zubaydah, then believed to be a top al-Qaeda official, had led the US to Padilla.

Padilla was alleged to have been trained in the construction and employment of radiologic weapons – "dirty bombs" – at an al-Qaeda safe house in Lahore, Pakistan. Padilla and Binyam Mohammed, a United Kingdom resident, were alleged to have been recruited at the Lahore safe house to travel to the United States to launch terrorist attacks.

However, more recent evidence suggests that the "dirty bomb" plot was likely a ruse to get out of Pakistan and based on an internet joke website purporting to describe how to build an H-bomb by swinging buckets of uranium as fast as possible. A 2003 CIA memo notes that the satirical article "is filled with countless technical inaccuracies which would likely result in the death of anyone attempting to follow the instructions, and definitely would not result in a nuclear explosion".

## Arrest

Padilla traveled to Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iraq. On his return, he was arrested by U.S. Customs agents at Chicago's O'Hare International Airport on May 8, 2002, and held as a material witness on a warrant issued in the state of New York stemming from the September 11, 2001, attacks.

On June 9, 2002, two days before District Court Judge Michael Mukasey was to issue a ruling on the validity of continuing to hold Padilla under the material witness warrant, President George Bush issued an order to Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld to detain Padilla as an "enemy combatant." Padilla was transferred to a military brig in Charleston, South Carolina, without any notice to his attorney or family. The order "legally justified" the detention using the 2001 AUMF passed in the wake of September 11, 2001, (formally "The Authorization for Use of Military Force Joint Resolution" (Public Law 107-40)) and opined that a U.S. citizen detained on U.S. soil can be classified as an enemy combatant. (This opinion is based on the decision of the United States Supreme Court in the case of *Ex parte Quirin*, a case involving the detention of eight German spies operating in the United States while working for Nazi Germany during World War II.)

According to the text of the ensuing decision from the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, Padilla's detention as an "enemy combatant" (pursuant to the President's order) was based on the following reasons:

1. Padilla was "closely associated with al Qaeda," a designation for loosely knit insurgent groups sharing common ideals and tactics, "with which the United States is at war";
2. he had engaged in "war-like acts, including conduct in preparation for acts of international terrorism";
3. he had intelligence that could assist the United States in warding off future terrorist attacks; and
4. he was a continuing threat to American security.

## 2002 memos

Shortly after September 26, 2002, the top political appointees David Addington, Alberto Gonzales, John A. Rizzo, William Haynes II, two Justice Department lawyers, Alice S. Fisher and Patrick F. Philbin, and then-Special Counsel to the General Counsel of the Department of Defense Jack Goldsmith flew to Camp Delta to view Mohammed al-Kahtani, then to Charleston, South Carolina, to view Padilla, and finally to Norfolk, Virginia, to view Yaser Esam Hamdi, who had been subjected to coercive techniques including solitary confinement. It was later learned that top administration officials had earlier discussed and approved the use of "enhanced interrogation techniques", a euphemism for torture, for the CIA. They were consulting with DOD agents to discuss techniques that might be used against the detainees in military custody. Later that year, additional "harsh techniques" were used on these three and other prisoners.

In October 2008, 91 pages of memos drafted in 2002 by officers at the Naval Consolidated Brig, Charleston were made public. The memos indicate that officers were concerned that the isolation of solitary confinement and lack of stimuli were causing the prisoner Yasser Hamdi mental anguish and threatened his sanity. The memos also state that Padilla and a third prisoner, Ali Saleh Kahlah al-Marri, were held in similar conditions at the Brig.

## Habeas corpus

Because Padilla was being detained without any criminal charges being formally made against him, he, through his lawyer Jennifer Martínez, made a petition for a writ of *habeas corpus* to the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York, naming then Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld as the respondent to this petition. The government filed a motion to dismiss the petition on the grounds that:

1. Padilla's lawyer was not a proper "next Friend" to sign and file the petition on Padilla's behalf.
2. Commander Marr of the South Carolina brig, and not U.S. Secretary Rumsfeld, should have been named as the respondent to the petition.
3. The New York court lacked personal jurisdiction over the named respondent Secretary Rumsfeld who resides in Virginia.

The New York District Court disagreed with the government's arguments and denied its motion. However, the court declared that President Bush had constitutional and statutory authority to designate and detain American citizens as "enemy combatants." It held that Padilla had the right to challenge his "enemy combatant" designation and detention in the course of his *habeas corpus* petition, although immediate release was denied. Both Padilla and the government made an interlocutory appeal to the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit.

On December 18, 2003, the Second Circuit declared that

1. Padilla's lawyer is a proper "next friend" to sign and file the *habeas corpus* petition on Padilla's behalf because she, as a member of the bar, had a professional duty to defend her client's interests. Further, she had a significant attorney-client relationship with Padilla and was far from being some zealous "intruder" or "uninvited meddler," as described by the government.
2. Secretary Rumsfeld can be named as the respondent to Padilla's *habeas corpus* petition, although South Carolina's Navy Commander Marr had immediate physical custody of Padilla, because there have been past cases where national-level officials have been named as respondents to such petitions.
3. The New York District Court had personal jurisdiction over Secretary Rumsfeld although Rumsfeld resided in Virginia and not New York because New York's "long-arm statute" is applicable to Secretary Rumsfeld, who was responsible for Padilla's physical transfer from New York to South Carolina.
4. Despite the legal precedent set by *ex parte Quirin*, "the president lacked inherent constitutional authority as commander in chief to detain American citizens on American soil outside a zone of combat." The Second Circuit relied on the case of *Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer*, 343 U.S. 579 (1952), where the U.S. Supreme Court had ruled that President Truman, during the Korean War years, could not use his position and power as commander in chief, created under Article 2, Section 2, of the U.S. Constitution, to seize the nation's steel mills on the eve of a nationwide steelworkers strike. The extraordinary government power to curb civil rights and liberties during crisis periods, such as times of war, lies with Congress and not the president. Article 1, Section 9, Clause 2, of the U.S. Constitution grants Congress, and not the president, the power to suspend the right of *habeas corpus* during a period of rebellion or invasion.

Declaring that without clear congressional approval (per 18 U.S.C. § 4001(a)), President Bush cannot detain an American citizen arrested in the United States and away from a zone of combat as an "illegal enemy combatant", the court ordered that Padilla be released from the military brig within 30 days. However, the court stayed the release order pending the government's appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court.

### U.S. Supreme Court

On February 20, 2004, the Supreme Court agreed to hear the government's appeal. The Supreme Court heard the case, *Rumsfeld v. Padilla*, in April 2004, but on June 28, 2004, the court dismissed the petition on technical grounds because

1. It was improperly filed in federal court in New York instead of South Carolina, where Padilla was being detained.
2. The Court held that the petition was incorrect in naming the secretary of defense as the respondent for *habeas corpus* purposes instead of the commanding officer of the naval brig who was Padilla's direct custodian.

### District Court for South Carolina

The case was re-filed in the U.S. District Court for the District of South Carolina, and on February 28, 2005, the court ordered that the government either charge or release Padilla.

On June 13, 2005, the Supreme Court denied the government's petition to have his case heard directly by the court, instead of the appeal being first heard by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit in Richmond, Virginia. On September 9, 2005, a three-judge panel of the Fourth Circuit ruled that President Bush had the authority to detain Padilla without charges. An opinion written by judge J. Michael Luttig cited the joint resolution by Congress authorizing military action following the September 11, 2001, attacks, as well as the June 2004 ruling concerning Yaser Hamdi.

Attorneys for Padilla and civil liberties organizations, filing *amicus curiae* briefs, argued that the detention was illegal. They said it could lead to the military holding anyone, from protesters to people who check out what the government considers the wrong books from the library. The Bush administration denied the allegations. The defense argument noted that the congressional military authorization (the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Terrorists) pertained only to nations, organizations, or persons whom the president "determines planned, authorized, committed, or aided the September 11, 2001, attacks, or harbored such organizations or persons."

They advanced a reading of this language would suggest a congressional limitation to the military power would assure an appropriately narrow range of detainees and that the power to detain would last only so long as the congressional authorization was not revoked or remained in effect by its terms. Similarly, they noted that the Yaser Hamdi Supreme Court case (*Hamdi v. Rumsfeld*) upon which the court relied, required a habeas corpus hearing for any alleged enemy combatant who demands one, claiming not to be such a combatant, which would require additional judicial or military tribunal oversight over each such detention. The argument in the general public concerning the legality of Padilla's detention examined one of the provisions of the Military Commissions Act of 2006 enacted on October 17, 2006, which states:

> Except as otherwise provided in this chapter, and *notwithstanding any other law* \[emphasis added\] (including section 2241 of title 28, United States Code, or any other habeas corpus provision), no court, justice, or judge shall have jurisdiction to hear or consider any claim or cause of action whatsoever, including any action pending on or filed after the date of enactment of this chapter, relating to the prosecution, trial, or judgment of a military commission convened under this section, including challenges to the lawfulness of the procedures of military commissions under this chapter.

## Indictment

On November 22, 2005, CNN reported that Padilla had been indicted in federal court on charges he "conspired to murder, kidnap, and maim people overseas." Padilla's lawyer correlated the indictment's timing as avoidance of an impending Supreme Court hearing on the Padilla case: "The administration is seeking to avoid a Supreme Court showdown over the issue."

None of the original allegations made by the U.S. government three years prior, which had contributed to Padilla's being held the majority of the time in solitary confinement, was part of the indictment, nor was there any charge related to incidents within the United States.

Democracy Now! further asserted:

> Attorney General Alberto Gonzales announced Padilla is being removed from military custody and charged with a series of crimes" and "There is no mention in the indictment of Padilla's alleged plot to use a dirty bomb in the United States. There is also no mention that Padilla ever planned to stage any attacks inside the country. And there is no direct mention of Al-Qaeda. Instead the indictment lays out a case involving five men who helped raise money and recruit volunteers in the 1990s to go overseas to countries including Chechnya, Bosnia, Somalia and Kosovo. Padilla, in fact, appears to play a minor role in the conspiracy. He is accused of going to a jihad training camp in Afghanistan but his lawyers said the indictment offers no evidence he ever engaged in terrorist activity.

Padilla was held for years in military custody with no formal charges. Critics said such a process would allow the U.S. government to detain citizens indefinitely without presenting the case that would eventually be tried.

On December 21, 2005, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit refused to authorize a transfer from the Navy brig to civil court. The court suggested that the administration was manipulating the federal court system with "intentional mooting" in order to avoid Supreme Court review. It said that the "shifting tactics in the case threatens \[the government's\] credibility with the courts."

The Solicitor General Paul Clement said that the federal appeals court decision "defies both law and logic." He asked the Supreme Court authorize immediate transfer on December 30, 2005. This took place one day after Padilla's lawyers filed a petition charging the president with overstepping his authority.

On January 3, 2006, the U.S. Supreme Court granted a Bush administration request to transfer Padilla from military to civilian custody. He was transferred to a federal prison in Miami while the Supreme Court decided whether to accept his appeal of the government's authority to keep US citizens it designates "enemy combatants" in open-ended military confinement without benefit of trial.

On April 3, 2006, the Supreme Court declined, with three justices dissenting from denial of certiorari, to hear Padilla's appeal from the 4th Circuit Court's decision. It left the 4th Circuit court's ruling that the president had the power to designate and detain him as an "enemy combatant" without charges and with disregard to *habeas corpus*.

## Criminal proceedings

Padilla was indicted on three criminal counts in the Miami, Florida, criminal proceeding. He pleaded not guilty to all charges. The trial commenced on May 15, 2007, and lasted for 3 months.

### Partial dismissal of counts against Padilla

Two weeks after the presiding judge claimed prosecutors were "light on facts" in their conspiracy allegations, the government dismissed one of its three charges against Padilla and dismissed another in part.

The count of conspiracy to murder (punishable by life imprisonment) was dismissed on August 16, 2006, on the grounds that it was duplicative of the other two counts pending against him. The second count was conspiracy to materially aid terrorists under 18 U.S.C. § 371 (punishable by five years in prison) and the third was Providing material support to terrorists 18 U.S.C. § 2339A (punishable by 15 years in prison). The trial court ordered that the government elect a single criminal statute in its second count of the indictment.

However, on January 30, 2007, the Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit reversed the ruling and reinstated a charge of conspiracy to "murder, kidnap, and maim."

### Delays in prosecution

Two additional motions filed in October 2006 argued that the case should be dismissed because the government took too much time between arresting Padilla and charging him, violating Padilla's constitutional right to a speedy trial as the arrest took place prior to his detention as an enemy combatant and not when he was transferred to civilian custody.

### Mental competency hearing

In January 2007, a mental competency hearing was scheduled for Padilla for February 22, 2007. Two mental health experts hired by the defense to conduct a competency evaluation concluded Padilla was not mentally fit for trial; a third evaluation submitted by the Bureau of Prisons found him mentally competent. The judge ordered that Sandy Seymour, technical director of the Charleston brig; Craig Noble, brig psychologist; Andrew Cruz, brig social worker; four employees of the Miami federal detention center; and a Defense Department lawyer appear at the hearing.

On February 22, 2007, at the competency hearing, Dr. Angela Hegarty, a psychiatrist hired by Padilla's defense, said that after 22 hours of examining Padilla, she believed that he was mentally unfit to stand trial. She said he exhibited "a facial tic, problems with social contact, lack of concentration and a form of Stockholm syndrome." She diagnosed his condition as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and told the court, "It's my opinion that he lacks the capacity to assist counsel. He has a great deal of difficulty talking about the current case before him."

In cross examination, federal prosecutor John Shipley noted that Padilla had a score of zero on Hegarty's post-traumatic stress disorder test and pointed out that this information was omitted in her final report. Hegarty stated that the omission was an error on her part. Another psychiatrist hired by the defense testified along the same lines. The *Miami Herald* reported that a "U.S. Bureau of Prisons psychiatrist who believes Padilla is fit to face trial and Defense Department officials—are expected to testify at the ongoing hearing before U.S. District Judge Marcia Cooke."

### Conviction and sentencing

On August 16, 2007, after a day and a half of deliberations, the jury found Padilla guilty on all counts. He was scheduled to be sentenced on December 5, 2007, but his sentencing was postponed to January due to the death of a family member of the judge scheduled to sentence him. He was sentenced on January 22, 2008, to 17 years and 4 months in federal prison. His two co-defendants received sentences of 15 years, eight months, and 12 years and 8 months.

Before receiving his permanent prison assignment, Padilla was placed in the Federal Detention Center facility in Miami, Florida.

### Direct appeal of criminal conviction

As of February 28, 2008, Padilla had appealed his conviction and sentence and the government had cross-appealed. The *Wall Street Journal* said in an editorial, "the lawyers suing for Padilla aren't interested in justice. They're practicing 'lawfare', which is an effort to undermine the war on terror by making U.S. officials afraid to pursue it for fear of personal liability." In January 2012, the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals upheld a lower court decision and his case has been ruled on numerous times.

### Sentence ruled too lenient

On September 19, 2011, a three-judge panel of the 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals threw out the 17-year prison sentence imposed on Padilla, ruling that the sentence was too lenient. They sent the case back to the lower court for a new sentencing hearing. The Court said, "Padilla's sentence of 12 years below the low end of the \[sentencing\] guidelines range reflects a clear error of judgment about the sentencing of this career offender." On September 9, 2014, the district court sentenced Padilla to 21 years.

Padilla is serving his sentence at ADX Florence prison in Florence, Colorado. Padilla's prisoner number is 20796-424; he is projected to be released in 2026.

## Criticism of his conviction

* Andrew Patel, Padilla's lawyer, said after the guilty verdict,

> What happened in this trial, I think you have to put it in the context of federal conspiracy law, where the government doesn't have to prove that something happened, but just that people agree that something should happen in the future. In this case, it was even more strained. The crime charged in this case was actually an agreement to agree to do something in the future. So when you're dealing with a charge like that, you're not going to have—or the government's not going to be required to produce the kind of evidence that you would expect in a normal criminal case.

* American economist Paul Craig Roberts criticized the jury's verdict in the Padilla case as having "overthrown" the Constitution and done far more damage to U.S. liberty than any terrorist could.
* British journalist Andy Worthington wrote:
> \[Seventeen\] years and four months seems to me to be an extraordinarily long sentence for little more than a thought crime, but when the issue of Padilla's three and half years of suppressed torture is raised, it's difficult not to conclude that justice has just been horribly twisted, that the president and his advisers have just got away with torturing an American citizen with impunity, and that no American citizen can be sure that what happened to Padilla will not happen to him or her. Today, it was a Muslim; tomorrow, unless the government's powers are taken away from them, it could be any number of categories of 'enemy combatants' who have not yet been identified.
* Timothy Lynch of the Cato Institute raised several issues related to the Padilla seizure in an *amicus* brief he filed to the Supreme Court. In it, he asks questions such as whether the president can lock up any person in the world and then deny that person access to family, defense counsel, and civilian court review; and objects to the use of "harsh conditions" and "environmental stresses". He questioned whether such techniques can be employed against anyone once the president gives an order. Those legal questions remain unsettled. Lynch argued that, by abruptly moving Padilla from the military brig and transferring him into the civil criminal justice system, the Bush administration was able to forestall Supreme Court review of the president's military powers.
* Glenn Greenwald, journalist and former constitutional law and civil rights litigator, wrote a highly critical piece in the online magazine *Salon.com* in September 2011:
> The treatment Padilla has received in the justice system is, needless to say, the polar opposite of that enjoyed by these political elites ... Literally days before it was required to justify to the U.S. Supreme Court how it could imprison an American citizen for years without charges or access to a lawyer, the Bush administration suddenly indicted Padilla -- on charges unrelated to, and far less serious than, the accusation that he was A Dirty Bomber -- and then successfully convinced the Supreme Court to refuse to decide the legality of Padilla's imprisonment on the grounds of 'mootness'.

## Civil proceedings

On January 4, 2008, Padilla and his mother filed suit against John Yoo in the U.S. District Court, Northern District of California (Case Number CV08 0035). The complaint sought damages based on the alleged torture of Padilla, and attributed this treatment as having been authorized by Yoo's legal opinions issued in August 2002, known as the "Torture memos". The suit posited that Yoo caused Padilla's damages by authorizing Padilla's alleged torture through his memoranda.

On June 28, 2009, the trial court held that the complaint should not be dismissed for failure to state a claim, because if everything stated in the complaint was taken as true, it stated grounds for Yoo to be liable to Padilla for civil damages. But on February 17, 2011, the District Court dismissed another suit by Padilla against other former officials which had been brought on February 9, 2007. *Lebron v. Rumsfeld*, 764 F.Supp.2d 787 (D.S.C.). On January 23, 2012, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit affirmed this dismissal.

In May 2012, the U.S. 9th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that Yoo could not be held accountable for Padilla's treatment because, though his treatment might have amounted to torture, it was not defined as such legally in 2002–2003 when it occurred.

## Names

According to his attorney and others, Padilla has changed the pronunciation of his surname from the typical /pəˈdjə/ *pə-DEE-yə* to /pəˈdɪlə/ *pə-DIL*.

Padilla's Arabic name Abdullah al-Muhajir, which he began using during his jail sentence, literally means "Abdullah the migrant". "Al-Muhajir" is a *laqab* (epithet) rather than an adopted family name. Padilla is not related to or known to be connected in any way to Abu Hamza al-Muhajir.

## InfoBox

| José Padilla | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Born | (1970-10-18) October 18, 1970<br>Brooklyn, New York, United States |
| Other names | * Abdullah al-Muhajir * Muhajir Abdullah <br>José Rivera, José Alicea, José Hernandez, José Ortiz, Jose Ibrahim Padilla |
| Criminal status | Incarcerated at ADX Florence |
| Children | 2 |
|  | |
| Criminal charge | Criminal conspiracy (multiple) |
| Penalty | 17 years in prison, increased to 21 years on appeal |
|  | |