# Female prostitution during the HIV/AIDS crisis in the United States

During the US HIV/AIDS Crisis, female prostitutes were seen as vectors of the disease. While there is little reliable data to back up that perception, it can be directly linked to the criminalization of HIV and medical discrimination against prostitutes during the crisis.

## Statistics

Laws criminalizing prostitution and societal stigmas against the sex trade made it difficult to collect accurate data about the rates of HIV among women exchanging sex during the HIV/AIDs health crisis. The numbers also likely vary heavily by state due to differences in population density, poverty rates, cultural values, education quality, and other factors. In 1987, the CDC published the results of a study of 2159 women engaged in the sex trade referred to them by law enforcement or medical clinics in coastal states (although only a portion of the data was used). Less than 12% tested positive for HIV, with the results varying from 0% to 57% by state. 76% of those who tested positive were also users of intravenous drugs. This suggests that unsterile needles may have been a greater risk factor than frequent sexual contact for those engaged in sexual labor, but with a lack of reliable data it is impossible to draw any firm conclusions. First hand accounts from those in the sex trade during the crisis are also largely absent. Most of the information about these women comes from court records and news reports from the time.

## Media coverage

During the HIV crisis, most media coverage of those in the sex trade was highly sensationalized, which exacerbated the negative public perception of the sex industry. News reports portrayed those arrested for selling sex as what lawyer and author Stephanie Kane called “the mythic prostitute:” they exist only for the purpose of having sex, without any non-sexual emotions or ambitions. When an HIV positive individual was arrested for the exchange of sex, it was vigorously reported, frequently villainizing the individual, and by association all prostitutes, as an active threat to public safety. Racial biases heavily influenced the extent and type of coverage those trading sex would receive from the media. White individuals in the sex trade were more likely to be painted in a semi-sympathetic light and described as mentally ill drug addicts, while those who were black and in the sex trade (and other people of color) were nearly always seen as malicious seducers actively seeking to spread HIV to innocent white women. While black media did not employ the same Jezebel stereotype as mainstream media, it did perpetuate the false dichotomy of ‘evil’ sex workers versus ‘innocent’ clients, as well as place an emphasis on protecting married women even though they were a relatively low-risk group.

## Legislation

According to Kane's theory, “the mythic prostitute” exists only to spread disease. Since HIV was almost always fatal, the exchange of sex was seen as equivalent to murder.

Multiple politically influential figures and journalists described having sex while HIV positive as equivalent to fatally shooting someone. By 1988, 13 states had passed laws codifying having sex with HIV as a felony, where selling sex was usually only a misdemeanor; those exchanging sex while positive for HIV were frequently charged with attempted murder. This approach was explicitly recommended by the Presidential Commission on the Human Immunodeficiency Virus Epidemic Report published in 1988. The commission wrote that “Penalties for prostitution are too lenient, and enforcement of prostitution laws are erratic.” These recommendations became mandates two years later when the Ryan White CARE Act was passed, requiring states to demonstrate their capability to prosecute individuals who had sex while HIV positive in order to qualify for federal funding.

HIV criminalization laws frequently reproduced already-existing statistical biases of the justice system. Women who exchanged sex in public areas were disproportionately likely to be arrested compared to those who were not working outdoors. The enforcement of the laws also disproportionately targeted everyone working in the sex trade: despite the fact that those exchanging sex were far more likely to catch HIV from her client than the other way around, clients were almost never charged. Sentencing disparities between racial groups were glaring. Convicted white women were significantly more likely to be sent to a mental institution and receive HIV treatment, while black prostitutes were almost always jailed.

Critics have questioned the Constitutionality of many HIV criminalization laws. The Presidential Commission clarified that while having sex while HIV positive should be a felony, arrestee confidentiality should be respected, healthcare professionals should be consulted in sentencing, and only sex acts scientifically proven to spread HIV should be prosecuted. These recommendations were not taken into consideration by many states. The confidentiality of arrestees was not protected by the courts. Prostitutes often had incredibly personal information published in the press, including addresses and medical records. Courts also frequently ignored scientific evidence as to which acts could facilitate the transmission of HIV: in multiple cases, these women were charged for giving oral sex despite the fact that transmission from prostitute to client would be nearly impossible. HIV laws also set forward extremely low requirements for conviction. The prosecution did not have to prove that there was malicious intent, nor that the defendant had actually given anyone HIV, nor that the sex act in question could spread HIV. In most cases, being in the sex trade and having HIV was enough to receive a conviction.

## The medical community

Sex education during the 1980s tended to be abstinence-only. Conservative Christian values held by parents, teachers, state legislatures, and the presidential administration made it taboo to talk about sex at all, especially around children. This not only prevented teaching about safe sex in the classroom, but also in anything else that a child might see, including news broadcasts and CDC press releases. Dr. James Manson, head of the CDC under President Reagan, stated after the crisis that political pressure from the presidential administration heavily discouraged him from releasing specific information about how the virus was spread. While the CDC did recommend condom use, explicit information about how HIV spread never reached many US citizens. Proper sex education was heavily correlated with reduced occurrence of STIs for individuals exchanging sex. The perceived threat of the sex trade spreading HIV assumed that those trading sex understood how HIV spread, and were thus acting out of deliberate malice. However, due to poverty and lack of access to sex education, it is likely that many did not understand methods of safe sex. Accurate statistics on condom usage at the time were not gathered, but there were several legal cases against individuals who were HIV positive where they claimed their client refused to use a condom, despite their insistence, showing some understood the importance of condom usage.

During the early years of the US AIDS epidemic, there were a minority of doctors who refused to see any patient who had HIV, expressing a fear that they could catch HIV from their patient. In 1987, the American Medical Association publicly stated that “A physician may not ethically refuse to treat a patient whose condition is within the physician’s current realm of competence solely because the patient is infected with HIV.” However, doctors would also refuse to treat HIV positive patients on moral grounds. Patients who were in the sex trade, drug users, and/or part of the LGBTQIA+ were in some cases turned away or given inadequate medical treatment because healthcare professionals had moral objections to their behavior. The Presidential Commission's report explicitly condemned this practice. While only a minority of doctors would turn patients away, the frequency of more subtle medical discrimination during this time has gone largely uninvestigated. It is unknown whether or not perceived ‘immoral’ people were treated respectfully by doctors, and to what extent medical discrimination discouraged them from seeking treatment in the first place.

Medical research into human immunodeficiency virus was heavily stunted by the state of the publishing industry during the 1980s. Most respected medical journals had publication restrictions requiring that articles be peer reviewed and published by that journal before the researcher announced their results publicly (Ingelfinger Rule). Researchers who violated this rule would be blacklisted, which could spell the end of their career. This system existed, in part, to verify scientific claims before they were released to the general public, but it has been criticized for allowing journals exclusive coverage of the ‘freshest’ content as a means of boosting the journal's revenue. That sensationalism combined with the limited spaces for publication stunted critical research into HIV. Not only not released to the press, they were also kept secret from other researchers. A competitive publishing industry and the threat of blacklisting prevented scientists from sharing their unpublished research with colleagues even at medical conferences, hindering collaboration.

1. Brock, Debi (1989). "Prostitutes Are Scapegoats in the AIDS Pandemic". *Resources for Feminist Research*. **18**: 13.
2. Centers for Disease Control & Prevention (1987). "Antibody to Human Immunodeficiency Virus in Female Prostitutes". *Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report*. **36** (11): 157–161. JSTOR 45195941. PMID 3102921  via JSTOR.
3. Kane, Stephanie (2001). "Mythic Prostitutes, AIDS, and Criminal Law". *Ethnologies*. **23**: 255. doi:10.7202/1087925ar. S2CID 151311567.
4. Esparza, René (2019). "Black Bodies on Lockdown: AIDS Moral Panic and the Criminalization of HIV in Times of White Injury". *Journal of African American History*. **104** (2): 250–280. doi:10.1086/702415. S2CID 155425201  via America: History and Life with Full Text.
5. Kinsella, James (1989). *Covering the Plague: AIDS and the American Media*. Rutgers University Press.
6. Report of the Presidential Commission on the Human Immunodeficiency Virus Epidemic, Commission, 1988.


title: Female sabotage

abstract: Female sabotage is an evolutionary theory regarding the propensity of certain females to select "burdened" males of their species for mating.

text:
# Female sabotage

**Female sabotage** is an evolutionary theory regarding the propensity of certain females to select "burdened" males of their species for mating.

## History

Soon after Charles Darwin published his theory of natural selection, he was faced with a puzzle. If natural selection suggests "survival of the fittest," then there is a question as to why some males have traits that detract from their survival.

Darwin knew that there was more to natural selection than simple fitness. An equally important part of the struggle of life regards reproduction. In this case, the question becomes, "Why would a female burden her offspring with dangerous traits by mating with a similarly burdened male?"

Noting that the males with burdensome traits are almost entirely those in polygamous species, where a minority of males generally mate with many females, Darwin had an insight. He realized that if females found these male burdens more "attractive", and if that attractiveness resulted in more matings by burdened males, then the increase in matings of a few sons might offset the death of many other sons as a result of the burden. In effect, if the success of the surviving males produced enough offspring to cover more than the loss of potential offspring from their lost brothers, then the female who mated with a burdened male had chosen correctly.

## Female sabotage theory

In 1996, however, Joe Abraham presented a re-interpretation of the problem. In polygamous species, males generally contribute nothing to the nurturing of offspring, but nevertheless continue to consume finite resources. In such situations, males effectively become competitors with females and young once they are finished mating. This gives females a reason to sabotage males, and mating gives them an opportunity to do so. By choosing to mate exclusively with males who are unlikely to survive because of their burdens, the females ensure that as the males die, more food and other resources will remain for females and their young. Because females are the limiting resource in most species, as their numbers increase, population fitness will also increase.

Just as a given amount of land can only produce a finite amount of grazing, and a limited amount of grazing can only support a limited number of grazing animals, so a given number of grazing animals can only sustain a limited number of predators. Similar limitations apply to all living things, and are known as the carrying capacity of a physical area. If males' burdens are more likely to draw the interest of local predators, then such males effectively shift predation away from females and their young. In this case, the females and young will gain an added benefit from decreased predation, and enjoy even higher rates of survivability.

Abraham's explanation reunites the major split in sexual selection—intrasexual competition (male combat) and intersexual selection (female choice)--together under one rubric. Under female sabotage, the increase in resources becomes the critical factor, and the cause of increased male mortality is secondary. The theory also offers new, feminist approaches to leks, harems, resource guarding and mate location.

Perhaps the most attractive aspect of Abraham's explanation, however, is that it can easily work with any of the many current theories of sexual selection, and must play some role in them. An increase in resources and a decrease in predation for females and their young is an inevitable result of increased male mortality, regardless of what mechanism drives females to mate with males carrying burdensome traits.

Abraham, J.N. 1998. "La Saboteuse: An Ecological Theory of Sexual Dimorphism in Animals." *Acta Biotheoretica* 46:23-35.


title: Female promiscuity

text:
# Female promiscuity

Promiscuity tends to be frowned upon by many societies that expect most members to have committed, long-term relationships. Among women, as well as men, inclination for sex outside committed relationships is correlated with a high libido; however, evolutionary biology, as well as social and cultural factors, have also been observed to influence sexual behavior and opinion.

## Cause

Studies have related sociosexual orientation to sex drive, especially in women, where the higher the sex drive the less restricted the sociosexual orientation, or interest in sex outside committed relationships. Nevertheless, pertaining to the nature and nurture debate, there is some data emphasizing cultural factors, more so for women than for men. One review assessed that sociosexuality was affected almost equally by heredity and environment unshared with siblings; shared environment had relatively little effect.

Men tend to have higher sociosexuality scores and be more unrestricted than women across a variety of cultures. However, there is more variability in scores within each gender than between men and women, indicating that although the average man is less restricted than the average woman, individuals may vary in sociosexual orientation regardless of gender.

### Psychology

Body esteem in women showed a significant positive correlation with sociosexual unrestrictedness. So did hip-to-waist ratio and two measures of virilization. Finally, still in the same study, alcohol consumption correlated, too, but it is unclear whether the latter promoted the former or vice versa, or if a third variable was at play.

Bisexual women tend to be less restricted in their sociosexual attitudes than both homo- and heterosexual women. In sociosexual behavior also, bisexual women reported being more unrestricted, followed by homo- and then heterosexual women.

Social power has been popularly associated with sexual infidelity among men; experimental psychologists have linked power with sexual infidelity among women also. A Dutch study involving a large survey of 1,561 professionals, concluded that "The relationship between power and infidelity was the same for women as for men, and for the same reason. These findings suggest that the common assumption (and often-found effect) that women are less likely than men to engage in infidelity is, at least partially, a reflection of traditional gender-based differences in power that exist in society."

Church-attending women score lower on promiscuity than other women, while men appear to lack this correlation.

### Biology

Men and women leading polyandrous lifestyles have higher levels of testosterone. However, it is unclear whether higher levels of testosterone cause increased sex drive and in turn multiple partners or whether sexual activity with multiple partners causes the increase in testosterone. Sociosexuality in women is positively correlated with two measures of prenatal exposure to androgens—right digit ratio, and scores on the Vandenberg Mental Rotation test—providing some limited support to the virilization hypothesis of female promiscuity (see also Prenatal hormones and sexual orientation). The aforementioned hypothesis is not at all mutually exclusive with other hypotheses.

Libido is correlated with the menstrual cycle so that many women experience an increase in sexual desire several days immediately before ovulation. Testosterone levels rise gradually from about the 24th day of a woman's menstrual cycle until ovulation on about the 14th day of the next cycle.

It is common for sex drive to diminish dramatically after menopause. A number of studies, including Alfred Kinsey's, have concluded that the average age group in which women are the most active sexually is their mid-thirties, one study liberally estimating 27–45 as the limits of the age group (the average man peaks later). Women in this age group typically report having sexual fantasies greater in number and intensity, engaging in sexual activity more frequently, and being more interested in casual sex.

One study in sexual antagonism suggested a possible genetic link between female androphilic promiscuity and male androphilia: Samoan tribal women exhibited a correlation between reproductive output and the likeliness of having androphilic grandsons, though not nephews (see also Fa'afafine).

Rate of molecular evolution of the seminal protein gene SEMG2 correlates with levels of female promiscuity.

Pathological overactivity of the dopaminergic mesolimbic pathway in the brain—forming either psychiatrically, during mania, or pharmacologically, as a side effect of dopamine agonists, specifically D3-preferring agonists—is associated with various addictions and has been shown to result among some subjects of either sex in overindulgent, sometimes hypersexual, behavior.

#### Evolution

Bateman's principle implies that females are choosy because there is little evolutionary advantage for them to mate with multiple males. However, observation of many species, from rabbits to fruit flies, has shown that females have more offspring if they mate with a larger number of males. Exceptions to Bateman's principle abound, as do hypotheses explaining the evolution of female promiscuity. Females in fact have a lot to gain, depending on the species.

Many species once thought monogamous, including such birds as swans, are now known to engage in extra-pair copulation.

Thierry Lodé found possible evolutionary explanations for polyandry relating to sexual conflict, including mate competition and inbreeding avoidance. The following list is incomplete.

* It is easier to ensure reproductive success (i.e., it is more likely that the female will have offspring).
* Females may be encouraging sperm competition between males post-copulation.
* Multiple sperm lines may confer more variation in traits to female's offspring.
* In groups of eusocial taxa, such as beehives, a single female or caste produces offspring while the other organisms cooperate in caring for the young. Bees from different sperm lines excel at different roles within a single hive, benefiting the health of the hive as a whole.
* In tortoise, for example, as a result of clutches with greater variation in paternal genes and increased sperm competition, females can maximize both the genetic quality and number of offspring.
* Those female guppies who mated with a greater number of males in a given cycle, were more likely to bear sons, which in turn had more capacity for reproductive output.
* Females may receive food offerings from prospective mates inciting copulation.
* A female may pursue extra-pair copulation more during fertile periods of her menstrual cycle to conceive from a male with high-quality genes (see Sexy son hypothesis) while relying on resources and paternal investment from her social mate.
* Offspring paternity is unknown and this can be beneficial in encouraging paternal care and discouraging infanticide by males.
* Female extra-pair mating behavior may evolve via indirect selection on males.

## Society and culture

Evolutionary psychologists have theorized that taboos against female promiscuity evolved on the basis of paternity anxiety. DNA tests being yet to be invented, it was impossible to accurately determine paternity, unlike maternity. A male risked spending paternal investment on offspring who carried genetic material of another male rather than of his own. Evolutionarily, this translated into sexual jealousy and complex preventive customs (e.g., female genital mutilation, menstrual taboos).

### Pre-Modern

Female promiscuity is a recurring theme in mythologies and religions. In the Middle East, sacred prostitution, usually in honor of Goddess Astarte, had been prevalent before the 4th century when Emperor Constantine I attempted to replace pagan traditions with Christianity. In Greek mythology, nymphs are portrayed as dangerous nature spirits sexually uninhibited with humans; hence, the Victorian medical term *nymphomania*. Imperial Rome is popularly seen as being sexually profligate, and certain Roman empresses—such as Theodora I, Messalina and Julia the Elder—gained in their lifetime a reputation of extreme promiscuity.

> On the field of pleasure she \[Empress Theodora\] was never defeated. Often she would go picnicking with ten young men or more, in the flower of their strength and virility, and dallied with them all, the whole night through. ... and even thus found no allayment of her craving ... And though she flung wide three gates to the ambassadors of Cupid, she lamented that nature had not similarly unlocked the straits of her bosom, that she might there have contrived a further welcome to his emissaries.
>
> Procopius, *Secret History*. Chapter IX: How Theodora, the most depraved of all courtesans, won his love

The Bible features many female personages identified as being promiscuous, among them the Whore of Babylon, Princess Jezebel, Prophetess Jezebel, Gomer, Rahab, Salome, and Potiphar's unnamed wife.

> Yet she \[Oholibah\] became more and more promiscuous as she recalled the days of her youth, when she was a prostitute in Egypt. / There she lusted after her lovers, whose genitals were like those of donkeys and whose emission was like that of horses.
>
> The Bible (NIV), The Book of Ezekiel XXIII:19–20

### Modern

Many cultures have historically laid much restriction on sexuality, most emphatically against immoderate expression of sexuality by women. In contrast, some recent ethical philosophies—both secular (coming from individualism and sex-positive feminism) and religious (e.g., Wicca, Thelema, LaVeyan Satanism)—either tolerate it or outright celebrate it.

> We believe that it is fundamentally a radical political act to deprivatize sex. So much oppression in our culture is based on shame about sex: the oppression of women, of cultural minorities, oppression in the name of the (presumably asexual) family, oppression of sexual minorities. We are all oppressed. We have all been taught, one way or another, that our desires, our bodies, our sexualities, are shameful. What better way to defeat oppression than to get together in communities and celebrate the wonders of sex?
>
> Dossie Easton, Catherine Liszt, *The Ethical Slut*. Chapter XXII: Group Sex, Public Sex, Orgies…

Public opinion has fluctuated over the centuries, with such downturns as New England Puritanism (1630–1660) and the Victorian era (1837–1901), when hypersexuality was often treated as an exclusively female disorder, diagnosed on the grounds of as little as masturbation alone (see here). Up until the late 20th century, women could be incarcerated for promiscuous behavior in so-called Magdalene asylums, the last of which was closed in Ireland in 1996. From 1897 to 1958, Ontario used the Female Refuges Act to incarcerate women felt to be "incorrigible".

Following the Industrial Revolution (1760~1840), as Western countries underwent industrialization and urbanization, education and employment opportunities were increasing for women. This environment gave rise in the late 19th century to the feminist ideal called "the New Woman"—a personification of female economic, sexual and other autonomy—which had a profound influence on feminism well into the 20th century. It was not until the Married Women's Property Act 1882 that female British citizens were no longer legally compelled, upon marriage, to transfer all their property to their husbands. The women's movement was closely allied with the free love movement, whose advocates had a strong belief that a woman ought to be herself sovereign over her body.

> Laws against adultery \[were\] based upon the idea that woman is a chattel, so that to make love to a married woman is to deprive the husband of her services. It is the frankest and most crass statement of a slave-situation. To us, every woman ... has ... an absolute right to travel in her own orbit. There is no reason why she should not be the ideal hausfrau, if that chance to be her will. But society has no right to insist upon that standard. It was, for practical reasons, almost necessary to set up such taboos in small communities, savage tribes, where the wife was nothing but a general servant, where the safety of the people depended upon a high birth-rate. But to-day woman is economically independent, becomes more so every year. The result is that she instantly asserts her right to have as many or as few men or babies as she wants or can get; and she defies the world to interfere with her. More power to her!
>
> Aleister Crowley, *The Law is for All*, the New Comment 1:41

The Roaring Twenties have been described as "a time when gin was the national drink and sex the national obsession." Popular at that time was a female subculture called "flappers", who flouted social and sexual norms and were considered a significant challenge to Victorian gender roles. But these sentiments were then overshadowed by the Great Depression. Despite this, the 1925 silent film *The Red Kimono*, sympathetic toward its promiscuous protagonist, was subject to severe censorship, and led to a landmark legal case, *Melvin v. Reid*.

The 1950s in America is stereotyped to have been sexually repressed, though not as severely as the Victorian era. Female promiscuity in particular became substantially more accepted in Western culture after the sexual revolution of the 1960s, which resonated with the hippie movement. It also became more prevalent a theme in mass media, including cinema (e.g., *Sex and the City*) and music (e.g., *Erotica* by Madonna).

Madonna has been at the forefront of the gender neutrality movement in terms of promiscuity since becoming a globally recognized entertainer in the 1980s. In addition to her sexually explicit song lyrics and occasional nude self exposures during live performances and almost being arrested in Toronto, Ontario, Canada, on 29 May 1990 for simulating masturbation in public, her book *Sex* released on 21 October 1992 was a commercially successful nude pictorial of her and various famous celebrities engaging in scenes of purported promiscuity, further enhancing her vision of gender equality in this regard.

There has been an increase in awareness of discrimination on grounds of promiscuity—apparent or actual—which at least since year 2010 has been called *slut shaming*. On 3 April 2011, the SlutWalk movement—protesting against explaining or excusing rape by referring to any aspect of a woman's appearance and later, by extension, calling for sexual freedom in general—began in Toronto, Ontario, Canada, and went on to spread throughout the world.

#### Non-Western

In the Islamic world, the "Ummah", female promiscuity is a major fear. A woman is obliged, in some countries legally, to wear a veil, such as a burqa or a niqab—in its own right, a symbol of "modesty" and "namus", i.e. female sexual restraint—so as to prevent the woman from having her body visible to any men other than her family or her sole husband.

When a Muslim woman is found to have engaged in extra-marital relations, she falls under the risk of being executed, either by a governmental institution or by natural persons. In the latter case, a common scenario, sometimes even among Muslims residing in Western countries, is family honor killing: the woman's relatives feel that she brought shame on their family, so they resort to homicide as a form of atonement. Otherwise, the woman may be given the penalty of capital punishment by a court, in accordance with the customs of Sharia Islamic law, which is based on the Islamic scriptures of the Quran and on Sunnah. For "zina", adultery, the Quran prescribes flogging 100 times in public; the Sunnah adds stoning ("Rajm") to death if it was extra-marital.

On 20 April 2010, Iranian Islamic cleric Hojatoleslam Kazem Sedighi provoked transnational ridicule by blaming promiscuous women for causing earthquakes. Six days later, on 26 April, the American Boobquake gathering, organized by the blogger Jennifer McCreight and attended by 200,000 participants, was held in response to it.

Japan wasn't as soon to be reached by the sexual revolution, originating in the American 1960s. The documentary *Japan – Female Sexuality* touched on the subject from a 1990s perspective, and reported the trend to be increasing.

Although polygyny is more common, some tribal societies are traditionally polyandrous.

### Religious

## Statistics

The use of demographical methods in sexological research was pioneered by the American zoologist Alfred Kinsey, who published two books—*Sexual Behavior in the Human Male* (1948) and *Sexual Behavior in the Human Female* (1953)—collectively known as the Kinsey Reports. The reports defied the expectations of the public and paved the way for the sexual revolution of the 1960s.

Accurately assessing people's sexual behavior is difficult, since there are strong social and personal motivations, depending on social sanctions and taboos, for either minimizing or exaggerating reported sexual activity. Women tend to undervalue the number of their sex partners whereas men tend to overestimate the number of theirs.

In a 1994 study in the United States, almost all married heterosexual women reported having sexual contact only with their husbands, and unmarried women almost always reported having no more than one sexual partner in the past three months. Lesbians who had a long-term partner reported having fewer outside partners than heterosexual women. More recent research, however, contradicts the assertion that heterosexual women are largely monogamous. A 2002 study estimated that 45% to 55% of married heterosexual women engage in sexual relationships outside their marriage. While the estimates for heterosexual males in the same study were greater (50–60%), the data indicates that a significant portion of married heterosexual women have or have had sexual partners other than their spouse as well.

One international study found women to be more variable than men in their sex drive. International measurements of promiscuity are inconsistent from study to study, varying by the methodology used. Due to practical reason—the inability to survey a country's entire population—all studies of this class are inductive, generalizing about the general population based on assessments of sample groups supposed to be representative of the larger population being studied.

For example, in a non-scientific study conducted by the condom-making company Durex, British women reported fewer partners than British men, while the only country where women reported more sex partners than men did was New Zealand (20.4 versus 16.8), which was also the country where women reported more sex partners than did women from all other countries surveyed. To further complicate matters, a well-known study in general sociosexuality that surveyed 14,059 people across 48 countries, placed New Zealand, which came right before Slovenia, second to Finland; the United States, in the unisex scores of the same study, came in 22nd.

## Terminology

Sexual relations with multiple males are termed *polyandry*. It has a more specific meaning in zoology, where it refers to a type of mating system, and in anthropology, where it refers to a type of marriage. Sexual relations with multiple females are termed *polygyny*, but in zoology it can only be applied to heterosexual relations. Polyamory is sometimes defined as non-monogamy with consent of all parties involved, if within or without committed relationships. Attitudinal differences concerning sex outside committed relationships are referred to under the term *sociosexual orientation* or simply *sociosexuality*.

Since at least 1450, the word *slut* has been used, often pejoratively, to describe a sexually promiscuous woman. In and before the Elizabethan and Jacobean eras, terms like "strumpet" and "whore" were used to describe women deemed promiscuous, as seen for example in John Webster's 1612 play *The White Devil*.

Discrimination targeting individuals, specifically women, for sexual behavior deemed excessive, has been referred to, since at least spring of 2010, with the neologism *slut shaming* (also hyphenated, as *slut-shaming*).

*Cuckold fetish* is colloquial for a paraphilia in which sexual gratification is gained from maintenance or observation of sexual relations by a woman with a man or a number of men besides her husband, boyfriend or long-term male sex partner.

The popular slang *cougar* refers to a woman who seeks sexual relations with considerably younger men.

The term *fallen woman* was used to describe a woman who has "lost her innocence", and fallen from the grace of God. In Victorian Britain especially, the meaning came to be closely associated with the "loss or surrender of a woman's chastity". Its use was an expression of the belief that to be socially and morally acceptable a women's sexuality and experience should be entirely restricted to marriage, and that she should also be under the supervision and care of an authoritative man.


title: Female self-portrait in painting

abstract: Female self-portrait in painting is the representation of a person of the female gender painted by herself. While using pictorial techniques and responding to the motivations of the self-portrait in general, the female self-portrait differentiates itself from the male by aspects concerning the physiognomy, the anatomy and the physiology of the subject represented, or related to his psychology. Self-portraiture, as an artistic genre, has played a fundamental role throughout the history of art, serving as a medium through which artists explore their own identity, inner reflections, and their relationship to the outside world. However, when women portray themselves, self-portraiture takes on additional meanings, often subverting social and artistic norms. For women artists, the practice of self-portraiture has historically represented a territory of claiming space in a predominantly male world, in which their contributions were often ignored or marginalized.

text:
# Female self-portrait in painting

**Female self-portrait in painting** is the representation of a person of the female gender painted by herself.

While using pictorial techniques and responding to the motivations of the self-portrait in general, the female self-portrait differentiates itself from the male by aspects concerning the physiognomy, the anatomy and the physiology of the subject represented, or related to his psychology.

Self-portraiture, as an artistic genre, has played a fundamental role throughout the history of art, serving as a medium through which artists explore their own identity, inner reflections, and their relationship to the outside world. However, when women portray themselves, self-portraiture takes on additional meanings, often subverting social and artistic norms. For women artists, the practice of self-portraiture has historically represented a territory of claiming space in a predominantly male world, in which their contributions were often ignored or marginalized.

## Place of the female self-portrait

The female self-portrait has long been considered a minor variety of portraiture. Of the famous collection of self-portraits exhibited in the Vasari Corridor in 1973, only 21 (5%) were by women. In exhibition catalogues and works devoted to self-portraiture published between 1936 and 2016, most often signed by male authors, the place of the female self-portrait in painting is often even less than 5%, or 5 to 10%, sometimes from 10 to less than 20%; however, a more recent work (2021) grants it almost parity.

It therefore appears that, depending on the era and the gender of the authors or curators of the exhibitions, the share of the female self-portrait in painting is evaluated in a very variable way; the recent increase is not the consequence of a renewed activity of the artists concerned, but that of a positive re-evaluation, from the 1970s, of the contribution of women in painting. Nevertheless, taking into account the fact that the female self-portrait appeared more than a century after the male self-portrait, and that for a long time there were fewer female artists, it would seem quite reasonable to place the proportion at a maximum of 15-20%. This figure is unlikely to change much in the future, as the self-portrait in painting has declined sharply during the 20th century, marked by new pictorial movements leading to what has been called the "disappearance of the figure", or "crisis of mimetic representation", and by the rise of photography and then digital art.

## The artists

### The celebrities

The artists who appear in the "Top 5" of the works referenced above are Sofonisba Anguissola, Artemisia Gentileschi, Frida Kahlo, Angelica Kauffmann and Élisabeth Vigée Le Brun, followed by Rosalba Carriera, Lavinia Fontana, Paula Modersohn-Becker, Helene Schjerfbeck and Suzanne Valadon. Although they produced very few self-portraits, the impressionists Berthe Morisot and Mary Cassatt are often cited, as well as the pioneering Catharina van Hemessen and the iconic Tamara de Lempicka.

### The aristocrats

A singularity of the female self-portrait is to find artists from princely, royal and imperial families, mainly in the 17th and 18th centuries; while the sons of noble families are destined for war or the clergy, the girls receive a thorough artistic education, in music, literature and fine arts; equipped with this background, some have become accomplished painters. These include Ulrika Eleonora of Denmark, Anne de Hanovre, Countess Lulu von Thürheim, Leonor de Almeida Portugal, Marquise of Alorna, Princess Caroline Louise of Hesse-Darmstadt, Princess Charlotte Bonaparte, Ernestine Charlotte of Nassau-Schaumburg, who portrays herself as Saint Casilda, Elisabeth Christine of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel-Bevern as a gardener, Lady Diana Beauclerk as a Terpsichore, Louise Hollandine of the Palatinate as an allegory of painting, Amalia Wilhelmina von Königsmarck and Duchess Maria Antonia of Bavaria with palette and brushes.

### Extreme ages

According to James Hall, Omar Calabrese, Whitney Chadwick or Martine Lacas, the self-portrait has often been a genre of young painters.

There are, however, notable exceptions. The longer life expectancy of women once the possible complications of childbirth have passed leads to the creation of female self-portraits at very advanced ages. While among men, Titian (78 years), Ingres (79 years), Claude Monet (77 years), Pierre Bonnard (78 years), Edvard Munch (80 years) and especially Picasso (90 years) are exceptions, among women there are many septuagenarians. The first being Sofonisba Anguissola, 78 years in 1610, author of about fifteen self-portraits over a period of sixty-five years, and several octogenarians; Helene Schjerfbeck made about forty self-portraits, half of them in the two years preceding her death at the age of 83. When Rosalba Carriera depicted herself at the age of 71 as the muse of Tragedy — with a mask that was more melancholic than tragic — her personal tragedy was a progressive loss of vision, which would be operated on unsuccessfully three years later, leading to complete blindness. Among the painters at a very advanced age are Johanne Mathilde Dietrichson, aged 81 in 1918, Susan Macdowell Eakins, aged 84 in 1935, Mina Carlson-Bredberg, aged 81 in 1938, Vanessa Bell, aged 80 and 81 in 1959 and 1960; also in 1960, Charlotte Berend-Corinth, aged 80, and Émilie Charmy, aged 82; later, Lotte Laserstein aged 82 and 85, Marie Vorobieff aged 85 in 1977. After limiting her self-portraits to the body, Joan Semmel painted her face as an elderly woman in the series Heads in 2008. Adriana Pincherle painted herself in front of her easel aged 85, and, at 87, as a very elegant lady. Alice Neel, in 1980, painted a nude portrait of herself at the age of 80: "at least it shows a certain revolt against everything decent", she declared. Eve Drewelowe made her self-portrait entitled "Nonconformist" at the age of 85 (1984). Maria Lassnig, who painted herself nude on numerous occasions for over seventy years, produced her last self-portraits at the ages of 86 and 94, a year before her death in 2013 and/or in her mature years.

At the other extreme, we have some female self-portraits produced very early, such as the examples of the artists below:

### Attribution problems and the male ego

Schalcken's 1680 painting of a woman painting was attributed to Godfried Schalken before its restoration in the 20th century revealed the full signature, that of his sister Maria Schalcken. Often the daughters of painters, wives or sisters of painters, female artists have seen their work unrecognized or minimized - if not ridiculed or vilified - their talent denied or exploited, their careers forgotten and their names erased, often for the benefit of their male relatives, and also of more famous painters, this in greater or lesser good faith, or fraudulently, by forging a signature. A simple example among many others, when the portraits and self-portraits of Jacques-Louis David's female students were considered particularly successful, the teacher was suspected of being the author, and the false attribution was then adopted by posterity. The portrait signed "MDH Keane" (the initials "MDH" being those of her maiden name) was produced after the highly publicized lawsuit won by Margaret Keane in 1986 against Walter Keane over the authorship of all the paintings she had simply signed "Keane". This case is reminiscent of others, such as the paintings of Judith Leyster signed by Frans Hals, of Constance Mayer signed by Pierre-Paul Prud'hon... or simply the actions of Jean-Baptiste-Pierre Lebrun, a painter of no stature but an informed dealer, who sold the paintings of his wife Élisabeth Vigée Le Brun without her having the slightest idea of the fortune he had made from them and which he had lost in gambling. Even as an adult and later married, Marietta Robusti remained under the thumb of her father Tintoretto all her life, and was able to leave only very few paintings of her own. Problems of attribution also arise for Virginia Vezzi, wife and model of Simon Vouet, of whom there are at least one or two self-portraits.

Money issues were not always the issue, but rather the most frequent problems of understanding between spouses. Louis Marcoussis having decided that only one cubist should exist in his couple, it was not he, but Alice Halicka who had to destroy some of his paintings; we still have her self-portrait from 1913. The same misfortune happened to Rita Angus, married at the age of 22 for a few years to the painter Alfred Herbert Cook, and who would go on to paint 55 self-portraits (“He didn’t like some of my paintings, and at his request I destroyed some works because I was his wife. And also, to have peace, I agreed to give up painting”), and certainly to several others.

Like Paula Modersohn-Becker, the unhappy wife of the academic painter Otto Modersohn, Marie Bracquemond, an admirer of Renoir and Monet, was married to someone who did not appreciate her aesthetic aspiration, the artist Félix Bracquemond, a renowned engraver and ceramicist, vice-president of the Société Nationale des Beaux-Arts; of a touchy nature, he succeeded in making her abandon impressionism, and even all artistic production twenty years after her self-portrait as a young bride.

There are many examples of women artists under deleterious marital influence in the history of art, and one of them is illustrated in painting by the self-portrait of Maria Cosway made in 1787. Trained in Italy, Maria Luisa Caterina Cecilia Hadfield made a first portrait on a traditional model. In 1781, she married without love Richard Cosway, a renowned London miniature painter, 18 years her senior and a fickle husband. He used the beauty and talents of his young wife - she held a salon, received all of London, sang her own compositions and played the harp and harpsichord - to make her his ambassador, more prosaically his advertising front. In 1830, widowed for 9 years, she was able to write "If Mr. C. had allowed me to get a professional position, I would have made a better painter; but left to myself, little by little, instead of improving, I lost everything I had acquired during my studies in Italy." In the portraits drawn by her husband, she is as he wanted the world to see her; in her self-portrait three years before their separation, she resumes her Italian turban, but not the lipstick or the cameo, which, a fervent Catholic in an Anglican country, she replaces with a cross. With a closed face, she depicts what she feels: the crossed arms and the hidden right hand, that of the artist, indicate that she cannot practice her profession; the wedding ring on the left hand, the black wall that closes the space and the stormy sky illustrate everything that confines her.


title: Felice (film)

abstract: Felice is a 1971 short silent film that explores the difficult but passionate relationship between a younger man and older woman through a cascading crescendo of non-linear, interwoven scenes and sequences. Running time: seven minutes. Winner of the 1972 Oklahoma State University Film Festival Award, with Hollywood judges that included actor G.D. Spradlin, and writers/producers Joe Byrne, and Jeb Rosenbook. It was written, produced, directed and edited by Sharron Miller and stars Dixie Tymitz and David Payne. Its music was composed by Evan Tonsing.

text:
# Felice (film)

***Felice*** is a 1971 short silent film that explores the difficult but passionate relationship between a younger man and older woman through a cascading crescendo of non-linear, interwoven scenes and sequences. Running time: seven minutes. Winner of the 1972 Oklahoma State University Film Festival Award, with Hollywood judges that included actor G.D. Spradlin, and writers/producers Joe Byrne, and Jeb Rosenbook.

It was written, produced, directed and edited by Sharron Miller and stars Dixie Tymitz and David Payne. Its music was composed by Evan Tonsing.


title: Felice Andreasi

abstract: Felice Andreasi was an Italian film, television, and stage actor. He appeared in over 50 films in Italy between 1972 and 2005.

text:
# Felice Andreasi

**Felice Andreasi** (8 January 1928, in Turin – 25 December 2005, in Cortazzone) was an Italian film, television, and stage actor. He appeared in over 50 films in Italy between 1972 and 2005.

## Biography

He was considered one of the leading stage actors in comic and satirical theatre in Milan.

Andreasi won a Nastro d'Argento for Best Supporting Actor award for his role in *Pane e Tulipani* ("Bread and Tulips") (1999). He died of Parkinson's disease in 2005.

## Partial filmography

## InfoBox

| Felice Andreasi | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Born | (1928-01-08)8 January 1928
Turin, Italy |
| Died | 25 December 2005(2005-12-25) (aged 77)
Cortazzone, Italy |
| Occupation | Actor |


title: Fencing at the 2015 European Games

abstract: The fencing competitions at the 2015 European Games in Baku were held from 23 to 27 June 2015 at the Crystal Hall 3. Twelve events were contested. This is two more than the Olympic Games programme, and means all three formats had a team event in each gender.

text:
# Fencing at the 2015 European Games

The fencing competitions at the 2015 European Games in Baku were held from 23 to 27 June 2015 at the Crystal Hall 3. Twelve events (six individual, six team) were contested. This is two more than the Olympic Games programme, and means all three formats had a team event in each gender.

## Qualification

216 athletes will compete across the twelve events. The quota places will be awarded based on the FIE rankings at 30 November 2014. In December 2014, a qualification tournament will be held to decide the universality quota places.

## Timetable

| **OC** | Opening ceremony |  | Event competitions | **1** | Event finals | **CC** | Closing ceremony |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |

| June | | 12th
Fri | 13th
Sat | 14th
Sun | 15th
Mon | 16th
Tue | 17th
Wed | 18th
Thu | 19th
Fri | 20th
Sat | 21st
Sun | 22nd
Mon | 23rd
Tue | 24th
Wed | 25th
Thu | 26th
Fri | 27th
Sat | 28th
Sun | Events |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| Fencing | | **OC** |  |  |  |  |  |  |  |  |  |  | **2** | **2** | **2** | **3** | **3** | **CC** | **12** |

## Events summary

### Men's

| Event | Gold | Silver | Bronze |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| Individual épée
 | Iván Trevejo
France | Sergey Khodos
Russia | Daniel Jérent
France  ---  Bartosz Piasecki
Norway |
| Team épée
 | France
Yannick Borel
Ronan Gustin
Daniel Jérent
Iván Trevejo | Russia
Sergey Bida
Anton Glebko
Dmitriy Gusev
Sergey Khodos | Italy
Gabriele Bino
Gabriele Cimini
Marco Fichera
Andrea Santarelli |
|  | | | | | | |
| Individual foil
 | Alessio Foconi
Italy | Timur Arslanov
Russia | Jean-Paul Tony Helissey
France  ---  Francesco Ingargiola
Italy |
| Team foil
 | Great Britain
Richard Kruse
Marcus Mepstead
Benjamin Peggs
Alex Tofalides | Italy
Alessio Foconi
Francesco Ingargiola
Lorenzo Nista
Damiano Rosatelli | Russia
Timur Arslanov
Aleksey Khovanskiy
Timur Safin
Dmitry Zherebchenko |
|  | | | | | | |
| Individual sabre
 | Andriy Yahodka
Ukraine | Tiberiu Dolniceanu
Romania | Luigi Miracco
Italy  ---  Alberto Pellegrini
Italy |
| Team sabre
 | Italy
Luigi Miracco
Massimiliano Murolo
Alberto Pellegrini
Giovanni Repetti | Romania
Alin Badea
Mădălin Bucur
Tiberiu Dolniceanu
Iulian Teodosiu | Germany
Richard Hübers
Björn Hübner
Maximilian Kindler
Robin Schrödter |

### Women's

| Event | Gold | Silver | Bronze |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| Individual épée
 | Ana Maria Brânză
Romania | Yana Zvereva
Russia | Simona Gherman
Romania  ---  Erika Kirpu
Estonia |
| Team épée
 | Romania
Ana Maria Brânză
Simona Gherman
Simona Pop
Amalia Tătăran | Estonia
Julia Beljajeva
Irina Embrich
Erika Kirpu
Katrina Lehis | Italy
Camilla Batini
Brenda Briasco
Giulia Rizzi
Alberta Santuccio |
|  | | | | | | |
| Individual foil
 | Alice Volpi
Italy | Yana Alborova
Russia | Adelina Zagidullina
Russia  ---  Valentina Cipriani
Italy |
| Team foil
 | Russia
Yana Alborova
Anastasiia Ivanova
Diana Yakovleva
Adelina Zagidullina | France
Gaëlle Gebet
Julie Huin
Chloé Jubenot
Jéromine Mpah-Njanga | Italy
Chiara Cini
Valentina Cipriani
Carolina Erba
Alice Volpi |
|  | | | | | | |
| Individual sabre
 | Angelika Wątor
Poland | Sevil Bunyatova
Azerbaijan | Sevinc Bunyatova
Azerbaijan  ---  Margaux Rifkiss
France |
| Team sabre
 | Ukraine
Olha Kharlan
Alina Komashchuk
Olena Kravatska
Olha Zhovnir | Italy
Sofia Ciaraglia
Martina Criscio
Rebecca Gargano
Caterina Navarria | Russia
Viktoriya Kovaleva
Yana Obvintseva
Mariya Ridel
Tatiana Sukhova |

## Medal table

*   Host nation (Azerbaijan)

| Rank | Nation | Gold | Silver | Bronze | Total |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| 1 | Italy | 3 | 2 | 7 | 12 |
| 2 | Romania | 2 | 2 | 1 | 5 |
| 3 | France | 2 | 1 | 3 | 6 |
| 4 | Ukraine | 2 | 0 | 0 | 2 |
| 5 | Russia | 1 | 5 | 3 | 9 |
| 6 | Great Britain | 1 | 0 | 0 | 1 |
| | Poland | 1 | 0 | 0 | 1 |
| 8 | Azerbaijan* | 0 | 1 | 1 | 2 |
| | Estonia | 0 | 1 | 1 | 2 |
| 10 | Germany | 0 | 0 | 1 | 1 |
| | Norway | 0 | 0 | 1 | 1 |
| Totals (11 entries) | | 12 | 12 | 18 | 42 |

## InfoBox

| Fencing
at the 2015 European Games | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Venue | Crystal Hall 3, Baku |
| Dates | 23–27 June |
| Competitors | 214 from 34 nations |
|


title: February 2054 lunar eclipse

abstract: A total lunar eclipse will occur on Sunday, February 22, 2054. This eclipse is the first of an almost tetrad, the others being 18 Aug 2054 (T), 11 Feb 2055 (T) and 7 August 2055 (P).

text:
# February 2054 lunar eclipse

A total lunar eclipse will occur on Sunday, February 22, 2054.

This eclipse is the first of an *almost tetrad*, the others being 18 Aug 2054 **(T)**, 11 Feb 2055 **(T)** and 7 August 2055 **(P)**.

## Visibility

The entire eclipse will be visible in most of the Americas. Most or some of the eclipse will be visible in westernmost South America, Europe, the western half of Africa, easternmost Asia, and most of Oceania.

This eclipse is part of Lunar Saros 124.

### Lunar year series

Lunar eclipse series sets from 2053–2056
| Ascending node | | |  | Descending node | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| | Saros | Date
Viewing | Type
Chart | Saros | Date
Viewing | Type
Chart |
| | 114 | 2053 Mar 04
 | Penumbral
 | 119 | 2053 Aug 29
 | Penumbral
 |
| | 124 | 2054 Feb 22
 | Total
 | 129 | 2054 Aug 18
 | Total
 |
| | 134 | 2055 Feb 11
 | Total
 | 139 | 2055 Aug 07
 | Partial
 |
| | 144 | 2056 Feb 01
 | Penumbral
 | 149 | 2056 Jul 26
 | Partial
 |
| |  | | |
| | Last set | 2052 Apr 14 | | Last set | 2052 Oct 08 | |
| |  | | |
| | Next set | 2056 Dec 22 | | Next set | 2056 Jun 27 | |

## InfoBox

February 2054 lunar eclipse
| Total eclipse | |
| --- | --- |
| Path of the Moon during the February 2054 lunar eclipse | |
| Date | 22 February 2054 |
| Gamma | −0.3242 |
| Magnitude | 1.2769 |
| Saros cycle | 124 (51 of 74) |
| Totality | 72 minutes 8 seconds |
| Partiality | 200 minutes 53 seconds |
| Penumbral | 314 minutes 45 seconds |
| Contacts (UTC)  P1 04:12:25  U1 05:09:19  U2 06:13:41  Greatest 06:49:46  U3 07:25:49  U4 08:30:12  P4 09:27:09 | |
|  | |


title: Fernando Luna (tennis)

abstract: Fernando Luna Vicente is a former tennis player from Spain. The right-handed achieved his highest ATP singles ranking of world No. 33 in May 1984 and finished runner-up in two Grand Prix finals during his career: Aix-En-Provence in 1984 Madrid in 1988. Luna reached the fourth round of the 1983 French Open, defeating José Luis Clerc en route.

text:
# Fernando Luna (tennis)

**Fernando Luna Vicente** (born 24 April 1958) is a former tennis player from Spain.

The right-handed achieved his highest ATP singles ranking of world No. 33 in May 1984 and finished runner-up in two Grand Prix finals during his career: Aix-En-Provence in 1984 Madrid in 1988. Luna reached the fourth round of the 1983 French Open, defeating José Luis Clerc en route.

## Career finals

### Singles (2 losses)

| Result | W/L | Date | Tournament | Surface | Opponent | Score |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| Loss | 0–1 | Apr 1984 | Aix en Provence, France | Clay | Juan Aguilera | 4–6, 5–7 |
| Loss | 0–2 | Apr 1988 | Madrid, Spain | Clay | Kent Carlsson | 2–6, 1–6 |

## InfoBox

Fernando Luna
| Full name | Fernando Luna Vicente |
| --- | --- |
| Country (sports) | Spain |
| Residence | Barcelona, Spain |
| Born | (1958-04-24) 24 April 1958<br>Ciudad Real, Spain |
| Height | 1.75 m (5 ft 9 in) |
| Turned pro | 1977 |
| Retired | 1991 |
| Plays | Right-handed (two-handed backhand) |
| Prize money | 561,404 |
| Singles | |
| Career record | 177–163 |
| Career titles | 0 |
| Highest ranking | No. 33 (14 May 1984) |
| Grand Slam singles results | |
| Australian Open | 1R (1991) |
| French Open | 4R (1983) |
| Wimbledon | 1R (1988, 1989) |
| Doubles | |
| Career record | 7–37 |
| Career titles | 0 |
| Highest ranking | No. 407 (3 October 1988) |
| Medal record      Mediterranean Games  1979 Split Singles  1979 Split Doubles | |


title: Fernando Luís

abstract: Fernando Luís is a Portuguese actor. Notable appearances include Médico de Família, A minha família é uma animação, A Minha Sogra é Uma Bruxa, Inspector Max and Noite Escura. He was active at the Teatro Animação de Setúbal. In 1992, he received the award for Best Actor by the Portuguese Association of Theatre Critics in the play The Threepenny Opera by Bertolt Brecht. Luís then starred on stage at the Teatro Maria Matos, Teatro da Cornucópia, Teatro Aberto, amongst others, in plays of Brecht, Eugene O'Neill, Ray Bradbury, Turgenev, Manuel Teixeira Gomes or Hélia Correia. He was directed by names such as João Canijo, Diogo Infante, Fernando Gomes, João Brites, Filipe La Féria, José Caldas, Jorge Lavelli, Carlos Avilez and Graça Correia. He made his film debut in Rosa Negra, de Margarida Gil (1992). Since then, he has participated in films by directors such as Marco Martins, Manuel Mozos, Margarida Cardoso and José de Sá Caetano. He was directed by João Canijoin Sapatos Pretos (1998), Noite Escura (2004) and Mal Nascida (2007). Luís is active in regular television series, and joined the cast of O Mandarim (1990), Alentejo Sem Lei (1990), Polícias (1996), Médico de Família (1998–2000), A minha família é uma animação (2001–2002), A Minha Sogra é Uma Bruxa (2002–2003), Inspector Max (2003–2005/2016-2017), Nome de Código: Sintra (2005–2006), Bocage (2006), A Minha Família (2006–2007), Doida Por Ti (2012–2013), Sol de Inverno (2014), Jardins Proibidos (2014–2015), and A Impostora (2016-2017). He's childhood friends with fellow Setúbal-born actress Manuela Couto, with whom he works often.

text:
# Fernando Luís

**Fernando Luís** (born 9 March 1961 in Setúbal) is a Portuguese actor. Notable appearances include *Médico de Família*, *A minha família é uma animação*, *A Minha Sogra é Uma Bruxa*, *Inspector Max* and *Noite Escura*.

He was active at the Teatro Animação de Setúbal. In 1992, he received the award for Best Actor by the Portuguese Association of Theatre Critics (Associação Portuguesa de Críticos de Teatro) in the play *The Threepenny Opera* by Bertolt Brecht. Luís then starred on stage at the Teatro Maria Matos, Teatro da Cornucópia, Teatro Aberto, amongst others, in plays of Brecht, Eugene O'Neill, Ray Bradbury, Turgenev, Manuel Teixeira Gomes or Hélia Correia. He was directed by names such as João Canijo, Diogo Infante, Fernando Gomes, João Brites, Filipe La Féria, José Caldas, Jorge Lavelli, Carlos Avilez and Graça Correia.

He made his film debut in *Rosa Negra, de Margarida Gil* (1992). Since then, he has participated in films by directors such as Marco Martins, Manuel Mozos, Margarida Cardoso and José de Sá Caetano. He was directed by João Canijoin *Sapatos Pretos* (1998), *Noite Escura* (2004) and *Mal Nascida* (2007).

Luís is active in regular television series, and joined the cast of *O Mandarim* (1990), *Alentejo Sem Lei* (1990), *Polícias* (1996), *Médico de Família* (1998–2000), *A minha família é uma animação* (2001–2002), *A Minha Sogra é Uma Bruxa* (2002–2003), *Inspector Max* (2003–2005/2016-2017), *Nome de Código: Sintra* (2005–2006), *Bocage* (2006), *A Minha Família* (2006–2007), Doida Por Ti (2012–2013), Sol de Inverno (2014), Jardins Proibidos (2014–2015), and A Impostora (2016-2017).

He's childhood friends with fellow Setúbal-born actress Manuela Couto, with whom he works often.

## Dubbing

## InfoBox

| Fernando Luís | |
| --- | --- |
| Born | (1961-03-09) 9 March 1961<br>Setúbal, Portugal |
| Occupation | Actor |


title: Fen Causeway, Cambridge

abstract: Fen Causeway is a link road in the city of Cambridge, United Kingdom, constructed in the mid-1920s to ease the pressure on Silver Street. It forms part of the A1134 ring road. It links Newnham Road and Trumpington Road and spans the River Cam with Sheep's Green to the south and Coe Fen to the north. There is little residential development on this road. As indicated by the road's name, prior to its construction this was a predominantly wild fen area, crossed only by Coe Fen Lane, the predecessor to the current road.

text:
# Fen Causeway, Cambridge

**Fen Causeway** is a link road in the city of Cambridge, United Kingdom, constructed in the mid-1920s to ease the pressure on Silver Street. It forms part of the A1134 ring road. It links Newnham Road and Trumpington Road and spans the River Cam with Sheep's Green to the south and Coe Fen to the north. There is little residential development on this road.

As indicated by the road's name, prior to its construction this was a predominantly wild fen area, crossed only by Coe Fen Lane, the predecessor to the current road.

52°11′49″N 0°07′01″E / 52.197°N 0.117°E / 52.197; 0.117


title: Fernando Peña López

abstract: Fernando Peña López is a Spanish lawyer specialized in civil law, and the current director of Fundación INADE-UDC Chair of risk management and insurance at Universidade da Coruña. He is an expert in civil liability, insurance law, and consumer law, and is author of publications in this field. He has worked as of Counsel for law firms and acted as am arbitrator of the Galician Arbitration Court. He earned a PhD from Universidade da Coruña in 2000 with a thesis on culpability in extracontractual civil liability, and furthered his studies at the universities of Roma-La Sapienza, Montpellier, Coimbra and Fordham.

text:
# Fernando Peña López

**Fernando Peña López** is a Spanish lawyer specialized in civil law, and the current director of Fundación INADE-UDC Chair of risk management and insurance at Universidade da Coruña. He is an expert in civil liability, insurance law, and consumer law, and is author of publications in this field. He has worked as of Counsel for law firms and acted as am arbitrator of the Galician Arbitration Court. He earned a PhD from Universidade da Coruña in 2000 with a thesis on *culpability in extracontractual civil liability*, and furthered his studies at the universities of Roma-La Sapienza, Montpellier, Coimbra and Fordham.

## Academic achievents

As part of the activities of his Fundación INADE-UDC Chair of risk management and insurance at Universidade da Coruña, Peña introduced an innovative mock trial program known as *Veredicto Ejemplar*, which is already in its third edition.

## International affairs

Fernando Peña was director of the international relations office of Universidade da Coruña between 2012 and 2015, period in which he promoted the use of English as a medium of instruction, relations with multinational firms such as Inditex, and the creation of an International Summer School. He was also one of the coordinators of an EU-funded TEMPUS project on *Reform of Education THru INternational Knowledge exchange (RETHINK)*, coordinated by the University of Lisbon, which allowed him to cooperate with universities in countries such as Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine. In 2015 he engaged on a tour of Romania that allowed him to visit several universities and culminated with the signature of a double degree agreement with Valentin Popa, rector of the University of Suceava, who would later become minister of education of Romania.

## Publications

* Peña López, F. (2002). *La culpabilidad en la responsabilidad civil extracontractual. Comares*. (in Spanish). Editorial Comares. ISBN 978-84-8444-496-1.
* Busto Lago, J. M., Álvarez Lata, N., & Peña López, F. (2005). Reclamaciones de consumo: derecho de consumo desde la perspectiva del consumidor. Thomson/Aranzadi; Ministerio de Sanidad y Consumo: Instituto Nacional del Consumo.
* Álvarez Lata, N., Busto Lago, J. M., & Peña López, F. (Dir.) (2015). Curso de derecho civil de Galicia. Atelier.

## InfoBox

| Fernando Peña López | |
| --- | --- |
| Fernando Peña | |
| Citizenship | Spain |
| Occupation | Lawyer |
|  | |
| Academic background | |
| Alma mater | University of A Coruña |
| Thesis | *Culpability in extra-contractual civil liability* (2000) |
| Doctoral advisor | José M. Pena López |
| Academic work | |
| Discipline | Civil law |
| Sub-discipline | Civil liability, consumer law |
| Institutions | University of A Coruña |
|  | |


title: Fernando Picun

abstract: Fernando Álvaro Picún de León is a retired Uruguayan football player. He was a defender. He played for the Uruguay national team at 1999 Copa América in Paraguay.

text:
# Fernando Picun

**Fernando Álvaro Picún de León** (born 14 February 1972) is a retired Uruguayan football player. He was a defender. He played for the Uruguay national team at 1999 Copa América in Paraguay.

## Club statistics

| Club performance | | | League | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| Season | Club | League | Apps | Goals |
| Netherlands | | | League | |
| 1996/97 | Feyenoord | Eredivisie | 14 | 1 |
| 1997/98 | | | 22 | 2 |
| Japan | | | League | |
| 1999 | Urawa Reds | J1 League | 4 | 0 |
| 2000 | | J2 League | 29 | 1 |
| Country | Netherlands | | 36 | 3 |
| | Japan | | 33 | 1 |
| Total | | | 69 | 4 |

## National team statistics

| Uruguay national team | | |
| --- | --- | --- |
| Year | Apps | Goals |
| 1996 | 2 | 0 |
| 1997 | 0 | 0 |
| 1998 | 0 | 0 |
| 1999 | 7 | 0 |
| Total | 9 | 0 |

## Honours

### National team

## InfoBox

Fernando Picún
| Personal information | | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| Full name | Fernando Álvaro Picún de León | | |
| Date of birth | (1972-02-14) February 14, 1972 | | |
| Place of birth | Montevideo, Uruguay | | |
| Height | 1.85 m (6 ft 1 in) | | |
| Position(s) | Defender | | |
| Senior career\* | | | |
| Years | **Team** | **Apps** | **(Gls)** |
| 1993–1996 | River Plate | ? | (?) |
| 1996–1998 | Feyenoord | 36 | (3) |
| 1998–1999 | Defensor Sporting Club | ? | (?) |
| 1999–2000 | Urawa Reds | 33 | (1) |
| 2001 | Danubio | ? | (?) |
| International career | | | |
| 1996–1999 | Uruguay | 9 | (0) |
| \*Club domestic league appearances and goals, correct as of 2 December 2006<br>‡ National team caps and goals, correct as of 2 December 2006 | | | |


title: Fernilee Reservoir

abstract: Fernilee Reservoir is a drinking-water reservoir fed by the River Goyt in the Peak District National Park, within the county of Derbyshire and very close to the boundary with Cheshire. The village of Fernliee sits at the north end of the reservoir, with Goyt's Moss to the south and between Hoo Moor to the west and Combs Moss to the east. It was inaugurated in 1932 and construction was completed in 1938, costing £480,000. Its capacity is about 5 billion litres and is 38m deep. Local farming families were forced to leave their ancestral land. A 'Tin Town' corrugated iron temporary village was built near Fernilee for the navvy workers. The hamlet of Goyt's Bridge and Errwood Hall were destroyed in the 1930s to prevent any pollution of the water running into Fernilee Reservoir. The reservoir was the first and lower of two reservoirs built by the Stockport Corporation Waterworks in the Goyt Valley, the other one being Errwood Reservoir. The Street Roman road runs alongside Errwood Reservoir and to the west of Fernilee Reservoir. Both reservoirs were built by Lehane, Mackenzie and Shand. The reservoir provides drinking water for Stockport town and the surrounding area. It is currently owned and operated by United Utilities. The lower Toddbrook Reservoir at Whaley Bridge drains into the River Goyt but is fed from the Todd Brook stream. The disused Cromford and High Peak Railway line runs along the east side of the reservoir. This stretch of the railway line was closed in 1896. The creation of the reservoir submerged the Chilworth Gunpowder Mill. It manufactured chemical explosives from the 16th century until World War I. The Peak District Boundary Walk crosses the Errwood Dam at the head of Fernilee Reservoir and then tracks along the west side of the reservoir.

text:
# Fernilee Reservoir

**Fernilee Reservoir** is a drinking-water reservoir fed by the River Goyt in the Peak District National Park, within the county of Derbyshire and very close to the boundary with Cheshire. The village of Fernliee sits at the north end of the reservoir, with Goyt's Moss to the south and between Hoo Moor to the west and Combs Moss to the east.

It was inaugurated in 1932 (following an Act of Parliament in 1825) and construction was completed in 1938, costing £480,000. Its capacity is about 5 billion litres and is 38m deep. Local farming families were forced to leave their ancestral land. A 'Tin Town' corrugated iron temporary village was built near Fernilee for the navvy workers. The hamlet of Goyt's Bridge and Errwood Hall (the Grimshawe family mansion) were destroyed in the 1930s to prevent any pollution of the water running into Fernilee Reservoir. The reservoir was the first and lower of two reservoirs built by the Stockport Corporation Waterworks (after they acquired the Grimshawe estate) in the Goyt Valley, the other one being Errwood Reservoir. The Street Roman road runs alongside Errwood Reservoir and to the west of Fernilee Reservoir. Both reservoirs were built by Lehane, Mackenzie and Shand. The reservoir provides drinking water for Stockport town and the surrounding area. It is currently owned and operated by United Utilities.

The lower Toddbrook Reservoir at Whaley Bridge drains into the River Goyt but is fed from the Todd Brook stream.

The disused Cromford and High Peak Railway line (which connected the High Peak canal at Whaley Bridge with the River Derwent in Cromford) runs along the east side of the reservoir. This stretch of the railway line was closed in 1896.

The creation of the reservoir submerged the Chilworth Gunpowder Mill. It manufactured chemical explosives from the 16th century until World War I.

The Peak District Boundary Walk crosses the Errwood Dam at the head of Fernilee Reservoir and then tracks along the west side of the reservoir.

## InfoBox

| Fernilee Reservoir | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Fernilee Reservoir | |
| Location | Derbyshire |
| Coordinates | 53°17′20″N 1°59′53″W / 53.28889°N 1.99806°W / 53.28889; -1.99806 (Fernilee Reservoir) |
| Type | reservoir |
| Basin countries | United Kingdom |
|  | |
| Max. length | 1.8 kilometres (1.1 mi) |
| Max. width | 300 metres (984 ft) |
| Max. depth | 38 metres (125 ft) |
| Water volume | 5,000,000 cubic metres (176,573,334 cu ft) |


title: FileSonic

abstract: FileSonic was a file hosting service site which is now defunct. It was once one of the most popular file locker services which was primarily a consumer based service used from homes, although in a study conducted by security vendor Palo Alto Networks it was found to be in use on a majority of corporate networks. FileSonic used digital fingerprinting technology to detect prohibited sharing of copyrighted material on its network and had a designated DMCA agent to facilitate takedown requests. However, on the week following the government raid of the MegaUpload site, FileSonic chose to discontinue the sharing of files and permit only retrieval of files that individual users themselves had uploaded. Eventually, the changes enacted in the wake of the MegaUpload scandal, which were also enacted by the similarly named competitor FileServe, resulted in FileSonic going out of business. In the aftermath of the MegaUpload shutdown, the operators of FileSonic feared facing investigations and accusations similar to those directed at MegaUpload's founders, given their promotion of file sharing that potentially infringed upon copyright. Consequently, in the wake of MegaUpload's closure, FileSonic chose to shut down due to the apprehension of facing comparable charges. Moreover, during that period, there was some legal ambiguity surrounding the classification of digital lockers like MegaUpload. Both FileSonic and RapidShare implemented control measures to combat piracy on their platforms.

text:
# FileSonic

**FileSonic** was a file hosting service site which is now defunct.

It was once one of the most popular file locker services which was primarily a consumer based service used from homes, although in a study conducted by security vendor Palo Alto Networks it was found to be in use on a majority of corporate networks.

FileSonic used digital fingerprinting technology to detect prohibited sharing of copyrighted material on its network and had a designated DMCA agent to facilitate takedown requests.

However, on the week following the government raid of the MegaUpload site, FileSonic chose to discontinue the sharing of files and permit only retrieval of files that individual users themselves had uploaded.

Eventually, the changes enacted in the wake of the MegaUpload scandal, which were also enacted by the similarly named competitor FileServe, resulted in FileSonic going out of business.

In the aftermath of the MegaUpload shutdown, the operators of FileSonic feared facing investigations and accusations similar to those directed at MegaUpload's founders, given their promotion of file sharing that potentially infringed upon copyright. Consequently, in the wake of MegaUpload's closure, FileSonic chose to shut down due to the apprehension of facing comparable charges.

Moreover, during that period, there was some legal ambiguity surrounding the classification of digital lockers like MegaUpload. Both FileSonic and RapidShare implemented control measures to combat piracy on their platforms.


title: Fine and Mellow (Ella Fitzgerald album)

abstract: Fine and Mellow is an album by Ella Fitzgerald, recorded in early 1974 but not released until 1979. The album won the Grammy Award for Best Jazz Vocal Album in 1980, Fitzgerald's second win in four years. The album is subtitled Ella Fitzgerald Jams and represents a return to the informal jam sessions at the Jazz at the Philharmonic Concerts concerts in the 1940s and 1950s. A review in Audio magazine called it "Ella's best album in years."

text:
# Fine and Mellow (Ella Fitzgerald album)

Professional ratings
| Review scores | |
| --- | --- |
| Source | Rating |
| AllMusic |  |
| *DownBeat* |  |
| *The Penguin Guide to Jazz Recordings* |  |
| *The Rolling Stone Jazz Record Guide* |  |

***Fine and Mellow*** is an album by Ella Fitzgerald, recorded in early 1974 but not released until 1979. The album won the Grammy Award for Best Jazz Vocal Album in 1980, Fitzgerald's second win in four years.

The album is subtitled *Ella Fitzgerald Jams* and represents a return to the informal jam sessions at the Jazz at the Philharmonic Concerts concerts in the 1940s and 1950s. A review in *Audio magazine* called it "Ella's best album in years."

## Track listing

1. "Fine and Mellow" (Billie Holiday) – 6:05
2. "I'm Just a Lucky So-and-So" (Mack David, Duke Ellington) – 6:35
3. "I Don't Stand a Ghost of a Chance with You" (Bing Crosby, Ned Washington, Victor Young) – 5:01
4. "Rockin' in Rhythm" (Harry Carney, Ellington, Irving Mills) – 6:00
5. "I'm in the Mood for Love" (Dorothy Fields, Jimmy McHugh) – 3:15
6. "'Round Midnight" (Bernie Hanighen, Thelonious Monk, Cootie Williams) – 4:37
7. "I Can't Give You Anything But Love" (Fields, McHugh) – 4:10
8. "The Man I Love" (George Gershwin, Ira Gershwin) – 6:45
9. "Polka Dots and Moonbeams" (Johnny Burke, Jimmy Van Heusen) – 5:03

## Personnel

Recorded January 8, 1974, in Hollywood, Los Angeles:

## InfoBox

| Fine and Mellow | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Studio album by Ella Fitzgerald | |
| Released | 1979 |
| Recorded | January 8, 1974 |
| Genre | Jazz |
| Length | 47:31 |
| Label | Pablo |
| Producer | Norman Granz |
| Ella Fitzgerald chronology | |
| *Dream Dancing*
(1978) ***Fine and Mellow***
(1979) *Digital III at Montreux*
(1979) | |


title: Fabio Maria Asquini

abstract: Fabio Maria Asquini was a Cardinal of the Roman Catholic Church, Prefect of the Sacred Congregation of Indulgences and Sacred Relics and Camerlengo of the Sacred College of Cardinals. He was born on 14 August 1802 in Fagagna.

text:
# Fabio Maria Asquini

**Fabio Maria Asquini** (14 August 1802 – 22 December 1878) was a Cardinal of the Roman Catholic Church, Prefect of the Sacred Congregation of Indulgences and Sacred Relics and Camerlengo of the Sacred College of Cardinals. He was born on 14 August 1802 in Fagagna.

## Early life and priesthood

Asquini was educated at the Collegio Ghislieri then the Collegio Romano (where he received a Doctorate of Theology) and finally the La Sapienza University where he studied law. He was ordained on 26 February 1825 and was appointed as a domestic prelate to the Pope. He was elected Titular Latin patriarch of Antioch in 1837 and was consecrated by Carlo Cardinal Odescalchi.

## Cardinalate

He was elevated to Cardinal in pectore on 22 January 1844 and was appointed Latin Patriarch of Constantinople, a position he held until 1851. He was officially revealed as a Cardinal on 21 April 1845. On 24 April, he was appointed Cardinal-Priest of St Stefano al Monte Celio where he served for almost 33 years until 1877.

In 1847 Asquini was named Prefect of the Sacred Congregation of Indulgences and Sacred Relics and between 1862 and 1863 he was appointed Camerlengo of the Sacred College of Cardinals. Asquini participated in both the 1846 Papal Conclave and the 1878 Papal Conclave as well as the First Vatican Council. Finally, in 1877 he was appointed Cardinal-Priest of San Lorenzo in Lucina where he served until his death in 1878.

## InfoBox

| His Eminence
Fabio Maria Asquini | |
| --- | --- |
| Cardinal-Priest of San Lorenzo in Lucina | |
| Portrait. | |
| Church | Roman Catholic Church |
| Appointed | 21 September 1877 |
| Term ended | 22 December 1878 |
| Predecessor | Filippo de Angelis |
| Successor | Domenico Carafa della Spina di Traetto |
| Previous post(s) |  |
| Orders | |
| Ordination | 26 February 1825 |
| Consecration | 8 October 1837
by Carlo Odescalchi |
| Created cardinal | 22 January 1844 (in pectore)
21 April 1845 (revealed)
by Pope Gregory XVI |
| Rank | Cardinal-Priest |
| Personal details | |
| Born | Fabio Maria Asquini
14 August 1802
Fagagna, Udine, Venetian Province |
| Died | 22 December 1878(1878-12-22) (aged 76)
Rome, Kingdom of Italy |
| Alma mater | Collegio Romano
La Sapienza University |


title: Say Nothing (Example song)

abstract: "Say Nothing" is a song by British singer Example, released on 16 September 2012 in the United Kingdom as the lead single from his fourth studio album The Evolution of Man (2012). The song was written by Example, Johnny McDaid, and Dirty South, and was produced by the latter alongside Moám. The song features guitar work by Graham Coxon. "Say Nothing" entered the UK Singles Chart at number 2, held off the top spot by The Script's "Hall of Fame", which spent a second week at number one.

text:
# Say Nothing (Example song)

"**Say Nothing**" is a song by British singer Example, released on 16 September 2012 in the United Kingdom as the lead single from his fourth studio album *The Evolution of Man* (2012). The song was written by Example, Johnny McDaid, and Dirty South, and was produced by the latter alongside Moám. The song features guitar work by Graham Coxon.

"Say Nothing" entered the UK Singles Chart at number 2, held off the top spot by The Script's "Hall of Fame", which spent a second week at number one.

## Background and release

"Say Nothing" received its world premiere on 30 July 2012 on the Capital FM Breakfast Show. NME confirmed that the single would feature remixes from Roska, TC, BURNS, Foamo and Hardwell. The interview also stated that "Say Nothing" and "Perfect Replacement" would receive their live debuts in August 2012 at the V Festival.

On 30 July 2012, Example revealed the single artwork via Twitter and confirmed via a comment on Facebook that it features a photo of his younger self, around two years old layered over a photo he took in Austria on an aeroplane. In an interview, he revealed that the original photo won a 'Good Looking Baby' contest in his local paper, and he wanted the single artwork to be different from the popular 'boring' artwork, and just wanted it to look 'cool'.

## Critical reception

The single has received mixed reviews. It was criticised for the double negative 'don't speak no more' by Popjustice, but generally getting good reception. Capital FM received many positive tweets from listeners after the world premiere and 4Music expressed their love for it, saying it was 'definitely worth the wait' with a 'humongous guitar riff and big stadium chorus'. Digital Spy rated it four stars, calling it "an electronic anthem that's ready to take over the airwaves" and commenting that it "maintains a sense of depth, proving that despite his questionable celebrity jibes his talent still comes out on top".

## Music video

The official video for "Say Nothing" premiered on Example's YouTube channel on 8 August 2012. The video was recorded in Almería, Andalucia, Spain.

## Track listing

Digital download
| No. | Title | Length |
| --- | --- | --- |
| 1. | "Say Nothing" (Radio Edit) | 3:46 |
| 2. | "Say Nothing" (Extended Club Mix) | 5:45 |
| 3. | "Say Nothing" (Hardwell and Dannic Remix) | 6:15 |
| 4. | "Say Nothing" (Foamo Remix) | 5:41 |
| 5. | "Say Nothing" (Roska Remix) | 3:37 |
| 6. | "Say Nothing" (TC Remix) | 3:44 |

"Say Nothing" (BURNS Remix) – single
| No. | Title | Length |
| --- | --- | --- |
| 1. | "Say Nothing" (BURNS Remix) | 4:39 |

CD single (EP)
| No. | Title | Length |
| --- | --- | --- |
| 1. | "Say Nothing" (Radio Edit) | 3:46 |
| 2. | "Say Nothing" (Extended Club Mix) | 5:45 |
| 3. | "Say Nothing" (Hardwell and Dannic Remix) | 6:15 |
| 4. | "Say Nothing" (BURNS Remix) | 4:39 |
| 5. | "Say Nothing" (Foamo Remix) | 5:41 |
| 6. | "Say Nothing" (Roska Remix) | 3:37 |
| 7. | "Say Nothing" (TC Remix) | 3:44 |
| 8. | "Say Nothing" (Instrumental Edit) | 3:46 |

CD single
| No. | Title | Length |
| --- | --- | --- |
| 1. | "Say Nothing" (Radio Edit) | 3:46 |
| 2. | "Say Nothing" (Extended Club Mix) | 5:45 |

## Credits and personnel

Adapted from the parent album's liner notes.

## Charts

## InfoBox

| "Say Nothing" | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Single by Example | |
| from the album  *The Evolution of Man* | |
| Released | 16 September 2012 (2012-09-16) |
| Genre | Electronic |
| Length | 3:46 |
| Label | Ministry of Sound |
| Songwriter(s) |  |
| Producer(s) |  |
| Example singles chronology | |
| "We'll Be Coming Back"
(2012) "**Say Nothing**"
(2012) "Close Enemies"
(2012) | |


title: 1905 Richmond Spiders football team

abstract: The 1905 Richmond Spiders football team was an American football team that represented Richmond College—now known as the University of Richmond—as a member of the Eastern Virginia Intercollegiate Athletic Association (EVIAA) during the 1905 college football season. Led by first-year head coach E. A. Dunlap, Richmond compiled a record of 3–5–2.

text:
# 1905 Richmond Spiders football team

The **1905 Richmond Spiders football team** was an American football team that represented Richmond College—now known as the University of Richmond—as a member of the Eastern Virginia Intercollegiate Athletic Association (EVIAA) during the 1905 college football season. Led by first-year head coach E. A. Dunlap, Richmond compiled a record of 3–5–2.

## Schedule

| Date | Time | Opponent | Site | Result | Attendance | Source |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| October 3 |  | at Washington and Lee | Lexington, VA | L 0–34 |  |  |
| October 7 |  | Randolph–Macon |  | L 0–35 |  |  |
| October 11 | 3:30 p.m. | William & Mary |  | T 0–0 |  |  |
| October 18 |  | Virginia Boat Club | * Broad Street Park * Richmond, VA | W 17–0 | 1,500 |  |
| October 21 |  | William & Mary | * Broad Street Park * Richmond, VA | L 0–4 |  |  |
| October 28 |  | at St. John's (MD) | Annapolis, MD | L 0–10 |  |  |
| November 1 | 3:30 p.m. | Washington and Lee | * Broad Street Park * Richmond, VA | L 0–6 |  |  |
| November 11 | 3:30 p.m. | William & Mary | * Broad Street Park * Richmond, VA | W 23–5 |  |  |
| November 16 | 3:30 p.m. | Richmond Indian School | * Broad Street Park * Richmond, VA | W 5–0 |  |  |
| November 25 |  | Randolph–Macon | Richmond, VA | T 18–18 |  |  |

## InfoBox

| 1905 Richmond Spiders football | |
| --- | --- |
| Conference | Eastern Virginia Intercollegiate Athletic Association |
| Record | 3–5–2 ( EVIAA) |
| Head coach |  |
| Captain | Hudson A. Mench |
| Home stadium | Broad Street Park |
|


title: Courtacon

abstract: Courtacon is a commune in the Seine-et-Marne department in the Île-de-France region in north-central France.

text:
# Courtacon

**Courtacon** (French pronunciation: \[kuʁtakɔ̃\] ) is a commune in the Seine-et-Marne department in the Île-de-France region in north-central France.

## Geography

The river Aubetin flows westward through the southern part of the commune, forms part of its south-eastern and south-western borders and crosses the village.

## Demographics

The inhabitants are called *Courtaconnais*.

## InfoBox

| Courtacon | |
| --- | --- |
| Commune | |
| The town hall in Courtacon | |
| Location of Courtacon | |
| CourtaconCourtacon | |
| Coordinates: 48°41′46″N 3°17′33″E / 48.6961°N 3.2925°E / 48.6961; 3.2925 | |
| Country | France |
| Region | Île-de-France |
| Department | Seine-et-Marne |
| Arrondissement | Provins |
| Canton | Provins |
| Intercommunality | CC Provinois |
| Government | |
| Mayor (20202026) | Didier Agnus |
| Area**1** | 11.88 km2 (4.59 sq mi) |
| Population (2021) | 243 |
| Density | 20/km2 (53/sq mi) |
| Time zone | UTC+01:00 (CET) |
| Summer (DST) | UTC+02:00 (CEST) |
| INSEE/Postal code | 77137 /77560 |
| Elevation | 132–184 m (433–604 ft) |
| **1** French Land Register data, which excludes lakes, ponds, glaciers \> 1 km2 (0.386 sq mi or 247 acres) and river estuaries. | |


title: Panesthiinae

abstract: Panesthiinae is a subfamily of giant cockroaches (Blaberidae) mostly found in Indo-Malaysia and Australia. Many species within this subfamily of cockroaches feed on wood, the best-studied being Panesthia angustipennis. Until recently it was believed that Panesthia and other members of Panesthiinae do not rely on the hindgut for wood digestion, but it is now believed that a "fiber-associated microbiome" might be contributing to up to 1/5th of the total xylanase and cellulase activities in the gut of P. angustipennis and the more social Salganea taiwanensis.

text:
# Panesthiinae

**Panesthiinae** is a subfamily of giant cockroaches (Blaberidae) mostly found in Indo-Malaysia and Australia.

Many species within this subfamily of cockroaches feed on wood, the best-studied being *Panesthia angustipennis.* Until recently it was believed that *Panesthia* and other members of *Panesthiinae* do not rely on the hindgut for wood digestion, but it is now believed that a "fiber-associated microbiome" might be contributing to up to 1/5th of the total xylanase and cellulase activities in the gut of *P. angustipennis* and the more social *Salganea taiwanensis*.

## Genera

The *Cockroach species file* and *BioLib* list:

1. *Ancaudellia* Shaw, 1925
2. *Annamoblatta* Sergeev, 1984
3. *Caeparia* Stål, 1877
4. *Microdina* Kirby, 1903
5. *Miopanesthia* Saussure, 1895
6. *Panesthia* Serville, 1831
7. *Salganea* Stål, 1877

## InfoBox

| Panesthiinae | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| A species of *Panesthia* cockroach | |
|
| Scientific classification | |
| Domain: | Eukaryota |
| Kingdom: | Animalia |
| Phylum: | Arthropoda |
| Class: | Insecta |
| Order: | Blattodea |
| Family: | Blaberidae |
| Subfamily: | Panesthiinae |
|


title: Diodora demartiniorum

abstract: Diodora demartiniorum is a species of sea snail, a marine gastropod mollusk in the family Fissurellidae, the keyhole limpets.

text:
# Diodora demartiniorum

***Diodora demartiniorum*** is a species of sea snail, a marine gastropod mollusk in the family Fissurellidae, the keyhole limpets.

## Description

The size of the shell varies between 20 mm and 37 mm.

## Distribution

This species was found in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea off Djerba, Tunisia.

* "*Diodora demartiniorum*". *Gastropods.com*. Retrieved 16 January 2019.

## InfoBox

| *Diodora demartiniorum* | |
| --- | --- |
|
| Scientific classification | |
| Domain: | Eukaryota |
| Kingdom: | Animalia |
| Phylum: | Mollusca |
| Class: | Gastropoda |
| Subclass: | Vetigastropoda |
| Order: | Lepetellida |
| Family: | Fissurellidae |
| Genus: | *Diodora* |
| Species: | ***D. demartiniorum*** |
| Binomial name | |
| ***Diodora demartiniorum***<br>Buzzurro & Russo, 2004 | |
|


title: Diodora digueti

abstract: Diodora digueti is a species of sea snail, a marine gastropod mollusk in the family Fissurellidae, the keyhole limpets and slit limpets.

text:
# Diodora digueti

***Diodora digueti*** is a species of sea snail, a marine gastropod mollusk in the family Fissurellidae, the keyhole limpets and slit limpets.

## Description

The size of the shell reaches 25 mm.

## Distribution

This species occurs in the Pacific Ocean from Baja California, Mexico to Ecuador

## InfoBox

| *Diodora digueti* | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
|
| Scientific classification | |
| Domain: | Eukaryota |
| Kingdom: | Animalia |
| Phylum: | Mollusca |
| Class: | Gastropoda |
| Subclass: | Vetigastropoda |
| Order: | Lepetellida |
| Family: | Fissurellidae |
| Subfamily: | Fissurellinae |
| Genus: | *Diodora* |
| Species: | ***D. digueti*** |
| Binomial name | |
| ***Diodora digueti***<br>(Mabille, 1895) | |
|


title: Diodora cayenensis

abstract: Diodora cayenensis, the Cayenne keyhole limpet, is a species of small to medium-sized sea snail or limpet, a western Atlantic marine prosobranch gastropod mollusk in the family Fissurellidae, the keyhole limpets. This species is named after Cayenne, the capital of French Guiana. The spelling using one "n" is original and is therefore retained.

text:
# Diodora cayenensis

***Diodora cayenensis***, the **Cayenne keyhole limpet**, is a species of small to medium-sized sea snail or limpet, a western Atlantic marine prosobranch gastropod mollusk in the family Fissurellidae, the keyhole limpets.

This species is named after Cayenne, the capital of French Guiana. The spelling using one "n" is original and is therefore retained.

## Distribution

The Cayenne keyhole limpet is found from New Jersey south through the West Indies to Brazil; in the Gulf of Mexico and in the Caribbean Sea; off the Canary Islands.

## Shell description

This shell of this species can varies from 15 mm to 50 mm in size and is shaped like a low cone with a small, subcentral keyhole-like opening or orifice on the top of the shell. The shell has an external sculpture of many radiating ribs. Internally, the keyhole opening is outlined by a truncate callus, which has a deep pit on its posterior edge. The keyhole plays an important role in the respiration of this organism by bringing in and expelling water from this shell. This species also possesses an effectively elevated, cone-shaped shell. *Diodora cayenensis* is considered to be a small to medium species, as the largest one that has been reported is 51 mm in size.

The external coloration of the shell varies from white to pinkish gray or brown sometimes with faint rays, and the interior of the shell is white to gray.

The shell of these organisms have dentate margins due to "erosion" from nearby shells and rocks. This species of limpet lives in inlets and offshore waters attached to rocks or shells and is occasionally found on sponges, as well as washed up on sound and ocean beaches.

## Life habits

The Cayenne keyhole limpet is a herbivore, and uses its radula to scrape algae from rocks. *Diodora cayenensis* can be found in seagrass beds, hard bottoms, and intertidal waters in marine habitats. They can also be found under rocks in shallow areas and on sponges in depths from 0 to 46m. Its powerful foot creates strong suction to keep waves from washing it off the rocks in intertidal and shallow subtidal areas.

Water for respiration and excretion is drawn in under the edge of the shell and exits through the "keyhole" near the peak.

The eggs of this species are yellow and are stuck to rocks. The young hatch and crawl away.

## Ecology

Certain crab species, such as stone crabs (*Menippe spp.*) and spider crabs (*Libinia spp.*), are opportunistic feeders that may target *D. cayenensis*. Crabs use their powerful claws to crush the limpet's shell and access its flesh.

*Diodora cayenensis* primarily feeds on algae, using its radula to scrape these organisms off surfaces such as rocks and coral. It consumes a variety of algal species, contributing to the regulation of algal populations within its habitat.

*Diodora cayenensis* competes with other herbivorous organisms, such as other limpet species, sea urchins, and herbivorous fish, for access to algae. Competition for food resources may influence the distribution and abundance of *D. cayenensis* within its habitat.

## Reproduction

The Cayenne keyhole limpet reproduces via broadcast spawning, a form of external sexual reproduction typically done by sessile organisms. Because intertidal zones are a constantly changing environment, *D. cayenensis* release large quantities of eggs into the water in order to increase fertilization rates and in turn the number of offspring. As a reproductive strategy, broadcast spawning relies heavily on turbulent stirring processes in the flow to bring together compatible gametes for fertilization to happen.

## Economic importance

Other marine organisms use the ridges of *Diodora cayenensis* as shelter from predators. *D. cayenensis* also help filter the ocean water and free it from some suspended sediment, nutrients, and other pollutants. The limpets are edible.

## InfoBox

| *Diodora cayenensis* | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
|
| Scientific classification | |
| Domain: | Eukaryota |
| Kingdom: | Animalia |
| Phylum: | Mollusca |
| Class: | Gastropoda |
| Subclass: | Vetigastropoda |
| Order: | Lepetellida |
| Family: | Fissurellidae |
| Genus: | *Diodora* |
| Species: | ***D. cayenensis*** |
| Binomial name | |
| ***Diodora cayenensis***<br>(Lamarck, 1822) | |
|
| Synonyms | |
| * *Diodora microsticta* Dall, 1927 * *Fissurella alternata* Say, 1822 * *Fissurella cayenensis* Lamarck, 1822 (original combination) * *Fissurella fumata* Reeve, 1850 * *Fissurella larva* Reeve, 1850 * *Fissurella viminea* Reeve, 1850 * *Glyphis alternata* (Say, 1822) * *Lucapina cayenensis* (Lamarck, 1822) | |


title: Dissent (EP)

abstract: Dissent is an EP by American deathgrind band Misery Index.

text:
# Dissent (EP)

***Dissent*** is an EP by American deathgrind band Misery Index.

## Track listing

All music and lyrics written by Misery Index, unless noted otherwise.

1. "Sheep and Wolves"
2. "Exception to the Ruled"
3. "The Imperial Ambition"
4. "Multiply by Fire"
5. "Defector"
6. "Screaming at a Wall" (Minor Threat cover) (Vinyl-only bonus track)

## Personnel

### Production

## InfoBox

| Dissent | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| EP by Misery Index | |
| Recorded | June 2004 at Hairy Breakfast Studios (Atlanta, Georgia) |
| Genre | Deathgrind |
| Label | Anarchos |


title: Diran (disambiguation)

abstract: Diran is a mountain in Pakistan. Diran may also refer to:

text:
# Diran (disambiguation)

**Diran** is a mountain in Pakistan.

**Diran** may also refer to:

## Places

## Persons

Given name * Diran of Armenia, an Armenian King (339-350)
* Diran Adebayo (born 1968), British novelist, cultural critic and broadcaster
* Diran Alexanian (1881–1954), French Armenian cello teacher and musician
* Diran Chrakian (1875-1921), Armenian poet, writer, painter and teacher who was a victim of the Armenian Genocide
* Diran Kelekian (1862-1915), Ottoman Armenian journalist, writer, editor and professor who was an Armenian Genocide victim
* Diran Manoukian (born 1919), French Armenian field hockey player

Family name


title: The Husband Who Was to Mind the House

abstract: The Husband Who Was to Mind the House is a Norwegian fairy tale collected by Peter Christen Asbjørnsen and Jørgen Moe in their Norske Folkeeventyr. It is Aarne-Thompson type 1408 The man who does his wife's work.

text:
# The Husband Who Was to Mind the House

***The Husband Who Was to Mind the House*** is a Norwegian fairy tale collected by Peter Christen Asbjørnsen and Jørgen Moe in their *Norske Folkeeventyr*.

It is Aarne-Thompson type 1408 The man who does his wife's work.

## Synopsis

A husband complains so much about his wife that she suggests that he stay home and do her work. He agrees. He starts to churn butter, but decides to get ale. He hears the pig upstairs, runs to stop it, but does not arrive in time to keep it from overturning the churn, and forgets the ale, which runs all over the cellar.

He gets more milk to churn, but remembers that the cow is still in the barn. Since he cannot take her to the meadow, he decides to put her on the sod roof. He carries the churn to keep the baby from overturning it, but he goes for water for the cow, and spills all the milk down the well.

It is near dinner and he doesn't have any butter. He sets on the water to boil for porridge, but goes up to tie the cow so she won't fall off, and ties the end of the rope to himself. He goes to grind grain for the porridge, but the cow falls off, and because he has run the rope through the chimney, it drags him up. The wife returns and cuts the rope so the cow comes down, but she finds her husband with his head stuck in the pot.