title: HIV/AIDS in China

abstract: HIV/AIDS in China can be traced to an initial outbreak of the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) first recognized in 1989 among injecting drug users along China's southern border. Figures from the Chinese Center for Disease Control and Prevention, World Health Organization, and UNAIDS estimate that there were 1.25 million people living with HIV/AIDS in China at the end of 2018, with 135,000 new infections from 2017. The reported incidence of HIV/AIDS in China is relatively low, but the Chinese government anticipates that the number of individuals infected annually will continue to increase. While HIV is a type of sexually transmitted infection, the first years of the epidemic in China were dominated by non-sexual transmission routes, particularly among users of intravenous drugs through practices such as needle sharing. By 2005, 50% of new HIV cases were due to sexual transmission, with heterosexual sex gradually becoming the most common means of new infections in the 2000s. New infections among men who have sex with men (MSMs) grew rapidly thereafter, representing 26% of all new cases in 2014, up from 2.5% in 2006. Another major, non-sexual channel of infection was the Plasma Economy of the 1990s, wherein large numbers of blood donors, primarily in poor, rural areas in Henan Province, were infected with HIV as a result of systematically dangerous practices by state and private blood collection clinics.

text:
# HIV/AIDS in China

**HIV/AIDS in China** can be traced to an initial outbreak of the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) first recognized in 1989 among injecting drug users along China's southern border. Figures from the Chinese Center for Disease Control and Prevention, World Health Organization, and UNAIDS estimate that there were 1.25 million people living with HIV/AIDS in China at the end of 2018, with 135,000 new infections from 2017. The reported incidence of HIV/AIDS in China is relatively low, but the Chinese government anticipates that the number of individuals infected annually will continue to increase.

While HIV is a type of sexually transmitted infection, the first years of the epidemic in China were dominated by non-sexual transmission routes, particularly among users of intravenous drugs through practices such as needle sharing. By 2005, 50% of new HIV cases were due to sexual transmission, with heterosexual sex gradually becoming the most common means of new infections in the 2000s. New infections among men who have sex with men (MSMs) grew rapidly thereafter, representing 26% of all new cases in 2014, up from 2.5% in 2006. Another major, non-sexual channel of infection was the Plasma Economy of the 1990s, wherein large numbers of blood donors, primarily in poor, rural areas in Henan Province, were infected with HIV as a result of systematically dangerous practices by state and private blood collection clinics.

## History

### Global background

HIV evolved from the simian immunodeficiency virus (SIV), present in numerous species of primates in West Africa and Central Africa, in the early 20th century. SIV jumped from primates to humans several times, although the primary strain of HIV responsible for the global pandemic, HIV-1 group M, is traceable to the region surrounding Kinshasa, likely having initially crossed from chimpanzees around 1920. From there, it spread to the Caribbean around 1967, proceeding to establish itself in New York City and San Francisco circa 1971 and 1976, respectively.

The US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) recognized unusual outbreaks of opportunistic infections among gay men in 1981, and the disease was initially referred to as gay-related immune deficiency (GRID), although it was quickly understood to also infect heterosexuals as well. In 1982, the CDC adopted the name "acquired immune deficiency syndrome" (AIDS). By the end of 1984, 7,699 cases of AIDS and 3,665 deaths had been recorded in America, with an additional cases 762 in Europe. By the end following year, over 20,000 cases were recorded globally, reaching every inhabited region in the world.

### Early stages of the epidemic in China

The first recorded death in China due to AIDS was a male Argentine-American tourist and California resident who died in Beijing on 6 June 1985. The Chinese government focused initially on preventing foreigners from transmitting the disease to its citizens, viewing it primarily as a consequence of a Western lifestyle.

By 1998, HIV/AIDS was present in all 31 provinces and administrative regions of China, and government statistics indicated 60–70% of those infected were drug users. Other major modes of transmission included infected blood spread through blood donation clinics across the country and the sex trade. Before either of these routes of infection were identified, however, a handful of people contracted HIV after receiving transfusions of contaminated hemophilia blood products from the United States.

#### Contaminated blood imports

Through the early 1980s, multiple American pharmaceutical firms exported medical blood products contaminated with HIV to East Asia. Bayer Corporation exported plasma knowing the risks of HIV transmission, resulting in over one hundred infections in Taiwan and Hong Kong. Factorate, a Factor VIII product of Armour Pharmaceuticals Company, was imported to China and used in blood transfusions in 19 people in Zhejiang province between 1983 and 1985. Four of the recipients, all hemophiliacs, were infected with HIV, making them at the time the first identified cases of native Chinese infected within the country's borders. Armour had been aware that original sterilization methods for Factorate were inadequate since at least 1985.

The Chinese government reacted to the threat of HIV in the blood supply before any confirmed cases of infection had occurred. In September 1984, the Chinese Ministry of Health, in conjunction with the Ministry of Foreign Economic Relations and Trade (now the Ministry of Commerce) and the General Administration of Customs, issued a notice restricting imports on foreign blood products, including a complete ban on blood coagulation factors, specifically to prevent HIV/AIDS from entering the country. The bans were poorly enforced by some local governments, prompting central authorities in August 1985 to issue another notice nationwide, reiterating the ban and ordering all sub-national governments to comply. On 30 January 1986, all blood products, with the sole exception of human serum albumin, were banned from import into China for both organizational and personal use.

#### Southern intravenous drug users

In 1989, central authorities became aware of a large outbreak of HIV/AIDS in western Yunnan province, in the border city of Ruili. 146 cases had been identified, mostly in injection drug users (IDUs), and Yunnan soon became the most heavily impacted province in China. The outbreak was the first instance of a widespread, native infection in China, and stunned officials previously concerned mainly with preventing infection through sexual contact with foreigners.

Yunnan borders the Golden Triangle region of Southeast Asia and has been a major hub for drug trafficking. HIV likely crossed into China along heroin trafficking routes from Myanmar. As heroin grew in popularity in Chinese border regions, injections with used needles became more common, greatly accelerating the rate of infection. The disease spread over the next several years, confined mainly to drug using populations of ethnic minorities in poorer, rural areas, reaching other high-risk groups and provinces by 1995.

Sichuan and Xinjiang first reported HIV outbreaks among injection drug users in 1995, the first two provinces besides Yunnan to do so. The following year, cases were confirmed in Guangdong, Guangxi, Beijing, Shanghai, and Guizhou. Additionally, an independent outbreak of a separate sub-strain of HIV among IDUs began in 1997 in the city of Pingxiang, Guangxi. Drug users crossed the border into northern Vietnam, where heroin was similarly smuggled in from Myanmar, and shared needles with Vietnamese dealers and users to test purchases before returning to China.

#### Bloodhead controversy

Unique to China was the large-scale transmission of HIV through blood donation centers in the early to mid-1990s. The ban on blood product imports from the preceding decade restricted China's blood supply, making blood donation more lucrative, particularly for inadequately funded rural healthcare systems already weakened by privatization. Additionally, medicines containing blood plasma became popular among Chinese consumers, also contributing to demand for blood. By 1990, thousands of public and commercial blood and blood plasma collection centers had been established across China, attracting donors with payments that could equal over a month's worth of income for some farmers. A significant grey market of poorly regulated "bloodheads" (simplified Chinese: 血头; traditional Chinese: 血頭, *xuètóu*, coll. *xiětóu*) concurrently arose.

The unsanitary practices in the blood market led to massive propagation of the HIV virus among rural populations. Donation centers frequently recycled needles, mixed blood donations without screening, and failed to adequately sterilize equipment, spreading blood-borne disease to both donors and recipients. For plasma donations, blood was often mixed with other donors' samples and reinjected after plasma extraction. Wu, Rou, and Detels (2001) found that 12.5% of plasma donors in eastern China tested positive for HIV, compared to 1.3% of non-donors; infected donors spread the disease to marital and other sexual partners.

In 2004, official estimates put the number of people infected via unsafe blood donation practices across the most heavily impacted provinces—Henan, Hebei, Anhui, Shaanxi, and Shanxi—between 200,000 and 300,000. Gansu and Qinghai also reported infections stemming from the commercial blood trade during the same time period. Overall, 24% of all HIV/AIDS cases in China in 2004 had been attributed to blood donation and related activities.

The phenomenon was especially prevalent in Henan, where it was promoted by local officials, including Henan Ministry of Health director Liu Quanxi and provincial Communist Party Secretary Li Changchun, to promote economic growth. An internal report compiled in August 2002 by the Henan Ministry of Health, leaked by prominent AIDS activist Wan Yanhai, estimated that 35–45% of blood donors in some areas of the province had been infected due to poor safety precautions in clinics.

The Chinese government was slow to admit and respond to the problem after it was identified, and initially repressed efforts to expose it. Shuping Wang and Gao Yaojie, two female doctors from Henan, mounted campaigns to expose the dangerous practices they saw in the early 1990s that put donors at risk for HIV infection. The central government eventually ordered commercial clinics to be shut down in 1995, reopening them in 1997 after stronger regulations on blood donation practices were instituted, although there is evidence that dangerous and unhygienic practices were not completely eliminated.

Both Gao and Wang eventually left China for the United States, citing apparent government harassment and intimidation resulting from their advocacy efforts. Even after acknowledging the issue, central and local government bodies sought to suppress discussion or coverage. Wan Yanhai was arrested in 2003 for attempting to screen a movie about the scandal in Beijing. In 2004, while acknowledging some victims had contracted HIV because of inadequate hygiene in blood donation centers and agreeing to provide compensation, authorities still sought to classify such infections as resultant of use of drugs or prostitution in official records.

#### Sex trade

While the majority of early infections occurred as a result of intravenous injection transmission or tainted blood supplies, prostitution also played a role spreading HIV/AIDS. China's economy rapidly grew as a result of Reform and Opening Up policies, and patronage of commercial sex workers, many of whom were injecting drug users, grew among both wealthy businessman and migrant worker populations, bringing HIV back to their hometowns and other cities. Overall, however, the commercial sex industry was not as major a vehicle of transmission as drug injection and blood donation were, and HIV infection rates among female sex workers remained relatively low throughout the 2010s.

## Epidemiology

Estimates from the Chinese Center for Disease Control and Prevention, World Health Organization, and UNAIDS calculated approximately 1.25 million people living with HIV/AIDS in China at the end of 2018, with 135,000 new infections over the previous year. It was by far the deadliest notifiable disease of 2018, killing 18,780 individuals, compared to 3,149 for tuberculosis, the second-most deadly. According to the *People's Daily* in 2018, the official newspaper of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, the government expects infections to continue to accelerate.

Distribution of new infections, 2005 & 201525,266 HIV infections were recorded in 2005, with the most (4750) in Yunnan, and only one recorded in Tibet. (Hong Kong and Macau not included.)81,696 HIV infections were recorded in 2015, with the most (13,457) in Sichuan and the least (148) in Tibet.

### Data collection and reliability

Data on HIV/AIDS up through the early 2000s was very imprecise. Passive disease surveillance methods were established in 1986, with local clinics and medical providers reporting confirmed cases progressively through district, city, and provincial channels, and then ultimately to three separate national agencies under the Ministry of Health. The Chinese government did not begin active surveillance and systematic data collection until 1995, when 42 national surveillance sites were established in 23 provincial-level regions with the help of the World Health Organization. By 2006, China had achieved comprehensive HIV/AIDS surveillance nationwide, following expansion of the surveillance network to over 300 sites and reforms of the national reporting systems, although rural areas remained under-covered. By 2010, 1888 surveillance sites had been established.

Data from before the development of comprehensive surveillance suffered a number of shortcomings, including minimal coverage of the general population due to focus on high-risk groups, poor data on men who have sex with men (MSM), stovepiping among different government entities, and difficulties obtaining data from private healthcare providers. Through the early 2000s, the Chinese government limited discussion of data and statistics of HIV/AIDS in the country, and media only reported numbers approved by the government.

Accordingly, estimates from the period of the epidemic often were imprecise, tending to overestimate the overall number of cases. China did not begin to produce regular, systematic estimates of the prevalence of HIV/AIDS until 2003, doing so in conjunction with the United Nations, World Health Organization, and United States Centers for Disease Control. This initial estimate was tentatively 840,000 cases nationwide, but with a potential range of 430,000 to 1.5 million. This was revised down to 650,000 in 2005.

Other international estimates tended to greatly overstate the presence and potential growth of HIV in China before more reliable official data was available. For example, in 2002, a report by the United Nations Theme Group on HIV/AIDS in China, entitled "HIV/AIDS: China's Titanic Peril", had estimated up to 1.5 million infected cases, and warned of "\[a\] potential HIV/AIDS disaster of unimaginable proportion". A 2002 report by the US National Intelligence Council projected 10–15 million cases in China by 2010.

Overall, the availability, precision, and coverage of HIV/AIDS data in China improved significantly from 2003 onward. Beginning in 2010, the Chinese government again expanded the scope and number of HIV surveillance sites, increasing coverage of all groups and expanding to cover larger portions of the population and providing more comprehensive information on the disease. Data gathered through the current system has generally been reliable, although issues with standardized protocols across different sites and coordination among different levels of government were identified in independent studies.

### Current transmission

HIV in China is primarily transmitted through sexual contact, which accounts for over 90% of new infections. Sexual transmission gradually began to overtake the originally predominant routes of transmission, injection drug use and unsafe blood donation practices, throughout the 1990s and into the mid-2000s. In 2005, sexual transmission accounted for 50% of all new infections, and by 2007, a majority of HIV/AIDS cases overall were related to sexual transmission pathways.

Currently, major high-risk groups for HIV infection include intravenous drug users, men who have sex with men (MSM), and sex workers. The Chinese government has additionally established data collection and monitoring sites targeting male migrant workers, long-distance truck drivers, male STI clinic patients, antenatal care clinic patients, and college students.

MSM in particular have seen a significant increase in transmission rates since epidemiological studies examining them as a group began in 2000. MSM represented 26% of new reported cases in 2014, up from 2.5% in 2006. Increased migration from poorer regions with high HIV prevalence to urban areas and somewhat liberalized attitude towards homosexuality in China over the last two decades, resulting in more overall sexual activity, have been hypothesized as factors driving this trend.

MSM are also generally at a higher risk for contracting STIs, including syphilis, which may form a coinfection with HIV. Drug use contributes little to HIV infection among MSM, with the overwhelming majority of new cases being the result of sexual activity. More than one-fifth of MSM are married to women, which might speed the transmission of HIV to the general population, and outreach to this subgroup in particular can be difficult.

### Mortality rates

The standardized mortality rate of HIV/AIDS rose from 0.33 per 100,000 people in 1990 to 2.50 per 100,000 in 2016, and the rate is higher in men than in women. Overall rates of mortality continue to grow as more individuals are infected. The provision of antiretroviral therapy (ART) among infected individuals, however, has greatly decreased mortality among patients receiving care since the early 2000s; by 2014 86.9% of eligible patients were receiving some form of ART.

## Control and prevention

### Overview of policy response

The response of the government of China to the HIV/AIDS crisis evolved in tandem with the epidemic itself. Generally, policy moved from preventive and containment measures aimed at keeping the disease from reaching the general population, often with a reliance on enforcement of public morality, to more active, data-driven control measures involving targeted education and harm reduction programs. Early law and policy implementation were often hindered by lack of knowledge among lawmakers on the severity and impact of HIV/AIDS and its potential for growth within China.

#### 1985–1988: protection from foreign infection

The first phase of Chinese HIV/AIDS policy ran from the first recorded in-country death in 1985, of a tourist in Beijing, until 1988/89, when the identified epidemic pattern expanded following the discovery of the outbreak in Yunnan. From 1985 to 1988, only 22 individuals tested positive for HIV in China, 18 of whom were foreigners or Overseas Chinese. HIV/AIDS was commonly viewed as a consequence of a Western lifestyle, and thus government efforts concentrated on protecting China from foreign transmission and promoting moral behavior and traditional values among citizens. "AIDS" was often punned in Chinese as "loving capitalism disease" (simplified Chinese: 爱资病; traditional Chinese: 愛資病; pinyin: *Àizībìng*), and public health authorities held that because homosexuality and other abnormal sexual behaviors were not prevalent in Chinese society, the disease had limited potential to spread.

In December 1985, the Ministry of Health submitted a report to the Secretariat of the Chinese Communist Party and the State Council, outlining the spread of the disease from Africa to Europe and America, emphasizing the predominantly sexual transmission routes, and listing measures the Ministry had taken to prevent its further spread into China. Laws and regulations attempting to eliminate the risk of foreigners infecting native Chinese were promulgated, under the assumption that this could keep the disease out of the country altogether.

By 1986, foreigners intending to stay over a year were required to undergo HIV testing, and HIV-positive people were legally barred from entering China. *The* *New York Times* reported that police in some cities were instructed to prevent foreigners from coming into sexual contact with Chinese people, including in discothèques, dance halls, and brothels. These early policies of containment, which also included wider crackdowns on drug use and prostitution, did little to check the spread of the disease, and possibly hindered initial identification of its domestic reservoirs.

#### 1989–1994: control of limited epidemic

The discovery of the outbreak in Yunnan triggered a large increase in the number of reported cases as the disease rapidly spread among high-risk groups. The Yunnan outbreak forced health officials to reconsider aspects of Chinese HIV/AIDS policy, although efforts were still largely focused on policing drug use and prostitution.

Social science research on previously taboo topics, including homosexuality, prostitution and drugs, began to proliferate during this period and served to inform policy that did not rely on a view of HIV/AIDS as an inherently Western problem. The Ministry of Health began exploring methods such as the implementation of behavioral interventions and free STI testing among high risk populations. Officials also experimented with less punitive counter-drug policy, such as the establishment of a limited number of methadone clinics in larger, well-equipped medical institutions in 1993. A wide range of officials—including State Council officials and health, security, justice, and education civil servants—were sent on tours to study policy and disease control strategies in places heavily affected by AIDS, such as the United States, Brazil, Australia, and Thailand.

#### 1995–2003: combatting widespread epidemic

In 1995, HIV cases began appearing consistently beyond the borders of Yunnan as the epidemic entered a phase of rapid growth. The government grew more concerned with the public health threat HIV/AIDS posed. Previously uncommon harm reduction strategies began to appear in limited capacities, a departure from previous years.

Several novel state organizations were established at the national level to strengthen the government response to HIV/AIDS. The compartmentalized nature of the Chinese bureaucracy historically made work on HIV/AIDS difficult because different agencies and departments were responsible for different aspects of data collection, service provision, and healthcare. In 1996, the State Council established STD/AIDS Prevention and Control Coordinating Meeting System (国务院防治艾滋病性病协调会议制度) to coordinate policy at the national level, although this body met infrequently. On 1 July 1998, following nearly two years of planning, the National Center for HIV/AIDS Prevention and Control under the Ministry of Health (卫生部艾滋病预防控制中心) was established. This entity became the National Center for AIDS/STD Control and Prevention of the Chinese Center for Disease Control and Prevention (NCAIDS/STD, 中国疾病控制中心性病艾滋病预防控制中心) in January 2002.

A number of substantive policy developments related to HIV/AIDS occurred during this period. In September 1995, the State Council and Ministry of Health release "Recommendations on Strengthening AIDS Prevention and Control" (关于加强和控制艾滋病工作的意见), developing and reviewing laws and regulations related to HIV/AIDS control and improving enforcement mechanisms. HIV/AIDS work was included in the overall national development strategy of China, and the government signaled openness to the support of non-governmental organizations in combatting the epidemic.

Blood donation centers, closed nationwide in 1995 in response to the Plasma Economy scandal, were reopened in 1997–98 with the passage of the Blood Donation Law (中华人民共和国献血法). In 1998, needle exchange programs were implemented in Guangxi, and further expanded in the early 2000s as their efficacy became clear, although some localities and national government departments (such as the Ministry of Public Security) remained opposed to such efforts on the grounds that they encouraged drug use.

In November 1998, the State Council released a document entitled "China's National Medium-and Long-Term Strategic Plan for HIV/AIDS Prevention and Control (1998–2010)" (关于印发中国预防与控制艾滋病中长期规划(1998–2010年)), outlining the Chinese government's goals to be carried out at local, provincial, and national levels, and further monitored through regular assessments. The document included a number of specific objectives and mandates, including:

* Ordering local governments to consider HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment as a part of all policy planning and socioeconomic development goals;
* Disseminating knowledge about the disease and its prevention (including promotion of condom use) to the general population through publicity campaigns, the school systems, and mass media (a 2001 survey found that 20% of the general population had not even heard of the disease);
* Strengthening surveillance and data collection and coordinate standardized testing, training, and screening measures nationally;
* Increasing research both on HIV/AIDS treatments and on epidemiological studies of the disease; and
* Developing and improving HIV/AIDS-related legislation and regulations nationwide.

The State Council further consolidated and expanded work on HIV and AIDS with China's first five-year plan for AIDS/HIV, covering 2001–2005. While still cautious about embracing harm reduction policies for fear of promoting social ills, the plan was a milestone for such policies overall and laid the groundwork for more ambitious efforts in following five-year plans.

#### 2003–present: evidence-based approaches post-SARS

The 2002–2004 SARS outbreak, which originated in Foshan, China, led to significant changes to public health policy, including shifts in the state's approach to HIV and AIDS. Funding and political support for HIV/AIDS-related policies began to increase markedly. Wu et al. (2007) argue that "SARS showed not only how infectious diseases could threaten economic and social stability but also the effect of China's policies on international health problems", resulting in increased expertise and attention devoted to HIV/AIDS overall.

The new administration of Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao, which ascended to power in March 2003, heightened commitment to evidence-based policy to fight HIV/AIDS. Wu Yi was appointed the Minister of Health, and her tenure saw a greater willingness to publicly discuss health crises like HIV/AIDS; Wu even met with activist Gao Yaojie shortly after her appointment.

In September 2003, Vice Minister of Health Gao Qiang outlined five promises of the Chinese government in its fight against AIDS in an address to the United Nations General Assembly's special session on HIV/AIDS. Gao said the Chinese government would commit to free antiretroviral therapy for poor rural and urban citizens, free counseling and treatment services, free treatment for pregnant women and testing for their children, free tuition and fees for children affected by HIV/AIDS, and financial support for any affected families. On World AIDS Day, 1 December 2003, while meeting with an AIDS patient in an effort to decrease stigma surrounding the disease, Premier Wen also formally announced the "Four Frees and One Care" (四免一怀) policy based on the measures outlined by Gao. Funding initially came from a $90 million grant of The Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, focusing on free testing for those in provinces where blood donation had been a major channel of infection.

In March 2006, the State Council implemented the "Regulation on the Prevention and Treatment of HIV/AIDS", codifying principles of prevention, treatment, and behavioral interventions into a national framework. It explicitly endorsed methadone treatment and condom education, among other measures, spurring the establishment of over 600 clinics nationwide by 2010. The law also formally proscribed discrimination of people based on their HIV status, and no longer prevented HIV-positive people from entering the country.

### International cooperation and funding

Prior to 2003, the majority of the capital for anti-HIV/AIDS policies and programs in China came from foreign sources, including NGOs like the Red Cross and Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, foreign government agencies like the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and international multilateral organizations like the UN and WHO. Dedicated funds for HIV/AIDS were first allocated by the Ministry of Finance in 1998. By 2015, 99% of HIV/AIDS response efforts were funded by domestic sources, and total expenditures reached nearly RMB 7 billion (approx. USD 1 billion) for the fiscal year 2017.

## Discrimination against people with HIV/AIDS

Discrimination against HIV-positive individuals is an ongoing issue in China. Various provinces have historically adopted different measures related to people with HIV, most of which restrict their equal access to the public sphere. In some provinces in municipalities in the early 2000s, people with HIV were prohibited from holding certain jobs, HIV mothers could be required to undergo an abortion, and an HIV-positive couple could be legally barred from marriage on medical grounds.

The 2006 Regulation on the Prevention and Treatment of HIV/AIDS formally barred legal discrimination against anyone based on the HIV status. While lauding the Regulation as a major step forward, the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific in 2015 reported that local governments often functionally ignored its provisions. A 2016 study in Guangzhou found that large numbers of healthcare providers also discriminated against HIV-positive patients, with over one-third refusing to treat such patients altogether.

In January 2013, China saw its first lawsuit awarding damages to a plaintiff on the grounds of HIV/AIDS discrimination. The plaintiff had been rejected for a job as a school teacher by the education bureau of Jinxian County, Jiangxi province specifically due to his HIV status.

## Traditional Chinese medicine

As of December 2018, the only Traditional Chinese medicine therapy approved by the National Medical Products Administration (NMPA) of China was herbal ''tangcao'' tablets (Chinese: 唐草片; pinyin: *Tángcǎo piàn*). A number of other traditional supplements are under clinical trial reviews, but have not yet met NMPA standards. TCM research efforts are primarily focused on lessening the side effects of highly active antiretroviral therapy (HAART) and protecting against opportunistic infections.

Extracts of traditional medicines have served as bases for trials of antiviral therapies, including baicalin and Dantonic. A group of nine HIV/AIDS patients in 2017 were reported to have been functionally cured through TCM treatments, but these trials lacked controlled, regular observations. A 2018 study suggested substantive differences in protein expression and signaling in certain TCM-identified syndromes for those with HIV/AIDS. Controlled studies have yet to demonstrate any effect on long-term survival among HIV/AIDS patients, however, its validity is difficult to discern, and research is lacking on the interactions between Western and Traditional Chinese pharmacological products.

## Activism

In China, like elsewhere, HIV/AIDS activists have played an important role in promoting public awareness and education about the disease, helping to prevent discrimination against people living with HIV/AIDS and highlighting factors which may impede efforts to check the spread of the disease. Compared to other social movements, the Chinese government has historically been more tolerant of HIV/AIDS-focused NGOs and civil society organizations, relying on them to reach out to marginalized groups most vulnerable to the disease.

The government at all administrative levels has also often sought to suppress or minimize activism perceived as sensitive, obscene, or a threat to stability, including that related to HIV/AIDS. This phenomenon was particularly pronounced in Henan, where the initial blood donation outbreak, in which local authorities were extensively involved, was most severe.

In 2007, activist Gao Yaojie was placed under house arrest in her home in Zhengzhou in order to prevent her from visiting the United States to receive an award from Vital Voices Global Partnership and meet with Hillary Clinton.

## Socioeconomic effect

The process of the effect of HIV/AIDS can be described as having three key stages: first, the effect experienced at the micro level; second, at the sectoral level; and finally, at the macro level. The effect began to be observed in China at the micro, or household level, and will most certainly be observed in the future at the sectoral level. Individuals and families have been bearing both the economic and social costs of the disease, and the poverty of those affected have increased and will further increase substantially.

Expenditures for the health sector will increase, for both treatment and prevention interventions. The macro level has been mostly unaffected. But if without effective preventive action, the HIV spread in the general population at large will affect the macro level as have happened in some countries in sub-Saharan Africa.

## Media

### Documentaries

Chinese-American director Ruby Yang has made a documentary about AIDS in rural China, which premiered on 14 June 2006, entitled *The Blood of Yingzhou District*.

An abridged version of Robert Bilheimer's acclaimed US-made 2003 documentary *A Closer Walk* was shown on China Central Television (CCTV) on World AIDS Day, 1 December (Friday), 2006, and was rerun Sunday and Monday. It was viewed by around 400 million people. The 75-minute-long documentary, narrated by actors Will Smith and Glenn Close, had premiered in the United States in 2003.

**Activists:**

## Notes and references

## Further reading


title: Illums Bolighus

abstract: Illums Bolighus is a retailer of household furnishings based in Copenhagen, Denmark. The original Illums Bolighus flagship store is located at Amagertorv 10 in central Copenhagen. The company was in 2005 acquired by an investor group headed by CEO Henrik Ypkendanz and has since then opened a number of new stores in Denmark, Norway, Sweden and Germany.

text:
# Illums Bolighus

**Illums Bolighus** is a retailer of household furnishings based in Copenhagen, Denmark. The original Illums Bolighus flagship store is located at Amagertorv 10 in central Copenhagen. The company was in 2005 acquired by an investor group headed by CEO Henrik Ypkendanz and has since then opened a number of new stores in Denmark, Norway, Sweden and Germany.

## History

### Kaj Dessau’s BO, 1928-1941

Illums Bolighus was founded under the name BO in 1925 by Danish entrepreneur Kaj Dessau. The store on Strøget opened in 1928. Brita Drewsen, a Swedish born designer, acted as an artistic consultant. With its arranged interiors which combined furniture with textiles, appointments and artworks (for instance sculptures by Kay Nielsen), the store introduced a concept which had not previously been seen.

### Illums Bolighus

The store was renamed Illums Bolighus in 1941 when it was purchased by the owners of the nearby A.C. Illum department store. The present building was designed in 1961 by Kay Kørbing.

Illums Bolighus was later owned first by Carlsberg Group and later by the private equity fund Axcel. Illums Bolighus was in 2005 sold to a group of five investors headed by CEO Henrik Ypkendanz.

## Locations

### Denmark

The Illums Bolighus flagship store in Copenhagen is located at Amagertorv 10. In Copenhagen, Illums Bolighus has also opened outlets in Copenhagen Airport and Tivoli Gardens. It has also opened a store in Aarhus.

### Norway

Illums Bolighus opened its first store abroad in Oslo in 2005. It was followed by a store over three floors on the main shopping street in Bergen in 2013. A new flagship store opened in Oslo in 2017.

### Sweden

The first store in Sweden opened in Stockholm in October 2010. In 2012, a Malmö store was opened in the new shopping centre Emporia. A second store in Stockholm, now in the Mall of Scandinavia, opened in 2015.

### Germany

On 1 November 2016, Illums Bolighus opened a 1,500 square metre store in Hamburg.

## Further reading

* Osvald, Lise: *The story of Kaj Dessau’s BO, 1928-194* i Scandinavian Journal of Design History, vol. 3, 1993.

## InfoBox

Illums Bolighus
|
|  |
| Trade name | **Illums Bolighus** |
| Company type | Limited company |
| Industry | Retailer |
| Founded | 1925 |
| Founders | Kaj Dessau |
| Headquarters | Copenhagen, Denmark |
| Number of locations | Copenhagen (3), Aarhus (1), Oslo (2), Bergen (2), Trondheim (1), Stockholm (2), Malmö (1), Hamburg (1) |
| Area served | Scandinavia, Germany |
| Key people | Henrik Ypkendanz (CEO) |
| Products | Furniture, home accessories, textiles |
| Website | www.illumsbolighus.com |


title: Peter Cehlárik

abstract: Peter Cehlárik is a Slovak professional ice hockey forward for Leksands IF in the Swedish Hockey League (SHL). He was selected by the Boston Bruins in the 3rd round of the 2013 NHL Entry Draft.

text:
# Peter Cehlárik

**Peter Cehlárik** (born on 2 August 1995) is a Slovak professional ice hockey forward for Leksands IF in the Swedish Hockey League (SHL). He was selected by the Boston Bruins in the 3rd round (90th overall) of the 2013 NHL Entry Draft.

## Playing career

Cehlárik played four junior seasons in his native Slovakia before continuing his development in Sweden. He made his Elitserien debut playing with Luleå HF during the 2012–13 Elitserien season. He helped the team win the Champions Hockey League during the 2014–15 season.

After playing 132 games, adding 22 goals and 49 points throughout four seasons with Luleå, he signed a three-year, entry-level contract with the Boston Bruins on 16 June 2016. He made his NHL debut on 11 February 2017 against the Vancouver Canucks. He played 11 games for Boston Bruins before returning to Providence Bruins.

Cehlárik scored his first NHL goal on 18 November 2017 with the Bruins as the first Boston goal in a road game against the San Jose Sharks, in what would become a 3–1 Boston victory.

After Cehlárik was left off Boston's Return to Play roster as an impending restricted free agent from the Bruins, Cehlárik halted his North American career and signed a two-year contract with Swedish club, Leksands IF of the SHL, on 17 August 2020.

After a lone season in the Kontinental Hockey League (KHL) with Avangard Omsk in 2021–22, Cehlárik opted to move to Switzerland in agreeing to a two-year contract with EV Zug of the National League (NL) on 24 May 2022.

In the 2022–23 season, Cehlárik in a top-six scoring role, scored 6 goals and 24 points through 38 regular season games, before opting to leave Switzerland and immediately return to former club, Leksands IF of the SHL, signing a contract until 2026 on 8 February 2023.

## Career statistics

### Regular season and playoffs

|  | | |  | Regular season | | | | |  | Playoffs | | | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| Season | Team | League | | GP |  |  | Pts | PIM | | GP | G | A | Pts | PIM |
| 2008–09 | MsHK Žilina | SVK U18 | | 1 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 2009–10 | MsHK Žilina | SVK U18 | | 28 | 4 | 4 | 8 | 4 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 2009–10 | MsHK Žilina B | SVK-2 U18 | | 2 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 2010–11 | MsHK Žilina | SVK U18 | | 40 | 15 | 18 | 33 | 8 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 2010–11 | MsHK Žilina B | SVK-2 U18 | | 2 | 2 | 0 | 2 | 2 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 2011–12 | MsHK Žilina | SVK U18 | | 6 | 6 | 2 | 8 | 16 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 2011–12 | Luleå HF | J18 | | 12 | 8 | 8 | 16 | 0 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 2011–12 | Luleå HF | J18-2 | | 12 | 7 | 7 | 14 | 0 | | 4 | 2 | 0 | 2 | 0 |
| 2011–12 | Luleå HF | J20 | | 8 | 2 | 2 | 4 | 2 | | 1 | 3 | 0 | 3 | 0 |
| 2012–13 | Luleå HF | J18 | | 4 | 5 | 4 | 9 | 0 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 2012–13 | Luleå HF | J18-2 | | 6 | 3 | 5 | 8 | 0 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 2012–13 | Luleå HF | J20 | | 38 | 17 | 20 | 37 | 10 | | 3 | 0 | 1 | 1 | 2 |
| 2012–13 | Luleå HF | SEL | | 8 | 3 | 3 | 6 | 0 | | 6 | 1 | 0 | 1 | 0 |
| 2013–14 | Luleå HF | J20 | | 4 | 5 | 2 | 7 | 0 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 2013–14 | Luleå HF | SHL | | 32 | 2 | 2 | 4 | 4 | | 2 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| 2013–14 | Asplöven HC | SWE-2 | | 18 | 5 | 8 | 13 | 6 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 2014–15 | Luleå HF | J20 | | 1 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 2014–15 | Luleå HF | SHL | | 46 | 6 | 13 | 19 | 6 | | 8 | 1 | 1 | 2 | 0 |
| 2015–16 | Luleå HF | SHL | | 46 | 11 | 9 | 20 | 4 | | 11 | 3 | 2 | 5 | 0 |
| 2016–17 | Boston Bruins | NHL | | 11 | 0 | 2 | 2 | 0 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 2016–17 | Providence Bruins | AHL | | 49 | 20 | 18 | 38 | 20 | | 2 | 0 | 1 | 1 | 2 |
| 2017–18 | Boston Bruins | NHL | | 6 | 1 | 1 | 2 | 2 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 2017–18 | Providence Bruins | AHL | | 35 | 11 | 12 | 23 | 10 | | 3 | 2 | 0 | 2 | 4 |
| 2018–19 | Boston Bruins | NHL | | 20 | 4 | 2 | 6 | 6 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 2018–19 | Providence Bruins | AHL | | 53 | 12 | 26 | 38 | 14 | | 4 | 1 | 0 | 1 | 0 |
| 2019–20 | Boston Bruins | NHL | | 3 | 0 | 1 | 1 | 2 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 2019–20 | Providence Bruins | AHL | | 48 | 16 | 21 | 37 | 22 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 2020–21 | Leksands IF | SHL | | 45 | 20 | 20 | 40 | 32 | | 4 | 0 | 1 | 1 | 0 |
| 2021–22 | Avangard Omsk | KHL | | 39 | 14 | 11 | 25 | 8 | | 13 | 0 | 12 | 12 | 8 |
| 2022–23 | EV Zug | NL | | 38 | 6 | 18 | 24 | 26 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 2022–23 | Leksands IF | SHL | | 11 | 3 | 1 | 4 | 6 | | 3 | 0 | 1 | 1 | 2 |
| SHL totals | | | | 188 | 45 | 48 | 93 | 52 | | 34 | 5 | 5 | 10 | 4 |
| NHL totals | | | | 40 | 5 | 6 | 11 | 10 | |  |  |  |  |  |

| Medal record | | |
| --- | --- | --- |
| Representing  Slovakia | | |
| Ice hockey | | |
| Olympics | | |
|  | 2022 Beijing |  |
| IIHF World Junior Championship | | |
|  | 2015 Canada |  |

### International

| Year | Team | Event |  | GP | G | A | Pts | PIM |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| 2012 | Slovakia | IH18 | | 2 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| 2013 | Slovakia | WJC18 | | 6 | 2 | 5 | 7 | 0 |
| 2014 | Slovakia | WJC | | 5 | 0 | 3 | 3 | 2 |
| 2015 | Slovakia | WJC | | 7 | 2 | 1 | 3 | 6 |
| 2016 | Slovakia | WC | | 5 | 1 | 0 | 1 | 2 |
| 2021 | Slovakia | WC | | 8 | 5 | 6 | 11 | 6 |
| 2022 | Slovakia | OLY | | 7 | 2 | 2 | 4 | 4 |
| 2023 | Slovakia | WC | | 5 | 2 | 2 | 4 | 2 |
| Junior totals | | | | | 20 | 4 | 9 | 13 | 8 |
| Senior totals | | | | | 25 | 10 | 10 | 20 | 14 |

## Awards and honours

| Award | Year |
| --- | --- |
| **International** | | |
| World Championship Best Forward | 2021 |

## InfoBox

| Peter Cehlárik | | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
|  | | | |
| Born | (1995-08-02) 2 August 1995
Žilina, Slovakia | | |
| Height | 6 ft 2 in (188 cm) | | |
| Weight | 198 lb (90 kg; 14 st 2 lb) | | |
| Position | Left wing | | |
| Shoots | Left | | |
| SHL team
Former teams | *Leksands IF*
Luleå HF
Boston Bruins
Avangard Omsk
EV Zug | | |
| National team | Slovakia | | |
| NHL draft | 90th overall, 2013
Boston Bruins | | |
| Playing career | 2013present | | |


title: Half-truth

abstract: A half-truth is a deceptive statement that includes some element of truth. The statement might be partly true, the statement may be totally true, but only part of the whole truth, or it may use some deceptive element, such as improper punctuation, or double meaning, especially if the intent is to deceive, evade, blame or misrepresent the truth.

text:
# Half-truth

A **half-truth** is a deceptive statement that includes some element of truth. The statement might be partly true, the statement may be totally true, but only part of the whole truth, or it may use some deceptive element, such as improper punctuation, or double meaning, especially if the intent is to deceive, evade, blame or misrepresent the truth.

## Purpose

The purpose and or consequence of a half-truth is to make something that is really only a belief appear to be knowledge, or a truthful statement to represent the whole truth or possibly lead to a false conclusion. The order in which the true and false information is presented in a "half-truth" can make a difference in ultimate believability. Barchetti and colleagues show that when two unrelated statements are put together with syntax that suggests causality, the statement is believed if the premise is true (even if the conclusion is unrelated or false). Conversely, if the false statement is placed in the premise, the combined statement is less likely to be believed. Thus order of presentation can influence the credibility of a half-true statement and has been named the half-truth effect. According to the justified true belief theory of knowledge, in order to know that a given proposition is true, one must not only believe in the relevant true proposition, but one must also have a good reason for doing so. A half-truth deceives the recipient by presenting something believable and using those aspects of the statement that can be shown to be true as a good reason to believe the statement is true in its entirety, or that the statement represents the whole truth. A person deceived by a half-truth considers the proposition to be knowledge and acts accordingly.

## Examples

* In January 2018, former U.S. President Donald Trump claimed on Twitter that "because of my policies, Black Unemployment has just been reported to be at the LOWEST RATE EVER RECORDED!" Although the unemployment rate for black Americans was indeed at a record low, the rate had been consistently decreasing since 2010, seven years before Trump took office.
* Using a technicality: former U.S. President Bill Clinton famously engaged in a half-truth when he gave the testimony of "I did not have sexual relations with that woman, Miss Lewinsky." Here he engaged in an equivocation fallacy to deliberately indicate one particular meaning of the phrase "sexual relations", while intending another meaning, in order to deliberately mislead the court while still being able to later claim that "my statements were technically correct."
* The classic story about blind men and an elephant. Each blind man touches a different part of the elephant and reaches a different conclusion about the nature of the elephant; while each man's experience of the elephant is accurate, none of them have a full understanding of the nature of the beast. One may be touching the tail and believe that the elephant is long and thin, another may be touching the belly and say that it is round and big.

## Politics

Some forms of half-truths are an inescapable part of politics in representative democracies. The reputation of a political candidate can be irreparably damaged if they are exposed in a lie, so a complex style of language has evolved to minimise the chance of this happening. If someone has not said something, they cannot reasonably be accused of lying. As a consequence, politics has become a world where half-truths are expected, and political statements are rarely accepted at face value.

William Safire defines a half-truth, for political purposes, as "a statement accurate enough to require an explanation; and the longer the explanation, the more likely a public reaction of half-belief".

It has been shown that the order of the half-truth makes a difference in reported belief in the statement. That is when a statement begins with a true statement followed by another unrelated statement (either true or false), the statement is believed. However, when the false statement is put in front, then the entire package is less believed regardless if the second part of the argument is true or false. This also indicates the anchoring effect, which is a tendency of people to believe the first thing said which acts as an anchor point in believing, or disbelieving, what follows and is also found in reference pricing used in price promotions. Consumer behaviour and psychology studies show the heavy influence of the order and presentation of information in what beliefs people generally may be likely to form as well as decoy items that may be the early information.

In his 1990 work *The Magic Lantern: The Revolution of 1989 Witnessed in Warsaw, Budapest, Berlin, and Prague*, Timothy Garton Ash responded to Václav Havel's call for "living in truth":

> Now we expect many things of politicians in a well-functioning parliamentary democracy. But "living in truth" is not one of them. In fact the essence of democratic politics might rather be described as "working in half-truth". Parliamentary democracy is, at its heart, a system of limited adversarial mendacity, in which each party attempts to present part of the truth as if it were the whole.

Philosopher Alfred North Whitehead was quoted as saying: "There are no whole truths; all truths are half-truths. It is trying to treat them as whole truths that play the devil". If this is true, statements, or truths, which according to Whitehead are all half-truths, are susceptible to creating deceptive and false conclusions.

## Meme theory

Richard Brodie links half-truths to memes, writing, "the truth of any proposition depends on the assumptions you make in considering it—the distinct memes you use in thinking about it". Brodie considers half-truths a necessary part of human interaction because they allow practical application of ideas when it is impractical to convey all the information needed to make a fully informed decision, although some half-truths can lead to false conclusions or inferences in the world of logic.

## Quotations

The notion of half-truths has existed in various cultures, giving rise to several epigrammatic sayings.

* Karl Kraus, an Austrian journalist, critic, playwright, and poet, noted, "An aphorism can never be the whole truth; it is either a half-truth or a truth-and-a-half."
* Arthur Koestler, a Hungarian-British author and journalist, wrote, "Two half-truths do not make a truth, and two half-cultures do not make a culture."

## Selective truth

Selective truth is an act of telling some part of truth selectively, both intentionally or unintentionally.

Both intentional and unintentional selective truth are not a truth at all.

### Ethics and morality

While selective truth information is not the truth information, whether telling selective truth is considered as deceptive or lying and the morality are subject to debate. Some scholars think it is deceptive and lying and some scholars think the obverse. Some philosophers consider selective truth deceptive but not lying. Some philosophers simply consider it is not lying.


title: Perhaps Love (1987 film)

abstract: Perhaps Love is a 1987 Australian television film about a love affair between a Frenchman and an Australian.

text:
# Perhaps Love (1987 film)

***Perhaps Love*** is a 1987 Australian television film about a love affair between a Frenchman and an Australian.

## Plot

Student radicals, Patric and Annie, have an affair in Bali in the 1960s. They promise to meet up in Kathmandu but she returns to Melbourne, marries a left-wing politician, Jack, and has children. Patric and Annie meet up 18 years later. He is now more politically conservative, but they rekindle their affair. She decides to leave her husband and family, but changes her mind.

## Cast

## Production

It was the first of a proposed nine TV movies that were made as a part of a co-production deal between Revcom and ABC. Three were to be made in Australia, three in Europe with Australians; the common theme was to be "sentiment". (The other Australian movies were *The Lizard King* and *Going Price* aka *A Matter of Convenience*.) Filming was complete by June 1986 and involved shooting in the Philippines.

## Reception

In August 1986 the *Sydney Morning Herald* reported that "the ABC have kept quiet about" the movie, "and understandably so."

The film did not screen until March 1988. *The Sydney Morning Herald* TV critic said the film had "endless boring flashbacks" and "the inedible print of its writer, Bob Ellis, who has made a career out of sardonically attacking the middle classes, ate into the script to an unimaginative degree." She also claimed "the ending was rather too twee."

## InfoBox

| *Perhaps Love* | |
| --- | --- |
| Written by | Bob Ellis |
| Directed by | Lex Marinos |
| Starring | Anne Grigg |
| Country of origin | Australia<br>France |
| Original language | English |
| Production | |
| Producer | Jan Chapman |
| Original release | |
| Network | ABC |
| Release | 6 March 1988 (1988-03-06) |


title: Perhaps (album)

abstract: Perhaps is the third studio album by the Scottish post-punk and pop band the Associates, released on 8 February 1985 by WEA. It is their first album without founding member, keyboardist and guitarist Alan Rankine.

text:
# Perhaps (album)

***Perhaps*** is the third studio album by the Scottish post-punk and pop band the Associates, released on 8 February 1985 by WEA. It is their first album without founding member, keyboardist and guitarist Alan Rankine.

## Background

With the departure of Alan Rankine and bassist Michael Dempsey, the Associates were effectively a Billy MacKenzie solo project for this album. MacKenzie started work with Steve Reid, a guitarist from Dundee and Howard Hughes, an accomplished keyboardist in late 1982 after the departure of Rankine and came up with an album's worth of material.

## Recording

The recording sessions were chaotic, and the resulting album was deemed unreleasable by Warner Music Group, who demanded further work be carried out on the project. The master tapes for this version went missing over the Christmas period in 1982 (allegedly hidden by MacKenzie due to his own dissatisfaction with the record). The album was restarted from scratch and was finally finished after a further two years in early 1985, featuring four different producers and at a total final cost of approximately £250,000 to complete, an uncommonly major expense, even for a major label record, at that time.

## Release

*Perhaps* was released on 9 February 1985. The album was a commercial failure in comparison to their previous releases, peaking at No. 23 on the UK Albums Chart but only selling around 40,000 copies, putting Billy MacKenzie in significant debt to Warner Music Group.

For years *Perhaps* was only available on vinyl and cassette. However, due to the reissue program of Associates material after MacKenzie's death, it was re-released along with the unreleased *The Glamour Chase* album in a double CD package in 2002. The bonus instrumentals included on the original cassette release were not included.

On 3 January 2020, it was announced via the Super Deluxe Edition website that a completely new remastered 'deluxe' edition of the album was to be released via pre order via Cherry Red Records on 31 January 2020 marking the first ever stand alone CD release of the album. This two-CD reissue features the original 10-track album on CD 1 along with the four cassette-only instrumentals from 1985. The second disc includes what the label describe as "all the related bonus tracks for which master tapes still exist". These comprise extended versions, edits, B-sides and instrumentals. 11 tracks are new to CD. This deluxe edition comes as a digipak with a 20-page booklet, with sleeve notes courtesy of Andy Davis.

## Critical reception

Professional ratings
| Review scores | |
| --- | --- |
| Source | Rating |
| AllMusic |  |
| *Smash Hits* | 8/10 |

*Trouser Press* wrote "To write it off with a snide 'perhaps not' would be a cheap shot, but more than generous", calling it "undanceable dance music with a few ho-hum twists. The lyrics include strange, gratuitous, incomprehensible non sequiturs; the music is at best uninvolving, even if you listen for sheer sound and ignore the pose."

## Track listing

All tracks are written by Billy Mackenzie, except where noted

Side A
| No. | Title | Writer(s) | Length |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| 1. | "Those First Impressions" |  | 4:43 |
| 2. | "Waiting for the Loveboat" |  | 6:56 |
| 3. | "Perhaps" |  | 6:33 |
| 4. | "Schampout" |  | 6:03 |
| 5. | "Helicopter Helicopter" | music: Steve Reid | 4:08 |

Side B
| No. | Title | Writer(s) | Length |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| 1. | "Breakfast" |  | 5:33 |
| 2. | "Thirteen Feelings" | music: Steve Reid | 4:39 |
| 3. | "The Stranger in Your Voice" | music: Steve Reid | 6:17 |
| 4. | "The Best of You" | music: Mackenzie, Steve Reid | 5:37 |
| 5. | "Don't Give Me That 'I Told You So' Look" | music: Steve Reid | 5:13 |
| Total length: | | | 55:42 |

Cassette issues included instrumental versions of "Perhaps", "Thirteen Feelings", "The Stranger in Your Voice" and "Breakfast" (titled "Breakfast Alone")

### 2020 Deluxe CD Issue

Disc one
| No. | Title | Length |
| --- | --- | --- |
| 1. | "Those First Impressions" | 4:43 |
| 2. | "Waiting for the Loveboat" | 6:56 |
| 3. | "Perhaps" (Dave Allen remix) | 6:33 |
| 4. | "Schampout" | 6:03 |
| 5. | "Helicopter Helicopter" | 4:08 |
| 6. | "Breakfast" | 5:33 |
| 7. | "Thirteen Feelings" | 4:39 |
| 8. | "The Stranger in Your Voice" | 6:17 |
| 9. | "The Best of You" (Billy Mackenzie & Dave Allen remix) | 5:37 |
| 10. | "Don't Give Me That 'I Told You So' Look" | 5:13 |
| 11. | "Perhaps" (Instrumental – Bonus track) | 7:11 |
| 12. | "Breakfast Alone" (Instrumental – Bonus track) | 5:45 |
| 13. | "Thirteen Feelings" (Instrumental – Bonus track) | 4:37 |
| 14. | "The Stranger in Your Voice" (Instrumental – Bonus track) | 6:19 |

Disc two
| No. | Title | Length |
| --- | --- | --- |
| 1. | "Those First Impressions" (Extended version) | 8:06 |
| 2. | "Waiting for the Loveboat" (Single version) | 4:26 |
| 3. | "Waiting for the Loveboat" (Extended version) | 8:16 |
| 4. | "Waiting for the Loveboat" (Slight Return) | 4:17 |
| 5. | "Perhaps Perhaps" | 4:15 |
| 6. | "Schampout" (Edit) | 4:13 |
| 7. | "Breakfast" (Single version) | 4:24 |
| 8. | "Breakfast" (Edit) | 5:04 |
| 9. | "Kites" | 5:52 |
| 10. | "Take Me to the Girl" (Single version) | 4:25 |
| 11. | "Take Me to the Girl" (12" mix) | 6:30 |
| 12. | "Take Me to the Girl" (Instrumental) | 4:23 |
| 13. | "The Girl That Took Me" | 4:49 |

## Personnel

Credits are adapted from the *Perhaps* liner notes.

* Billy Mackenzie – vocals
* Steve Reid – guitar
* L. Howard Hughes — keyboards
* Roberto Soave — bass guitar on "Thirteen Feelings", "The Stranger in Your Voice" and "The Best of You"
* Steve Goulding — drums on "Schampout" and "Helicopter Helicopter"
* Gaspar Lawal — percussion on "Schampout"
* Jim Russell — extra percussion on "Schampout"
* Ian McIntosh — guitar on "Those First Impressions"
* Simon Houseelectric violin on "Perhaps"
* Alan Whetton — saxophone on "Waiting for the Loveboat"
* Eddi Reader — guest lead vocals on "The Best of You"
* Christine Beveridge — backing vocals on "Perhaps"
* L. Howard Hughes — backing vocals on "Perhaps"
* Martyn Ware — backing vocals on "Perhaps"
* Steve Reid — backing vocals on "Perhaps"
* Lynton Naiff — string arrangements on "Breakfast" and "Thirteen Feelings"

**Production and artwork**

## Charts

Chart performance for *Perhaps*
| Chart (1985) | Peak
position |
| --- | --- |
| Dutch Albums (Album Top 100) | 29 |
| UK Albums (OCC) | 23 |

## InfoBox

| Perhaps | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Studio album by the Associates | |
| Released | 8 February 1985 (1985-02-08) |
| Recorded | 1983–1985 |
| Genre |  |
| Length | 55:42 |
| Label | WEA |
| Producer |  |
| The Associates chronology | |
| *Sulk*
(1982) ***Perhaps***
(1985) *Wild and Lonely*
(1990) | |
|  | |
| Singles from  *Perhaps* | |
| 1. "Those First Impressions"
Released: 1984 2. "Waiting for the Loveboat"
Released: 1984 3. "Breakfast"
Released: 1985 | |
|  | |


title: Perumudivakkam

abstract: Perumudivakkam is a small village on the outskirts of Chennai, and a developing residential area in North Chennai, a metropolitan city in Tamil Nadu, India. It is Located Northwest Chennai in Tiruvallur District near to the proposed Smart City Ponneri. It is 29 km from the Chennai Koyambedu terminus and 10 km from Red Hills Bus Terminus. Perumudivakkam has a temple for Sri KothandaRama and the temple is connected with Ramayana.

text:
# Perumudivakkam

**Perumudivakkam** is a small village on the outskirts of Chennai, and a developing residential area in North Chennai, a metropolitan city in Tamil Nadu, India. It is Located Northwest Chennai in Tiruvallur District near to the proposed Smart City Ponneri. It is 29 km from the Chennai Koyambedu terminus and 10 km from Red Hills Bus Terminus.

Perumudivakkam has a temple for Sri KothandaRama and the temple is connected with Ramayana.

## Sri kaiveachu Parvathi parameshwar temple

the 100 year old Sri kaiveachu Parvathi parameshwar temple is also located in the village.


title: Perumugai

abstract: Perumugai is a panchayat village in Gobichettipalayam taluk in Erode District of Tamil Nadu state, India. It is about 12 kilometres (7.5 mi) from Gobichettipalayam and 442 kilometres (275 mi) from the district headquarters Erode. The village is located on the road connecting Gobichettipalayam with Athani via Kallipatti. Perumugai has a population of 8,692.

text:
# Perumugai

**Perumugai** is a *panchayat* village in Gobichettipalayam *taluk* in Erode District of Tamil Nadu state, India. It is about 12 kilometres (7.5 mi) from Gobichettipalayam and 442 kilometres (275 mi) from the district headquarters Erode. The village is located on the road connecting Gobichettipalayam with Athani via Kallipatti. Perumugai has a population of 8,692.

## InfoBox

| Perumugai | |
| --- | --- |
| Panchayat village | |
| PerumugaiLocation in Tamil Nadu, IndiaPerumugaiPerumugai (India) | |
| Coordinates: 11°31′5″N 77°28′33″E / 11.51806°N 77.47583°E / 11.51806; 77.47583 | |
| Country | India |
| State | Tamil Nadu |
| Region | Coimbatore (Kongu Nadu) |
| District | Erode |
| Taluk | Gobichettipalayam |
| Languages | |
| Official | Tamil |
| Time zone | UTC+5:30 (IST) |
| Telephone code | 91(04285) |
| Vehicle registration | TN 36 |


title: Performance archaeology

abstract: Performance archaeology is a subset of archaeological theory. Developers of this theory include Michael Shanks, Mike Pearson and Julian Thomas who in the 1990s at University of Wales, Lampeter began formulating concepts which view the social aspect of performance along with the artistic nature of theatre together through an interdisciplinary lens as "an integrated approach to recording, writing and illustrating the material past" thereby marrying the academic with the artistic. Performance archaeology has further expanded in the last decade upon the theories of presence. Geoff Bailey states that "because we believe that the present is known or knowable better than the past, we must seek our inspiration in studies of present phenomena and our concepts and theories from authorities on the present." Michael Shanks along with Ian Hodder, Christopher Witmore, Gabriella Giannachi and Nick Kaye have recently expanded the theory further by calling for cooperation within the humanities and studying transdisciplinary research from archaeologists who are encouraged to become storytellers in order to more diversely analyze the engagement of the actor, the audience, the things and the space in which they perform by using an 'ecology of practices'. The theory of performance archaeology aims to give researchers a multi temporal link to the antiquated through studying the processual nature of "performance of presence" which is entangled within the 'multipleness' of time. Echoing theories posited by Martin Heidegger, the processual and temporal natures of performance are phenomenologically entwined with the experiences of the performers and audience. Stories are preserved by memory through performance. These performances can be seen both in the archaeological record as well in modern enactments or rituals. The landscape itself is an integral portion of performance memory. Performance archaeology sets itself apart from performance history by directing focus not toward the past itself but instead toward what has become of the past by taking an ethnoarchaeological approach of analyzing the 'archaeology of present' cultures which allows for a richer interpretation of past performance. Performance archaeology takes a cross-disciplinary approach with 'social archaeology' to studying the things, narratives or artifacts, that remain of ancient theatre, music, dance, art history and oral tradition in order to 'model the past'.

text:
# Performance archaeology

**Performance archaeology** is a subset of archaeological theory. Developers of this theory include Michael Shanks, Mike Pearson and Julian Thomas who in the 1990s at University of Wales, Lampeter began formulating concepts which view the social aspect of performance along with the artistic nature of theatre together through an interdisciplinary lens as "an integrated approach to recording, writing and illustrating the material past" thereby marrying the academic with the artistic. Performance archaeology has further expanded in the last decade upon the theories of presence. Geoff Bailey states that "because we believe that the present is known or knowable better than the past, we must seek our inspiration in studies of present phenomena and our concepts and theories from authorities on the present." Michael Shanks along with Ian Hodder, Christopher Witmore, Gabriella Giannachi and Nick Kaye have recently expanded the theory further by calling for cooperation within the humanities and studying transdisciplinary research from archaeologists who are encouraged to become storytellers in order to more diversely analyze the engagement of the actor, the audience, the things and the space in which they perform by using an 'ecology of practices'. The theory of performance archaeology aims to give researchers a multi temporal link to the antiquated through studying the processual nature of "performance of presence" which is entangled within the 'multipleness' of time. Echoing theories posited by Martin Heidegger, the processual and temporal natures of performance are phenomenologically entwined with the experiences of the performers and audience. Stories are preserved by memory through performance. These performances can be seen both in the archaeological record as well in modern enactments or rituals. The landscape itself is an integral portion of performance memory. Performance archaeology sets itself apart from performance history by directing focus not toward the past itself but instead toward what has become of the past by taking an ethnoarchaeological approach of analyzing the 'archaeology of present' cultures which allows for a richer interpretation of past performance. Performance archaeology takes a cross-disciplinary approach with 'social archaeology' to studying the things, narratives or artifacts, that remain of ancient theatre, music, dance, art history and oral tradition in order to 'model the past'.


title: Peter Ipatas

abstract: The Right Honourable Chief Sir Peter Ipatas, KBE, GCL, MP is a Papua New Guinean politician and businessman, and is the current governor of Enga province. Ipatas has been re-elected to the parliament for six consecutive terms since 1997. He is commonly known throughout the country as the "Action Governor". Chief Ipatas is also known as the Father of Free Education Policy in the country. He first assumed office in 1997. Ipatas was the Parliamentary leader of the People's Party which was founded by himself in 2006 after he left the Papua New Guinea Party.

text:
# Peter Ipatas

The Right Honourable Chief Sir **Peter Ipatas**, KBE, GCL, MP (born 31 July 1958) is a Papua New Guinean politician and businessman, and is the current governor of Enga province. Ipatas has been re-elected to the parliament for six consecutive terms since 1997. He is commonly known throughout the country as the "Action Governor". Chief Ipatas is also known as the Father of Free Education Policy in the country. He first assumed office in 1997.

Ipatas was the Parliamentary leader of the People's Party which was founded by himself in 2006 after he left the Papua New Guinea Party.

## Early life

Ipatas was born 21 July 1958, and raised in Irelya village in Wabag District, Enga Province.

## Education

He was educated at Ireyla Community School close to local residence. Ipatas then moved to further his Secondary Education at Pausa Lutheran High School in Wapenamanda District in the same province. After completing his secondary education in his home province, he was selected to do Science Foundation Year at the University of Papua New Guinea.

## Political life and Parliamentary Services

### Current

Currently, Chief Ipatas is the Governor of Enga Province. He is a senior member in the Marape-Rosso government. He is the Chairman of Constitutional Laws, Acts and Subordinate Legislations, Deputy Chairman of Pensions and Retirement Benefits, and a member of the Public Sector Reform and Service Delivery Parliament Committees.

### Previously

Ipatas was first elected to the **6th National Parliament** in the 1997 General Elections for the Enga Provincial seat. He was a member of Broadcasting of Parliamentary Proceedings Committee from July 1997 to March 1998. He was also member of Finance Referral Committee from July 1997 – July 1998. Chief Ipatas was Governor for Enga Province from July 1997 until the withdrawal of Enga Provincial Government powers in February 2001. At that time, he also served in the Public Works Committee from November 1999 to May 2001, and in the Select Committee on Independent Commission Against Corruption in April 1998.

Ipatas was appointed Minister for Mining by then Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea, Sir Mekere Morauta government on 17 May 2001 till 19 October 2001 when relinquished ministerial duties to resume as Governor for Enga Province when the suspension of the Enga Provincial government was lifted. During the suspension. Ipatas fought vigorously and had his government reinstated, serving a full term until the 2002 national elections which he won easily. The people hailed him as a hero and gave him the nickname ‘Action Governor’ which has struck with him since.

On 26 April 2001, Ipatas quit the United Resources Party to join ranks with the People's Democratic Movement Party led by Paias Wingti. Ipatas was re-elected to the **7th National Parliament** for the same seat in the 2002 National General Elections as a People's Democratic Movement Candidate. He then joined then joined Papua New Guinea Party when party name changed from PDM to PNG Party in November 2003.

Sir Peter announced his resignation from PNG Party to form his own party, People's Party, on 1 January 2006. After the party was formed, Ipatas was subsequently made the first Parliamentary Leader in May 2007 before the 2007 National General Elections. When the 2007 elections came, the people saw Ipatas as a visionary leader and returned him for a record third term. By now Ipatas had matured into a savvy and wily politician who realised that he could stand alone at a national level politics. Chief Ipatas was again elected to the **8th National Parliament** for the same seat as a People's Party candidate. 'Ipatas was proving to be a king maker and a good man to have on side when he joined Grand Chief Sir Michael Somare as a coalition partner and proved to be the antidote Somare needed to hold together his 27 members and so neutralise an uprising from within the National Alliance'.

Ipatas was re-elected to the **9th National Parliament** in the 2012 National General Elections for the same seat under the same party.

## Honours

Ipatas was awarded the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire, the "order of chivalry of British constitutional monarchy" which is rewarded to contributions to arts and sciences, work with charitable and welfare organisations, and public service outside the Civil Service. He received the most senior title of which made him a knight. In 2015, Ipatas was knighted in the 2015 Queen's Birthday Honours list for services to the community in the fields of health, education and vocational training.

Ipatas was also awarded the Grand Companion of the Order of Logohu, the highest class, Grand Companion of the Order of Logohu which may be awarded to citizens of Papua New Guinea and others for service, achievement, and merit in the highest degree, sustained over a period of twenty years. This class may be awarded to no more than 50 living citizens where recipients are titled as Chief. Chancellor of the Order is titled Grand Chief who were Grand Chief Sir Michael Somare and Grand Chief Sir Paulias Matane, who were former Prime Minister and former Governor-General of Papua New Guinea respectively.

## InfoBox

| The Right HonourableChief Sir Peter IpatasKBE GCL MP | |
| --- | --- |
| Ipatas in 2021 | |
|  | |
| Governor of Enga Province | |
| **Incumbent** | |
| **Assumed office** <br>28 June 1996 | |
| Preceded by | Jeffery Balakau |
|  | |
| Personal details | |
| Born | Irelya Village, Wabag, Enga Province, Territory of New Guinea (now Papua New Guinea) |
| Political party | People's Party |
| Alma mater | University of Papua New Guinea (Never Graduated) |
|  | |


title: Peter Isaac

abstract: William Henry Isaac is a Welsh former professional footballer who played in the Football League for Northampton Town and had a long association with Hereford United.

text:
# Peter Isaac

**William Henry Isaac** (born 16 May 1931) is a Welsh former professional footballer who played in the Football League for Northampton Town and had a long association with Hereford United.

## Playing career

Isaac was born in Pontypridd and was a keen sportsman in his youth playing Boxing and Rugby before settling on football after he was called up to the Welsh Schools to play England at Fratton Park. He joined Second Division side Stoke City in March 1953 but was soon called up for National service with the Royal Horse Guards and during his days in the army he won representative honours with the Northern Command. He re-joined Stoke on his demob but was unable to break into the first team and he returned to Wales joining Barry Town. His performances at Jenner Park caught the eye of several Football League clubs and in July 1959 he signed for Northampton Town, and although he was unable to force his way into the side on a regular basis featured 8 times for the Cobblers in the 1959–60 season. In the summer of 1960 the then Hereford manager Joe Wade persuaded Isaac to sign for the Bulls and in the next eight years he made a total of 353 appearances for the club, including 258 Southern League games. He spent a season with Worcester City and later played for Kidderminster Harriers and finally Stourbridge.

## Coaching career

Isaac returned to Edgar Street as trainer in July 1970 becoming John Charles' right-hand man, and when Hereford were elected to the Football League two years later he became a full-time member of the staff. He completed over 30 seasons at Edgar Street as player, coach, physiotherapist, trainer and caretaker-manager. He retired in 1992 and was awarded a testimonial against Manchester United.

## Career statistics

Source:

| Club | Season | League | | | FA Cup | | Total | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| | | Division | Apps | Goals | Apps | Goals | Apps | Goals |
| Stoke City | 1953–54 | Second Division | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Northampton Town | 1959–60 | Fourth Division | 8 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 8 | 0 |
| Career total | | | 8 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 8 | 0 |

## InfoBox

Peter Isaac
| Personal information | | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| Full name | William Henry Isaac | | |
| Date of birth | (1931-05-16) 16 May 1931 | | |
| Place of birth | Pontypridd, Wales | | |
| Position(s) | Goalkeeper | | |
| Senior career\* | | | |
| Years | **Team** | **Apps** | **(Gls)** |
| 1953–1954 | Stoke City | 0 | (0) |
| 1956–1959 | Barry Town |  |  |
| 1959–1960 | Northampton Town | 8 | (0) |
| 1960–1968 | Hereford United | 258 | (0) |
| 1968–1969 | Worcester City |  |  |
| 1969 | Kidderminster Harriers |  |  |
| 1969 | Stourbridge |  |  |
| Total |  | **266** | **(0)** |
| Managerial career | | | |
| 1979 | Hereford United | | |
| \*Club domestic league appearances and goals | | | |


title: Haldor Halderson

abstract: Haldor Halderson was an Icelandic-Canadian ice hockey player who competed in the 1920 Summer Olympics. Halderson was the right wing for the Winnipeg Falcons, the Canadian team which won the Olympic gold medal in 1920. Slim then joined the Victoria Aristocrats/Victoria Cougars and helped them win the Stanley Cup in 1925. On both occasions he was a teammate of fellow Icelandic-Canadian ice hockey star Frank Fredrickson, making them the first players to win an Olympic gold medal and a Stanley Cup.

text:
# Haldor Halderson

**Haldor Halderson** (Halldór Halldórsson; January 7, 1898 – August 1, 1965) was an Icelandic-Canadian ice hockey player who competed in the 1920 Summer Olympics.

Halderson was the right wing for the Winnipeg Falcons, the Canadian team which won the Olympic gold medal in 1920. Slim then joined the Victoria Aristocrats/Victoria Cougars and helped them win the Stanley Cup in 1925. On both occasions he was a teammate of fellow Icelandic-Canadian ice hockey star Frank Fredrickson, making them the first players to win an Olympic gold medal and a Stanley Cup.

## Playing career

Halderson was born as Halldór Halldórsson in Winnipeg, Manitoba, to Icelandic immigrants Halldór Kristinn Halldórsson and Jórunn Kristolína Jónsdóttir.

Halderson never played organized junior or intermediate ice hockey in his hometown of Winnipeg, but sprang into fame overnight when he joined the senior ranks of the Winnipeg Ypres team of the Manitoba Hockey Association's military league in 1917–18. Halderson was nicknamed "Slim" due to his lanky frame during his first years in senior amateur and professional hockey. At the start of the 1921–22 season, Halderson's first in the PCHA with the Victoria Aristocrats, he weighed in at only 166 pounds on a 6 feet 2 inches frame. As his playing career went along he put on more weight.

During the 1920–21 season, Canadian Amateur Hockey Association president H. J. Sterling hired a detective who discovered that Halderson and teammate Robert Benson received C$6,500 to play amateur hockey. The Amateur Athletic Union of Canada voided Halderson's registration card and he was suspended from the 1921 Allan Cup playoffs, although the Saskatchewan Amateur Hockey Association allowed him and his Saskatoon team to continue in the league playoffs.

Halderson scored the first goal in the history of the Detroit Cougars (modern day Detroit Red Wings) franchise on November 20, 1926.

## Statistics

### Regular season and playoffs

|  | | |  | Regular season | | | | |  | Playoffs | | | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| Season | Team | League | | GP |  |  | Pts | PIM | | GP | G | A | Pts | PIM |
| 1917–18 | Winnipeg Ypres | MHL | | 7 | 5 | 6 | 11 | 4 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 1917–18 | Winnipeg Ypres | Al-Cup | |  |  |  |  |  | | 4 | 4 | 3 | 7 | 4 |
| 1918–19 | Winnipeg Monarchs | MHL | | 9 | 3 | 5 | 8 | 4 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 1919–20 | Winnipeg Falcons | MHL | | 9 | 10 | 11 | 21 | 10 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 1919–20 | Winnipeg Falcons | Al-Cup | |  |  |  |  |  | | 6 | 4 | 6 | 10 | 6 |
| 1920–21 | Saskatoon Crescents | SSHL | | 16 | 12 | 3 | 15 | 38 | | 4 | 8 | 0 | 8 | 9 |
| 1921–22 | Victoria Aristocrats | PCHA | | 23 | 7 | 3 | 10 | 13 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 1922–23 | Victoria Cougars | PCHA | | 29 | 10 | 5 | 15 | 26 | | 2 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| 1923–24 | Victoria Cougars | PCHA | | 30 | 6 | 2 | 8 | 50 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 1924–25 | Victoria Cougars | WCHL | | 28 | 3 | 6 | 9 | 71 | | 4 | 1 | 0 | 1 | 12 |
| 1924–25 | Victoria Cougars | St-Cup | |  |  |  |  |  | | 4 | 2 | 1 | 3 | 8 |
| 1925–26 | Victoria Cougars | WHL | | 23 | 3 | 1 | 4 | 51 | | 3 | 1 | 0 | 1 | 10 |
| 1925–26 | Victoria Cougars | St-Cup | |  |  |  |  |  | | 4 | 1 | 0 | 1 | 8 |
| 1926–27 | Detroit Cougars | NHL | | 19 | 2 | 0 | 2 | 29 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 1926–27 | Toronto St. Pats/Maple Leafs | NHL | | 25 | 1 | 2 | 3 | 36 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 1927–28 | Quebec Castors | Can-Am | | 40 | 13 | 5 | 18 | 71 | | 6 | 1 | 1 | 2 | 14 |
| 1928–29 | Newark Bulldogs | Can-Am | | 40 | 6 | 3 | 9 | 107 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 1929–30 | Kansas City Pla-Mors | AHA | | 48 | 8 | 7 | 15 | 76 | | 5 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 8 |
| 1930–31 | Kansas City Pla-Mors | AHA | | 47 | 5 | 7 | 12 | 77 | | 8 | 1 | 1 | 2 | 10 |
| 1931–32 | Kansas City Pla-Mors | AHA | | 46 | 9 | 3 | 12 | 69 | | 4 | 2 | 0 | 2 | 0 |
| 1932–33 | Kansas City Pla-Mors | AHA | | 26 | 1 | 4 | 5 | 30 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 1932–33 | Duluth Hornets / Wichita Blue Jays | AHA | | 24 | 7 | 2 | 9 | 40 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| 1933–34 | Tulsa Oilers | AHA | | 48 | 9 | 12 | 21 | 66 | | 4 | 0 | 2 | 2 | 4 |
| 1934–35 | Tulsa Oilers | AHA | | 48 | 6 | 13 | 19 | 65 | | 5 | 1 | 2 | 3 | 2 |
| 1935–36 | Tulsa Oilers | AHA | | 48 | 6 | 14 | 20 | 25 | | 3 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 4 |
| 1936–37 | Wichita Skyhawks | AHA | | 48 | 5 | 4 | 9 | 30 | |  |  |  |  |  |
| AHA totals | | | | 383 | 56 | 66 | 122 | 478 | | 29 | 4 | 5 | 9 | 28 |
| PCHA/WCHL totals | | | | 133 | 29 | 17 | 46 | 211 | | 9 | 2 | 0 | 2 | 31 |
| NHL totals | | | | 44 | 3 | 2 | 5 | 65 | |  |  |  |  |  |

### International

| Year | Team | Event |  | GP | G | A | Pts | PIM |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| 1920 | Canada | OLY | | 3 | 9 | 0 | 9 |  |
| Senior totals | | | | | 3 | 9 | 0 | 9 |  |

## Awards and achievements

## InfoBox

| Haldor Halderson | | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| Haldor Halderson representing Canada at the 1920 Summer Olympics | | | |
| Born | (1898-01-07)January 7, 1898
Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada | | |
| Died | August 1, 1965(1965-08-01) (aged 67)
Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada | | |
| Height | 6 ft 3 in (191 cm) | | |
| Weight | 200 lb (91 kg; 14 st 4 lb) | | |
| Position | Defence/Winger | | |
| Shot | Right | | |
| Played for | Victoria Aristocrats (PCHA)
Victoria Cougars (PCHA/WCHL/WHL)
Detroit Cougars (NHL)
Toronto St. Pats/Maple Leafs (NHL) | | |
| National team | Canada | | |
| Playing career | 19171937 | | |
| Medal record      Olympic Games  1920 Antwerp  Team | | | |