title: Shemon V

abstract: Mar Shemʿon V was the patriarch of the Church of the East from 1497 until his death. His short reign is poorly documented and it is possible that he was in fact an anti-patriarch. Probably in 1499, Shemʿon V received a pair of messengers from the Indian church requesting bishops. The patriarch consecrated Thomas and John, two monks of the monastery of Mar Awgin, as bishops and dispatched them to India with letters of authentication. Thomas returned not long after with gifts from the Indian Christians, while John remained there as bishop. Shemʿon's death is recorded in a letter from the Indian Christians. He was buried in the monastery of Mar Awgin. It may be significant that he was not buried in the monastery of Rabban Hormizd, where his predecessor, Shemʿon IV, and nearly all his successors were buried. His election may have represented a reaction to the policies of Shemʿon IV favouring his own family.

text:
# Shemon V

| Ordination history of
Shemon V | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Episcopal succession  Bishops consecrated by Shemon V as principal consecrator  Mar Thoma c. 1499  Mar Yohannon c. 1499 | |

**Mar Shem*ʿ*on V** (died September 1502) was the patriarch of the Church of the East from 1497 until his death. His short reign is poorly documented and it is possible that he was in fact an anti-patriarch.

Probably in 1499, Shemʿon V received a pair of messengers from the Indian church requesting bishops. The patriarch consecrated Thomas and John, two monks of the monastery of Mar Awgin, as bishops and dispatched them to India with letters of authentication. Thomas returned not long after with gifts from the Indian Christians, while John remained there as bishop.

Shemʿon's death is recorded in a letter from the Indian Christians. He was buried in the monastery of Mar Awgin. It may be significant that he was not buried in the monastery of Rabban Hormizd, where his predecessor, Shemʿon IV, and nearly all his successors were buried. His election may have represented a reaction to the policies of Shemʿon IV favouring his own family.

## Bibliography

* Burleson, Samuel; Van Rompay, Lucas (2011). "List of Patriarchs: I. The Church of the East and its Uniate Continuations". In Sebastian P. Brock; Aaron M. Butts; George A. Kiraz; Lucas Van Rompay (eds.). *Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary of the Syriac Heritage*. Gorgias Press.
* Carlson, Thomas A. (2018). *Christianity in Fifteenth-Century Iraq*. Cambridge University Press.
* Carlson, Thomas A. (2019). "Syriac in a Diverse Middle East: From the Mongol Ilkhanate to Ottoman Dominance, 1286–1517". In Daniel King (ed.). *The Syriac World*. Routledge. pp. 718–730.
* Wilmshurst, David J. (2000). *The Ecclesiastical Organisation of the Church of the East, 1318–1913*. Peeters.
* Wilmshurst, David J. (2011). *The Martyred Church: A History of the Church of the East*. East and West Publishing.
* Wilmshurst, David J. (2019). "The Patriarchs of the Church of the East". In Daniel King (ed.). *The Syriac World*. Routledge. pp. 799–805.

## InfoBox

| Mar
Shem*ʿ*on V | |
| --- | --- |
| Patriarch of All the East | |
| Church | Church of the East |
| See | Seleucia-Ctesiphon |
| Installed | 1497 |
| Term ended | September 1502 |
| Predecessor | Shemon IV |
| Successor | Eliya V |
| Personal details | |
| Born | 15th century |
| Died | September 1502 |
| Buried | Monastery of Mar Awgin |


title: Shemon II

abstract: Mar Shemʿon II was the patriarch of the Church of the East from c. 1385 until c. 1405. He succeeded Denha II, who died in 1381/2, and his reign corresponds to the beginning of a period of obscurity in the Church of the East and the patriarchal succession. He is mentioned in one near-contemporary list of patriarchs in a 15th-century manuscript copy of the Book of the Bee. He is listed between Denha II and Eliya IV, and the copy was produced in the time of Eliya's successor, Shemʿon III. The traditional listing makes Shemʿon III the successor of Shemʿon II and predecessor of Eliya IV, but the contemporary source is preferred. Shemʿon II probably selected his name in honour of the 4th-century patriarch Shemʿon bar Sabbaʿe, a victim of the Forty Years' Persecution. Possibly he foresaw a similar period of persecution. His choice of name became very common thereafter. In view of the upheavals in Iraq in his time, it is unlikely that he was consecrated in Baghdad. Probably he was consecrated and resided in a monastery in northern Iraq. His reign fell in a period of intense persecution of Christians under the Timurid Empire. The 1390s saw a "flight to the mountains", as Nestorians took refuge from the upheavals in the region of Hakkari in northern Iraq. In 1401, Pope Boniface IX granted an indulgence to Greek Orthodox and Nestorian Christians who sheltered Latins fleeing the Timurids.

text:
# Shemon II

**Mar Shemʿon II** (sometimes written **Shimun II**) was the patriarch of the Church of the East from c. 1385 until c. 1405. He succeeded Denha II, who died in 1381/2, and his reign corresponds to the beginning of a period of obscurity in the Church of the East and the patriarchal succession.

He is mentioned in one near-contemporary list of patriarchs in a 15th-century manuscript copy of the *Book of the Bee*. He is listed between Denha II and Eliya IV, and the copy was produced in the time of Eliya's successor, Shemʿon III. The traditional listing makes Shemʿon III the successor of Shemʿon II and predecessor of Eliya IV, but the contemporary source is preferred.

Shemʿon II probably selected his name in honour of the 4th-century patriarch Shemʿon bar Sabbaʿe, a victim of the Forty Years' Persecution. Possibly he foresaw a similar period of persecution. His choice of name became very common thereafter. In view of the upheavals in Iraq in his time, it is unlikely that he was consecrated in Baghdad. Probably he was consecrated and resided in a monastery in northern Iraq. His reign fell in a period of intense persecution of Christians under the Timurid Empire. The 1390s saw a "flight to the mountains", as Nestorians took refuge from the upheavals in the region of Hakkari in northern Iraq. In 1401, Pope Boniface IX granted an indulgence to Greek Orthodox and Nestorian Christians who sheltered Latins fleeing the Timurids.

## Bibliography

* Baum, Wilhelm; Winkler, Dietmar W. (2003). *The Church of the East: A Concise History*. London and New York: Taylor & Francis. ISBN 0-203-42309-7.
* Burleson, Samuel; Van Rompay, Lucas (2011). "List of Patriarchs: I. The Church of the East and its Uniate Continuations". In Sebastian P. Brock; Aaron M. Butts; George A. Kiraz; Lucas Van Rompay (eds.). *Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary of the Syriac Heritage*. Gorgias Press.
* Wilmshurst, David J. (2000). *The Ecclesiastical Organisation of the Church of the East, 1318–1913*. Peeters.
* Wilmshurst, David J. (2011). *The Martyred Church: A History of the Church of the East*. East and West Publishing.
* Wilmshurst, David J. (2019). "The Patriarchs of the Church of the East". In Daniel King (ed.). *The Syriac World*. Routledge. pp. 799–805.

## InfoBox

| Mar<br>Shem*ʿ*on II | |
| --- | --- |
| Patriarch of All the East | |
| Church | Church of the East |
| See | Seleucia-Ctesiphon |
| Installed | c.1385 |
| Term ended | c.1405 |
| Predecessor | Denha II |
| Successor | Shemon III |
| Personal details | |
| Born | 14th century |
| Died | 15th century |
| Residence | Mosul |


title: Sherwood, South Australia

abstract: Sherwood is a locality in the Australian state of South Australia located about 222 kilometres (138 mi) south-east of the state capital of Adelaide and about 30 kilometres (19 mi) north-west of the municipal seat of Bordertown. Boundaries for the locality were created on 16 March 2000 for the “long established name.” Sherwood is served by Emu Flat Road which passes through the locality from the Ngarkat Highway in the east where the highway forms the locality’s eastern boundary to Keith in the west where the road terminates in the Keith town centre. The principal land use in the locality is primary production. A parcel of land at its eastern boundary has protected area status as the Hardings Springs Conservation Reserve. The 2016 Australian census which was conducted in August 2016 reports that Sherwood had a population of 97 people. Sherwood is located within the federal division of Barker, the state electoral district of MacKillop and the local government area of the Tatiara District Council.

text:
# Sherwood, South Australia

**Sherwood** is a locality in the Australian state of South Australia located about 222 kilometres (138 mi) south-east of the state capital of Adelaide and about 30 kilometres (19 mi) north-west of the municipal seat of Bordertown.

Boundaries for the locality were created on 16 March 2000 for the “long established name.”

Sherwood is served by Emu Flat Road which passes through the locality from the Ngarkat Highway in the east where the highway forms the locality’s eastern boundary to Keith in the west where the road terminates in the Keith town centre.

The principal land use in the locality is primary production. A parcel of land at its eastern boundary has protected area status as the Hardings Springs Conservation Reserve.

The 2016 Australian census which was conducted in August 2016 reports that Sherwood had a population of 97 people.

Sherwood is located within the federal division of Barker, the state electoral district of MacKillop and the local government area of the Tatiara District Council.

## InfoBox

| Sherwood
South Australia | |
| --- | --- |
| Sherwood | |
| Coordinates | 36°05′18″S 140°36′37″E / 36.088390°S 140.610370°E / -36.088390; 140.610370 |
| Population | 97 (2016 census) |
| Established | 16 March 2000 |
| Postcode(s) | 5267 |
| Time zone | ACST (UTC+9:30) |
| • Summer (DST) | ACST (UTC+10:30) |
| Location |  |
| LGA(s) | Tatiara District Council |
| Region | Limestone Coast |
| County | MacDonnell |
| State electorate(s) | MacKillop |
| Federal division(s) | Barker |
| **Mean max temp** **Mean min temp** **Annual rainfall**  22.3 °C
72 °F 9.1 °C
48 °F 460.9 mm
18.1 in | |
| **Suburbs around Sherwood:**  Coombe Coombe
Makin
McCallum Shaugh  Keith Sherwood Senior
Lowan Vale  Keith Brimbago
Wirrega
Lowan Vale Lowan Vale | |
| Footnotes | Coordinates
Locations
Climate
Adjoining localities |


title: Center of Alcohol Studies

abstract: The Center of Alcohol Studies (CAS) is a multidisciplinary research institute located in the Busch Campus of Rutgers University, which performs clinical and biomedical research on alcohol use and misuse. The center was originally at Yale University and known as the Yale Center of Alcohol Studies, before it moved to Rutgers in 1962. The CAS is also home to the peer-reviewed Journal of Studies on Alcohol and Drugs (JSAD), the oldest journal on alcohol studies; and a library of alcohol literature. Early research in the 1940s at the CAS helped support the disease model of addiction that helped change public perception on alcohol consumption.

text:
# Center of Alcohol Studies

The **Center of Alcohol Studies** (**CAS**) is a multidisciplinary research institute located in the Busch Campus of Rutgers University, which performs clinical and biomedical research on alcohol use and misuse. The center was originally at Yale University and known as the **Yale Center of Alcohol Studies**, before it moved to Rutgers in 1962. The CAS is also home to the peer-reviewed *Journal of Studies on Alcohol and Drugs* (JSAD), the oldest journal on alcohol studies; and a library of alcohol literature. Early research in the 1940s at the CAS helped support the disease model of addiction that helped change public perception on alcohol consumption.

## History

The CAS was the first research institute dedicated to alcohol studies after the 21st amendment to the U.S. Constitution repealed prohibition in 1933. The center was founded at Yale as a research area in the Applied Physiology department in 1935. E. Morton Jellinek was Director of the Center until the 1950s, and stepped down when he was offered a position at the World Health Organization. He was replaced by Selden D. Bacon. The Yale Center of Alcohol Studies opened the first Summer School of Alcohol Studies in 1943, and in 1944 opened a free clinic devoted to treating alcoholism. The Summer School still continues every year. The CAS at Yale funded the early years of the National Council on Alcoholism (NCA; now known as the National Council on Alcoholism and Drug Dependence, NCAAD).

In the 1960s, there was a new President at Yale. Around this time, the Yale Corporation voted to move the Center to a new location, negotiating mainly with Brown, Columbia and Rutgers University. The center moved to Rutgers University in 1962, with financial assistance from the National Institutes of Health and philanthropist Christopher D. Smithers. Biochemist David Lester was appointed scientific director of the CAS after it moved to Rutgers. In 1964, the Center moved again to Smithers Hall, where the CAS is located today.

Interest in Alcohol studies increased in the United States in the 1970s. In December 1970, the National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (NIAA) was created as part of the National Institutes of Health. The NIAA began to fund research at the CAS in the 1970s.

## Journal

While the CAS was still considered part of the Laboratory of Applied Physiology (LAP) located at Yale, Howard W. Haggard in 1940 founded the *Quarterly Journal of Studies on Alcohol*, the oldest journal on alcohol/addiction studies. The journal published both original research and abstracts from other sources. In 1941, Jellinek was managing editor of the journal. For several years Mark Keller was editor of the *Quarterly* from 1959 to 1977 and was named editor emeritus after his retirement. The Mark Keller Award was created in his honor for the best article in the journal. Timothy Coffey succeeded Keller.

The journal was later renamed the *Journal of Studies on Alcohol* and became a monthly publication in 1975. Again the journal was renamed to the *Journal of Studies on Alcohol and Drugs*. It is currently a bimonthly publication.

## Library

### Classified Abstract Archive of the Alcohol Literature

The Classified Abstract Archive of the Alcohol Literature (CAAAL) is a special collection of abstracts by CAS staff from 1938 through 1977 of the scientific and scholarly alcohol literature. Jellinek was the original executive director. Publication ceased in 1978.

### Donations

The Center has received several donations, including the Connor Alcohol Research Reference Files (CARRF). National Association of Lesbian and Gay Alcoholism Professionals (NALGAP), donated a library of research related to alcoholism and homosexuality.

## Research

The CAS operates these laboratories:

### Biomedical

### Prevention and cause

* Cardiac Neuroscience Laboratory
* Health and Human Development Project
* Integrative Analysis Research Lab for College Alcohol Intervention Research
* Pittsburgh Youth Study
* R-SHARE
* RASRR
* Sensation and Emotion Lab


title: Ship earth station

abstract: Ship earth station is – according to Article 1.78 of the International Telecommunication Union's (ITU) ITU Radio Regulations (RR) – defined as "A mobile earth station in the maritime mobile-satellite service located on board ship." The ITU regulation requires that each radio station be classified according to the service in which it operates permanently or temporarily. Ship earth stations can provide a variety of radiocommunication services including crew calling.

text:
# Ship earth station

**Ship earth station** (also: **ship earth radio station**) is – according to *Article 1.78* of the International Telecommunication Union's (ITU) ITU Radio Regulations (RR) – defined as "A mobile earth station in the maritime mobile-satellite service located on board ship."

The ITU regulation requires that each radio station be classified according to the *service* in which it operates permanently or temporarily.

Ship earth stations can provide a variety of radiocommunication services including crew calling.

## Classification

In accordance with *ITU Radio Regulations* (article 1) this type of *radio station* might be classified as follows:
Earth station (article 1.63)

## References / sources

1. ITU Radio Regulations, Section IV. Radio Stations and Systems – Article 1.78, definition: *ship earth station / ship earth radio station*


title: Drugstore (album)

abstract: Drugstore is the self-produced debut album by the Brazilian/British band Drugstore. It was released by Go! Discs in 1995 and it entered the UK chart at 31.

text:
# Drugstore (album)

***Drugstore*** is the self-produced debut album by the Brazilian/British band Drugstore. It was released by Go! Discs in 1995 and it entered the UK chart at 31.

## Critical reception

Professional ratings
| Review scores | |
| --- | --- |
| Source | Rating |
| AllMusic |  |
| Robert Christgau |  |

*The Guardian* likened the album to "Jesus and Mary Chain feedback meets Portishead's eerie languor."

## Track listing

1. "Speaker 12"
2. "Favourite Sinner"
3. "Alive"
4. "Solitary Party Groover"
5. "If"
6. "Devil"
7. "Saturday Sunset"
8. "Fader"
9. "Super Glider"
10. "Baby Astrolab"
11. "Gravity"
12. "Nectarine"
13. "Starcrossed"
14. "Accelerate"

## Personnel

* Mike Chylinski – drums
* Isabel Monteiro – bass, vocals
* Daron Robinson – guitar, piano

## InfoBox

| Drugstore | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Studio album by Drugstore | |
| Released | 27 March 1995 |
| Genre | Dream pop, Britpop |
| Length | 42:56 |
| Label | Go! Discs, London |
| Producer | Drugstore |
| Drugstore chronology | |
| ***Drugstore***
(1995) *White Magic for Lovers*
(1998) | |
|  | |
| Singles from  *Drugstore* | |
| 1. "Alive"
Released: April 1993 2. "Starcrossed"
Released: September 1994 3. "Nectarine"
Released: 2 January 1995 4. "Solitary Party Groover"
Released: 6 March 1995 5. "Fader"
Released: 29 May 1995 | |
|  | |


title: Protogoniomorpha anacardii

abstract: Protogoniomorpha anacardii, the clouded mother-of-pearl, is a species of Nymphalidae butterfly found in tropical Africa, and in Arabia The wingspan of this species is 55–68 mm for males and 65–75 mm for females. Its flight period is year-round, peaking in summer and autumn. P. anacardii caterpillars eat Asystasia, Brillantaisia, Isoglossa, Justicia, Mimulopsis, and Paulowilhelmia flowers. The dorsal side of this species' wings are stark white with dark spots by the outer margin and two yellow eye spots near the bottom. The ventral side of this species' wings resemble a dead leaf.

text:
# Protogoniomorpha anacardii

***Protogoniomorpha anacardii***, the **clouded mother-of-pearl**, is a species of Nymphalidae butterfly found in tropical Africa, and in Arabia (*P. a. nebulosa*: Saudi Arabia and Yemen)

The wingspan of this species is 55–68 mm for males and 65–75 mm for females.

Its flight period is year-round, peaking in summer and autumn.

*P. anacardii* caterpillars eat *Asystasia*, *Brillantaisia*, *Isoglossa*, *Justicia*, *Mimulopsis*, and *Paulowilhelmia* flowers. The dorsal side of this species' wings are stark white with dark spots by the outer margin and two yellow eye spots near the bottom. The ventral side of this species' wings resemble a dead leaf.

## Subspecies

* *P. a. anacardii* — Sierra Leone, Ivory Coast, Ghana, Togo, western Nigeria, Central African Republic to the Rift Valley
* *P. a. ansorgei* (Rothschild, 1904) — Angola, southern Democratic Republic of the Congo
* *P. a. nebulosa* Trimen, 1881 — Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Kenya, Tanzania, Zambia, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Botswana, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Eswatini, Yemen

## InfoBox

| Clouded mother-of-pearl | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| *P. a. anacardii*, Ghana | |
|  | |
| Underside | |
| Conservation status | |
|
Least Concern  (IUCN 3.1) | |
| Scientific classification | |
| Domain: | Eukaryota |
| Kingdom: | Animalia |
| Phylum: | Arthropoda |
| Class: | Insecta |
| Order: | Lepidoptera |
| Family: | Nymphalidae |
| Genus: | *Protogoniomorpha* |
| Species: | ***P. anacardii*** |
| Binomial name | |
| ***Protogoniomorpha anacardii***
(Linnaeus, 1758) | |
|
|  | |
| Approximate range   *P. a. anacardii* (Linnaeus, 1758)   *P. a. nebulosa* (Trimen, 1881)   *P. a. ansorgei* (Rothschild, 1904)   *P. (a.) duprei* (Vinson, 1863) | |
| Synonyms | |
| * *Papilio anacardii* Linnaeus, 1758 * *Salamis anacardii* * *Salamis anacardii ansorgei* Rothschild, 1904 * *Salamis definata* Butler, 1879 * *Salamis duprei* var. *billerei* Oberthür, 1925 * *Salamis nebulosa* Trimen, 1881 * *Salamis anacardii* var. *lurida* Niepelt, 1920 * *Salamis anacardii* f. *formosa* Stoneham, 1965 * *Protogoniomorpha anacardii nebulosa* f. *trimeni* van Son, 1979 | |


title: Delicate AWOL

abstract: Delicate AWOL were a British experimental rock band active between 1998 and 2005. They were notable for their cross-pollination of various musical forms, their links with British post-rock band Rothko, their activities in promoting the London underground music scene of the early 2000s, and for establishing the brief-lived but well-regarded indie record label Day Release. Members of the band later went on to Avant-folk duo Tells, the later Rothko line-up and Rocketnumbernine.

text:
# Delicate AWOL

**Delicate AWOL** were a British experimental rock band active between 1998 and 2005. They were notable for their cross-pollination of various musical forms (including indie rock, art rock, post-rock, jazz, Latin and out-rock), their links with British post-rock band Rothko, their activities in promoting the London underground music scene of the early 2000s, and for establishing the brief-lived but well-regarded indie record label Day Release. Members of the band later went on to Avant-folk duo Tells, the later Rothko line-up and Rocketnumbernine.

## Sound and influences

Between the formation and demise of the band, Delicate AWOL's sound underwent an extensive transformation. Originally favouring a harsh guitar-orientated urban indie sound, the band passed through a more ethereal art rock mid-period and ultimately arrived at a more groove-orientated jazz-influenced sound incorporating electronica, elements of Brazilian music and electric-period inspired by Miles Davis.

At various times, the band cited influences including Mogwai, Cocteau Twins, Low, art rock from 1990s Chicago (such as Tortoise and The For Carnation) and Montreal (Godspeed You! Black Emperor) and 1970s Britain (King Crimson). Reviewers sometimes compared Delicate AWOL to bands like Stereolab, Bardo Pond, Movietone, Pram, Tarwater and Parlour.

## History

### Formation and early lineups

Caroline Ross had played guitar or bass in various London bands during the 1990s, later teaming up with fine artist Jim Brook (who also played music under the name of Jim Version). The duo's first band was "Ripley", soon renamed "Vaughan." In 1998, after various line-up changes, the formation became Delicate AWOL, in which Ross (vocals, guitar, flute) and Version (guitar) were joined by Yann Faurie (drums) and Valerie Lockett from London (bass guitar). Ensconcing themselves in Toby Robinson's Moat Studios in Stockwell, the band began to work on refining their sound.

In 1999, Ross and Version set up the Day Release record label to release their own future recordings and those of others. Releases from Day Release included material by Robinson's Krautrock project The Nazgul, singer songwriter David Hurn, Godspeed You! Black Emperor spinoff Trois Pistoles, The Monsoon Bassoon, amongst others. One of the first Day Release releases, in mid-1999, was Delicate AWOL's debut EP *Random Blinking Lights*. At the time, the band was still very much in an art-rock/indie rock vein, sporting an abrasive edge, relatively simple rhythms, Version's heavily distorted guitar and Ross singing in an incantatory tone reminiscent of Patti Smith. The band also developed a short-lived all-instrumental alter ego called *Forty Shades Of Black*, releasing a simultaneous single called "Belisha". A tour of England and Scotland to promote both of the new releases ended with some changes to the line-up in Scotland with Faurie and Lockett leaving the group to work on other projects. Delicate AWOL completed their tour obligations playing the final gig of the tour at King Tut's in Glasgow as a two-piece of Ross and Version.

### Stabilizing the line-up, and *Our Genome*

Heartened by the positive audience reception in Glasgow, Ross and Version returned to London and began recording their debut album, *Our Genome*, as a duo. When Michael Donnelly (bass) and Tom Page (drums) were recruited into the band mid-sessions. Ross and Version became so enthused with their new bandmates’ contributions that they scrapped the original version of *Our Genome* altogether and began rewriting and recording the album from scratch. Some tracks from the original *Our Genome* sessions surfaced later as EP tracks, and a few complete copies of the shelved album are in private hands.

In the summer of 2000, Delicate AWOL released the "Hurray for Sugar" single - a delicate, whispering song which clearly indicated that the band had moved on from their more abrasive beginnings. Tom Page's percussionist brother Ben Page was added to the line-up, and Ross added more instruments to her live armory (including ocarina, melodica and assorted small percussion instruments). The band's next release was part of the Day Release "Four Seasons Singles Club", a series of releases each of which featured three EPs from three different artists: Delicate AWOL contributed three tracks to the "Autumn" issue. In November 2000, the band performed at the fourth Terrastock festival in Seattle, Washington State, USA.

*Our Genome* was released by Day Release Records in the spring of 2001. It displayed a much-evolved band sound – more cohesive and dynamic, and considerably quieter, with added instrumentation (including horns) on several tracks. Demonstrating the band's intention to keep moving, it featured none of the early singles and no previously released tracks. The band were now heading in a post-rock direction, with Ross’ vocals assuming more of an ensemble/instrumental quality and various experiments with textures.

By this time, Delicate AWOL had also established themselves as a significant band within the London math rock scene, sharing stages and audiences with bands such as the Monsoon Bassoon, Rothko, the Shrubbies (featuring future North Sea Radio Orchestra members), Geiger Counter, Billy Mahonie and others. For a while, they also ran their own club night, "Everywhere Is Mouse", in the basement of Helter Skelter music bookstore in Denmark Street. The event attracted performers including The Monsoon Bassoon, Stewart Lee and Al Murray (performing as part of a band), Keith Burstein and others.

Adding trumpeter Jo Wright to the line-up, Delicate AWOL toured America during the summer of 2001 and returned to play the fifth Terrastock festival (this time in Boston) in October. The *Driesh* EP, released in autumn 2001 (with the band's elegiac set-closer "Dust" as the lead track) ended the band's middle period. One track - the instrumental "Evergreen China Prairie Tribunal" - pointed the way forward towards the next phase.

### *Heart Drops from the Great Space*

As a live act, Delicate AWOL were becoming more and more influenced by the lighter and more fluid rhythms of jazz, with the rhythm section now embracing spacious groove and Latin-inspired rhythms, Wright improvising complex trumpet lines and Ben Page playing analogue-style synthesizers as well as percussion. Although Version's overdriven guitar maintained a link to the band's art rock past, Ross was now a committed multi-instrumentalist with a vocal style that had begun to incorporate folk, Latin and swing stylings.

In 2002, the band signed a deal with the revived indie label Fire Records and wound up Day Release Records in order to concentrate on band work (David Hurn also made the crossing from Day Release to Fire). The band's second album, *Heart Drops From The Great Space* was released on Fire Records the same year and was accompanied by the 12-inch vinyl EP *Time And Motion Studies Deep Underground*. Both clearly demonstrated the evolution of the live band, who also cemented their links with Rothko by providing most of the instrumentation on the 2004 Rothko album *A Continual Search for Origins*.

### Relocation and split

In 2003, Delicate AWOL relocated from London to the village of Huntly (in Aberdeenshire, Scotland). This was apparently an attempt to escape urban pressures, to liberate their musical creativity (including Version's burgeoning career as a sound engineer and producer) and to get more involved in both community activity and the band's other love - visual art.

In fact, the move led to the slow disintegration of the band. While maintaining her links with Delicate AWOL, Jo Wright had already left the active lineup: she was shortly followed by bass player Donnelly. In 2005 the Page brothers also left the band and returned to London. Donelly was replaced for a while by the Aberdeen-based Philip Johnston (who also doubled on flute and saxophone).

A final version of Delicate AWOL performed at the Tunnels club in Aberdeen on April 10 2005, with the line-up: Ross, Version, Neil Scollay (drums), Danny Ashton (guitar), Kate Mutsaers and Martha Buckingham (vocals). This line-up and guest Marian Nagahiro performed at Forgue Kirk in Huntly on 30 April 2005.

Ross and Version quietly dissolved Delicate AWOL shortly after their last performance, having found that their new compositions were unsuited to the restrictions of a settled band.

## Post-split activities

Ross and Version continued to work together for a few years as the avant-folk/experimental duo **Tells** before going their separate ways. Songs originally conceived for the third Delicate AWOL album appeared on Tells' lone 2006 album *Hope Your Wounds Heal*. While still with Tells, Caroline Ross contributed to two tracks on Susumu Yokota's 2005 album *Distant Sounds of Summer* as well as recording a collaboration album with Rothko called *A Place Between* which is credited to Rothko and Caroline Ross.

Jim Version - reverting to his original surname of Brooks - would subsequently relocate to Cheltenham, where he remained involved in art and music. Returning to London and the south-east, Ross joined the live band of experimental folk musician Woodpecker Wooliams in 2009, singing and playing flute, glockenspiel, omnichord, cheese-grater and other instrument and items.

Regarding the other former members of Delicate AWOL, Michael Donelly would return to London and continue as part of the second and third lineups of Rothko, while Tom and Ben Page would form the improvising instrumental duo Rocketnumbernine (working both solo and with artists such as Neneh Cherry). Under her married name of Downs, Jo Wright went on to work with The Sweet Believers and assorted jazz orchestras.

Former french drummer Yann Faurie played, toured and recorded with power pop band EL ROYCE for 10 years, and is now playing and composing in the duo Mechuta.

## Members

* Caroline Ross - vocals, guitar, bass guitar, percussion, melodica, ocarina (1998–2005)
* Jim Version - guitar (1998–2005)
* Yann Faurie - drums (1998–1999) UK & European Tours
* Valerie Lockett - bass guitar (1998–1999) UK & European Tours
* Michael Donnelly - bass guitar (2000–2004)
* Tom Page - drums (2000–2005)
* Ben Page - percussion, keyboards (2000–2005)
* Jo Wright - trumpet (2001–2003)
* Philip Johnston - bass guitar, flute, saxophone (2005)
* Neil Scollay - drums (2005)
* Danny Ashton - guitar (2005)
* Kate Mutsaers, Martha Buckingham - additional vocals (2005)
* Marian Nagahiro - additional vocals (2005)

Several other undocumented musicians played in the band during 1998–1999.

## Discography

### Albums

* *Our Genome* (2001, Day Release Records)
* *Heart Drops from the Great Space* (2003, Fire Records)

### Singles & EPs

* *Random Blinking Lights* (1999, Day Release Records)
* *Hurray For Sugar* (2000, Day Release Records)
* *In a City of.... (I Saw Your Face First) / Busted Pony / Feelings Hardly Ever Mean a Thing* (2000, Day Release Records – included in "Autumn" triple CD EP box-set release as part of Four Seasons Singles Club)
* *Driesh* (2001, Day Release Records)
* *Time & Motion Studies Deep Underground* (Fire Records, 2003)

### As Forty Shades of Black

* *Belisha* – Single (1999, Day Release Records)

### Miscellaneous

* *Our Genome* (2000 – original debut album with completely different content apart from one track - unreleased)


title: Paulus Powell

abstract: Paulus Powell was a nineteenth-century politician from Virginia.

text:
# Paulus Powell

**Paulus Powell** (1809  June 10, 1874) was a nineteenth-century politician from Virginia.

## Biography

Born in Amherst County, Virginia, Powell attended private schools as a child and went on to attend Amherst College. He held several local offices and was a member of the Virginia House of Delegates from 1843 to 1849. He was elected a Democrat to the United States House of Representatives in 1848, serving from 1849 to 1859. After being unsuccessful for reelection in 1858, he returned to the House of Delegates in 1863 and 1864. Powell died in Amherst, Virginia, on June 10, 1874, and was interred in the family cemetery on his brother-in-law's estate called "Kenmore" near Amherst.

## Electoral history

* **1849**; Powell was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives with 50.87% of the vote, defeating Whig William Leftwich Goggin.
* **1851**; Powell was re-elected with 51.46% of the vote, defeating Whig Goggin.
* **1853**; Powell was re-elected with 52.49% of the vote, defeating Whig Alexander Mosely.
* **1855**; Powell was re-elected with 56.68% of the vote, defeating an American identified only as Ligon.
* **1857**; Powell was re-elected unopposed.
* **1859**; Powell lost his bid for re-election.

* United States Congress. "Paulus Powell (id: P000483)". *Biographical Directory of the United States Congress*.

## InfoBox

| Paulus Powell | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Member of the Virginia House of Delegates from Amherst County | |
| **In office**
1863–1865
Alongside Henry E. Smith | |
| **In office**
1843–1847 | |
| Preceded by | James Powell |
| Succeeded by | William Dillard |
| Member of the U.S. House of Representatives
from Virginia's 6th district | |
| **In office**
March 4, 1853  March 3, 1859 | |
| Preceded by | John Caskie |
| Succeeded by | Shelton Leake |
| Member of the U.S. House of Representatives
from Virginia's 5th district | |
| **In office**
March 4, 1849  March 3, 1853 | |
| Preceded by | William L. Goggin |
| Succeeded by | Thomas S. Bocock |
|  | |
| Personal details | |
| Born | 1809
Amherst County, Virginia |
| Died | June 10, 1874 (aged 6465)
Amherst, Virginia |
| Resting place | "Kenmore," Amherst, Virginia |
| Political party | Democratic |
| Profession | Planter, lawyer, judge |
|  | |


title: Battle of Bolshie Ozerki

abstract: The Battle of Bolshie Ozerki was a major engagement fought during the Allied North Russia Intervention in the Russian Civil War. Beginning on March 31, 1919, a force of British, American, Polish, and White Russian troops engaged several Red Army partisan regiments at the village of Bolshie Ozerki. Although the initial Allied attacks were repelled, the outnumbered Allies managed to repel the Soviet flanking attempts that followed and the Red Army was later ordered to withdraw. Allied forces began to withdraw rapidly from northern Russia shortly thereafter. The battle was the last engagement of British forces in the intervention. It was also one of the last significant engagements to involve American forces. Two months later, American forces of the Siberian Intervention successfully defended their camp from a Red attack at Romanovka by forces that greatly outnumbered them. The following month, they inflicted hundreds of casualties during the Suchan Valley Campaign.

text:
# Battle of Bolshie Ozerki

The **Battle of Bolshie Ozerki** was a major engagement fought during the Allied North Russia Intervention in the Russian Civil War. Beginning on March 31, 1919, a force of British, American, Polish, and White Russian troops engaged several Red Army partisan regiments at the village of Bolshie Ozerki. Although the initial Allied attacks were repelled, the outnumbered Allies managed to repel the Soviet flanking attempts that followed and the Red Army was later ordered to withdraw. Allied forces began to withdraw rapidly from northern Russia shortly thereafter.

The battle was the last engagement of British forces in the intervention. It was also one of the last significant engagements to involve American forces. Two months later, American forces of the Siberian Intervention successfully defended their camp from a Red attack at Romanovka by forces that greatly outnumbered them. The following month, they inflicted hundreds of casualties during the Suchan Valley Campaign.

## Background

Bolshie Ozerki was a small village situated between the port city of Onega and an important Allied position at Obozerskaya Station, along the Arkhangelsk-Vologda railroad. Because the port of the main Allied base at Arkhangelsk froze every winter, reinforcements had to be brought overland to the front line from the port of Murmansk, which did not freeze. The road linking Murmansk to Obozerskaya ran through Bolshie Ozerki, so when the British 6th Battalion, Yorkshire Regiment ("Green Howards") was dispatched to the front, the Red Army decided to seize the village in order to prevent the British column from reaching Obozerskaya. After destroying the British column and taking control of the railroad, the Red Army would then proceed by clearing the way to Arkhangelsk, which would then be taken.

Several skirmishes occurred at Bolshie Ozerki immediately before the main battle, which began on March 31. The first occurred on March 17, when a Red Army ski detachment led by Osip Palkin reconnoitered the village's defenses. Stealthily, the Reds captured two sentries and learned the precise locations of the Allied positions. Armed with this information, Commander Petr A. Solodukhin's brigade of 600 to 800 men attacked and overwhelmed between 80 and 160 French and White Russian troops garrisoning the village, capturing the outpost intact. On the following day the Allies launched an abortive counterattack. The 6th Red Army commander, Major General Aleksandr Samoilo, ordered his men to cease all offensive operations on the same day, citing shortages of warm gear and other necessities, the tenuous hold Commander Solodukhin (who had not captured every building) had on the village, and reports of troops in other sectors being frozen to death or frostbitten by bitter -30 °C (-22 °F) temperatures. Samoilo issued orders for the 6th Army to resume offensive operations on March 25, but the Red Army commander-in-chief, Colonel Ioakim I. Vatsetis, countermanded it "because of the severe frost."

On March 23, about 320 British soldiers from the 6th Battalion, Yorkshire Regiment and 70 American troops from Company H, 339th Infantry Regiment launched coordinated attacks on Bolshie Ozerki from positions west of the village. Waist-deep snow, which prevented the Allies from charging, and heavy enemy machine gun fire repulsed the attack. Simultaneously, 300 White Russians and between 40 and 80 British soldiers assaulted the eastern approaches along the road, also foundering in the face of effective enemy withering fire. Company E, 339th Infantry attempted to flank the enemy defenses by skirting through the forest north of the road. However, the movement required the unit to cover three miles of snow-covered forest in four hours time. Exhausted from already marching ten miles and hampered by awkward Shackleton boots (canvas and leather footwear with smooth soles and low heels designed by the Antarctic explorer Sir Ernest Shackleton, they were extremely slippery on ice or packed snow and generally considered inferior to the natives' felt boots by the Allies), the Americans failed to traverse the forest in time and were ordered to return. The Allies lost about 75 men as result of the two attacks. General Edmund Ironside, who had personally taken command in the sector, ordered an artillery bombardment of Bolshie Ozerki. With the village mostly destroyed by March 25, General Ironside returned to Arkhangelsk.

Despite the weather, both sides continued to bring up reinforcements. The Allies constructed a series of wooden blockhouses, log barricades, and troop shelters at a site about 4 miles east of the village on the road to Obozerskaya, which was 12 miles further east. By the end of March, the Allies had brought up all of their available artillery from their railroad, mostly consisting of 75 mm guns manned by White Russians. They also concentrated all available troops from Arkhangelsk and other sectors, including Companies E, I, and M of the 339th Infantry Regiment, three White Russian companies (three infantry, one machine gun), two Yorkshire platoons, and one invaluable section from the US 310th Engineers. The Allied force, totaling less than 2,000 soldiers, faced an estimated 7,000 Red Army troops drawn from the 2nd Moscow Regiment, the 9th Saratov Regiment, and a Kamyshin brigade, possibly from Commander Fyodor Kuznetsov's Kamyshinsk Division. A Soviet artillery battery of 4.2-inch guns had been hauled into position over 37 miles at the cost of uncounted dead horses.

## Battle

At about 8:30 AM on the morning of March 31, 1919, the elements of the Red Army cut the telephone lines between Obozerskaya and the Allied positions along the road. Three battalions of the 2nd Moscow Regiment then flanked the Allies from the north and attempted to capture two 75 mm guns. Lieutenant Kukovsky, the White Russian responsible for these guns, reversed them in time to fire four shrapnel rounds into the Reds at point-blank range. The effective fire from the Lewis gun team under Corporal Pratt, Company M, 339th Infantry, halted the Muscovites with heavy losses. Fighting then shifted to frontal positions as the Red Army launched repeated attacks from Bolshie Ozerki throughout the day. Combined with the added toll inflicted by Allied artillery, devastating fire from the forward blockhouse and front line positions drove back every Soviet attack until nightfall.

The main Red Army assault began at about 3:30 AM on April 1, shortly after daybreak, with determined frontal attacks and a weaker demonstration at the Allies' rear. Again, all Soviet attacks were driven back by machine gun, rifle, and artillery fire. At times, rifle grenades were employed when Soviet troops came within their 200-yard range. Several Soviet deserters revealed demoralization within Red units, reporting that an entire company of the 97th Saratov Regiment had refused to advance. Despite this, Allied launched a diversionary attack against on the village from the west in order to relieve the pressure on heavily engaged Allied units to the east.

The Allies had planned the diversionary attack for 3:00 AM on April 2, 1919. Lieutenant Marsh, leading C Company of the Yorkshires, accompanied by White Russian guides would move along a forest trail that had been recently reconnoitered by a White Russian officer. A Company, Yorkshires, under Captain Bailey would advance along another trail blazed about a week earlier, protected on its right flank by a detachment moving along the main road leading into the village from the northwest. Along with part of a White Russian machine gun company, an American trench mortar detachment and machine gun team from Company H, 339th Infantry would also assist Captain Bailey, providing two infantry platoons for a reserve. A Polish company would advance along the main road and deploy south of the road upon contact with the enemy.

The attack was, however, no more successful than the concurrent Red Army offensive. Lieutenant Marsh reported at 2:00 AM that his company was lost, his horses were belly-deep in the snow, and that he could not proceed, thus neutralizing a main element in the attack until it returned to the main road, far from its objective, at 5:10 AM. The Poles had suffered heavy casualties by this time, forcing them to withdraw temporarily. A Company was partially surrounded at 6:10 AM and forced to yield ground. Lieutenant Goodloss assumed command when Captain Bailey was killed and subsequently ordered a retreat. Lieutenant Clifford F. Phillips, leading a platoon from Company H, 339th Infantry, rushed up from the reserves to cover the British retreat. Lt. Phillips was also mortally wounded in this subsequent delaying action, repelling enemy counterattacks for an hour with a few men and 2 Lewis guns until reinforcements arrived.

The citation for his posthumous receipt of the Distinguished Service Cross for bravery reads as follows:

> During the attack on Bolshie Ozerki from the west by Company H, Lt. Phillips, "through the superb control of his men, kept them all in line and his Lewis guns going with great effectiveness and gave ground slowly and grudgingly, in spite of casualties and great severity of cold." During the fighting, Lt. Phillips received a chest wound, which nicked an artery in his lung. According to his Company commander, who was watching him when he was hit, "it knocked him down as if a ton of brick had fallen on him. He said to me, 'My God, I got it. Captain, don't bother with me, I am done for, just look after the boys'." Lt. Phillips was eventually removed to the field hospital in Onega, where he died on 10 May 1919.

Artillery and mortar exchanges ensued throughout the remainder of the day until a successful Allied counterattack occurred at 5:30 PM in response to Soviet pressure on both flanks. The Bolsheviks disengaged at 7:00 PM and roughly an hour later, the Allies withdrew under cover of darkness to nearby quarters in settlements in the rear. Many soldiers suffered from exhaustion and severe frostbite. A heavy Soviet artillery and mortar barrage east of Bolshie Ozerki was met by an Allied counter-barrage on April 2. By noon, even weak infantry attacks had effectively ended. No more attacks followed, and by April 5 the Soviets withdrew from the area as further delay would have risked the loss or immobilization of guns and sleighs in spring mud. The Allies began evacuation from Arkhangelsk immediately after the thaw of ice.

## Aftermath

The fierce engagements at the turn of the month were the last major battles of the campaign in northern Russia. The Allies temporarily checked Soviet forces, defending their road positions, but did not succeed in budging them from their defenses at Bolshie Ozerki. Both sides suffered heavily from exposure despite sunny days and nighttime temperatures that did not fall below -20 °C (-4 °F). Sunshine melted snow which soaked through the canvas tops of Allied Shackleton boots, causing more cases of frostbite than even the coldest days of winter and conditions below -40 °C (-40 °F). A Soviet source acknowledged 500 frostbite casualties in the Kamyshin brigade alone, which was recklessly committed from the milder climate of the southern Volga region before receiving proper winter clothing, such as felt boots and sheepskin coats. The deployment of thousands of Soviet troops in the open for days on end condemned many to frostbite or death by freezing. In light of these facts, the Allied estimates of 2,000 Bolshevik casualties from all causes may have conservatively erred.

At least 10 members of the Yorkshire Regiment died during the April 1919 fighting.

In mid-April 17, Brigadier General Wilds P. Richardson arrived in Arkhangelsk after a personal briefing from President Woodrow Wilson to take charge of the evacuation of U.S. forces from North Russia. As the phased withdrawal from fighting fronts to bases in and around Arkhangelsk continued through the following months, operational control of the theater shifted to the White Army under the command of Governor-General Yevgeny-Ludvug Karlovich Miller.

## InfoBox

| Battle of Bolshie Ozerki | |
| --- | --- |
| Part of the Allied North Russia Intervention during the Russian Civil War | |
|
A Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army soldier that was killed during an attempted flank attack on Allied positions along the Obozerskaya road at Verst 16. April 8, 1919 | |
| Date 31 March – 2 April 1919  Location Bolshie Ozerki, Arkhangelsk Oblast, Russia  Result  White and allies victory | |
| Belligerents | |
| United Kingdom
United States
Northern Russia
Poland | Russian SFSR |
| Commanders and leaders | |
| Edmund Ironside
George Evans Stewart | Aleksandr Samoylo |
| Strength | |
| ~2,000 | ~7,000 |
| Casualties and losses | |
| At least 75 killed | ~2,000 (Allied claim) |


title: Raab-Katzenstein

abstract: Raab-Katzenstein was a 1920s German aircraft manufacturer based in Kassel.

text:
# Raab-Katzenstein

**Raab-Katzenstein** was a 1920s German aircraft manufacturer based in Kassel.

## History

The main character of the company was its designer Gerhard Fieseler. Following World War I, he returned to printing, but yearned to return to flying. In 1926, he closed his print shop in Eschweiler and became a flight instructor with Raab-Katzenstein and continued to hone his flying skills, becoming an accomplished stunt pilot. In 1927, he performed a particularly daring routine in Zürich and started to command increasingly high fees for appearances. In 1928 while working at Raab-Katzenstein, he designed his own stunt plane, the Fieseler F1 (also known as the Raab-Katzenstein RK-26 Tigerschwalbe), which was offered and sold to a Swedish company called AB Svenska Järnvägverkstaderna (ASJA), which built 25 of the type for Swedish Air Force in the beginning of the 1930s.

In 1930, Raab-Katzenstein was bankrupt, and Fieseler decided to strike out on his own. Using money he had been saving from his aerobatics, he bought the Segelflugzeugbau Kassel sailplane factory and renamed it Fieseler Flugzeugbau.

## Aircraft

Data from German Aviation 1919-1945

## InfoBox

Raab-Katzenstein
| Industry | Aircraft manufacture |
| --- | --- |
| Predecessor | Dietrich-Gobiet Flugzeugwerk |
| Founded | November 16, 1925 (1925-11-16) in Kassel, Germany |
| Founder | Antonius Raab<br>Kurt Katzenstein |
| Defunct | 1930 |
| Fate | Bankrupt |
| Successor | Fieseler |
| Key people | Gerhard Fieseler |


abstract: The 1981–82 North Carolina A&T Aggies men's basketball team represented North Carolina Agricultural and Technical State University during the 1981–82 NCAA Division I men's basketball season. The Aggies, led by third-year head coach Don Corbett, played their home games at the Corbett Sports Center as members of the Mid-Eastern Athletic Conference. They finished the season 19–9, 10–2 in MEAC play to finish in first place. They were champions of the MEAC tournament, winning the championship game over Morgan State, to earn an automatic bid to the 1982 NCAA tournament where they were defeated by West Virginia, 102–72, in the opening round. This marked the first appearance in the NCAA Tournament in program history and started a streak of seven consecutive NCAA Tournament appearances.

text:
# 1981–82 North Carolina A&T Aggies men's basketball team

1981–82 MEAC men's basketball standings
|  | Conf | | | | |  |  | Overall | | | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| Team | W |  | L |  | PCT |  |  | W |  | L |  | PCT |
| North Carolina A&T | 10 |  | 2 |  | .833 |  |  | 19 |  | 9 |  | .679 |
| Howard | 9 |  | 3 |  | .750 |  |  | 17 |  | 11 |  | .607 |
| South Carolina State | 7 |  | 5 |  | .583 |  |  | 10 |  | 15 |  | .400 |
| Florida A&M | 5 |  | 7 |  | .417 |  |  | 10 |  | 17 |  | .370 |
| Delaware State | 4 |  | 8 |  | .333 |  |  | 13 |  | 13 |  | .500 |
| Bethune–Cookman | 4 |  | 8 |  | .333 |  |  | 10 |  | 18 |  | .357 |
| Maryland Eastern Shore | 3 |  | 9 |  | .250 |  |  | 6 |  | 20 |  | .231 |
|  | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| 1982 MEAC tournament winner
Rankings from AP Poll | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |

The **1981–82 North Carolina A&T Aggies men's basketball team** represented North Carolina Agricultural and Technical State University during the 1981–82 NCAA Division I men's basketball season. The Aggies, led by third-year head coach Don Corbett, played their home games at the Corbett Sports Center as members of the Mid-Eastern Athletic Conference. They finished the season 19–9, 10–2 in MEAC play to finish in first place. They were champions of the MEAC tournament, winning the championship game over Morgan State, to earn an automatic bid to the 1982 NCAA tournament where they were defeated by West Virginia, 102–72, in the opening round. This marked the first appearance in the NCAA Tournament in program history and started a streak of seven consecutive NCAA Tournament appearances.

## Roster

| 1981–82 North Carolina A&T Aggies men's basketball team | |
| --- | --- |
| Players | Coaches |
| Pos. # Name Height Weight Year Hometown  25 Joe Binion 6 ft 8 in (2.03 m) 230 lb (104 kg) So Rochester, New York  34 Eric Boyd 6 ft 4 in (1.93 m)  Fr | Head coach Assistant coach(es)  ---  Legend* **(C)** Team captain * **(S)** Suspended * **(I)** Ineligible * **(W)** Walk-on |

## Schedule and results

| Date
time, TV | Rank# | Opponent# | Result | Record | Site (attendance)
city, state |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| Regular season | | | | | | | | |
| Dec 5, 1981*
 |  | at Grambling State | **L** 69–71 | 0–1
 | Tiger Memorial Gym
Grambling, Louisiana |
| 1982 MEAC tournament | | | | | | | | |
| Mar 6, 1982*
 |  | vs. Florida A&M
*Semifinals* | **W** 47–45 | 18–8
 | Winston-Salem Memorial Coliseum
Winston-Salem, North Carolina |
| Mar 7, 1982*
 |  | vs. Howard
*Championship game* | **W** 79–67 | 19–8
 | Winston-Salem Memorial Coliseum
Winston-Salem, North Carolina |
| 1982 NCAA tournament | | | | | | | | |
| Mar 11, 1982*
 |  | vs. No. 14 West Virginia
*First Round* | **L** 72–102 | 19–9
 | Dee Glen Smith Spectrum
Logan, Utah |
| *Non-conference game. #Rankings from AP Poll. (#) Tournament seedings in parentheses.
ME=Mideast.
All times are in Eastern Time. | | | | | | | | | | | |

## Awards and honors

## InfoBox

| 1981–82 North Carolina A&T Aggies men's basketball | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| MEAC regular season champions
MEAC tournament champions | |
| NCAA tournament, First Round | |
| Conference | Mid-Eastern Athletic Conference |
| Record | 19–9 (10–2 MEAC) |
| Head coach |  |
| Home arena | Corbett Sports Center |
|


title: Single-room occupancy

abstract: Single-room occupancy (SRO) is a type of low-cost housing typically aimed at residents with low or minimal incomes, or single adults who like a minimalist lifestyle, who rent small, furnished single rooms with a bed, chair, and sometimes a small desk. SRO units are rented out as permanent residence and/or primary residence to individuals, within a multi-tenant building where tenants share a kitchen, toilets or bathrooms. SRO units range from 7 to 13 square metres. In some instances, contemporary units may have a small refrigerator, microwave, or sink. SROs are a form of affordable housing, in some cases for formerly or otherwise homeless individuals. SRO units are the least expensive form of non-subsidized rental housing, with median rents even in New York City ranging from $450 to $705 per month in 2013. The term is primarily used in Canada and US. Since the 1970s and 1980s, there has been an increasing displacement of SRO units aimed at low-income earners in a process of gentrification, with SRO facilities being sold and turned into condominiums. Between 1955 and 2013, almost one million SRO units were eliminated in the US by regulation, conversion or demolition. The term SRO refers to the fact that the tenant rents a single room, as opposed to a full flat (apartment). While roommates informally sharing an apartment may also have a bedroom and share a bathroom and kitchen, an SRO tenant leases the SRO unit individually. SRO units may be provided in a rooming house, apartment building, or in illegal conversions of private homes into many small SRO rooms. There is a variety of levels of quality, ranging from a "cubicle with a wire mesh ceiling", at the lowest end, to small hotel rooms or small studio apartments without bathrooms, at the higher end. They may also be referred to as "SRO hotels", which acknowledges that many of the buildings are old hotels that are in a poor state of repair and maintenance. The initialism SRO has also been stated to mean "single resident only". The terms "residential hotel" or "efficiency unit" are also used to refer to some SROs.

text:
# Single-room occupancy

**Single-room occupancy** (**SRO**) is a type of low-cost housing typically aimed at residents with low or minimal incomes, or single adults who like a minimalist lifestyle, who rent small, furnished single rooms with a bed, chair, and sometimes a small desk. SRO units are rented out as permanent residence and/or primary residence to individuals, within a multi-tenant building where tenants share a kitchen, toilets or bathrooms. SRO units range from 7 to 13 square metres (80 to 140 sq ft). In some instances, contemporary units may have a small refrigerator, microwave, or sink.

SROs are a form of affordable housing, in some cases for formerly or otherwise homeless individuals. SRO units are the least expensive form of non-subsidized rental housing, with median rents even in New York City ranging from $450 to $705 per month in 2013. The term is primarily used in Canada and US. Since the 1970s and 1980s, there has been an increasing displacement of SRO units aimed at low-income earners in a process of gentrification, with SRO facilities being sold and turned into condominiums. Between 1955 and 2013, almost one million SRO units were eliminated in the US by regulation, conversion or demolition.

The term SRO refers to the fact that the tenant rents a single room, as opposed to a full flat (apartment). While roommates informally sharing an apartment may also have a bedroom and share a bathroom and kitchen, an SRO tenant leases the SRO unit individually. SRO units may be provided in a rooming house, apartment building, or in illegal conversions of private homes into many small SRO rooms. There is a variety of levels of quality, ranging from a "cubicle with a wire mesh ceiling", at the lowest end, to small hotel rooms or small studio apartments without bathrooms, at the higher end. They may also be referred to as "SRO hotels", which acknowledges that many of the buildings are old hotels that are in a poor state of repair and maintenance. The initialism SRO has also been stated to mean "single resident only". The terms "residential hotel" or "efficiency unit" are also used to refer to some SROs.

## History

The term originated in New York City, probably in the 1930s (the *Oxford English Dictionary* provides an earliest citation of 1941), but such accommodations predate the nickname by at least fifty years. SROs exist in many American cities, and are most common in larger cities. In many cases, the buildings themselves were formerly hotels in or near a city's central business district, typically built in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Theodore Dreiser described early SRO hotels in his 1900 "naturist novel of urban life" *Sister Carrie*.

By the 1880s, urban reformers began working on modernizing cities; their efforts to create "uniformity within areas, less mixture of social classes, maximum privacy for each family, much lower density for many activities, buildings set back from the street, and a permanently built order" all meant that SRO hotels had to be cut back. By the 1890s, SRO hotels became "forbidden housing; their residents, forbidden citizens." New York City police inspector Thomas Byrnes stated that rather than give SRO hotels "palliative" care, they should be dealt with using a "knife, the blister, the amputating instruments."

Reformers used moral codes, building codes, fire codes, zoning, planning committees and inspections to limit or remove SRO hotels. An example of moral critiques is Simon Lubin's claims that "unregulated hotels" were "spreading venereal diseases among the soldiers". Other reformers tried to ban men and boys from rooming in the same hotels, due to concerns about homosexuality. The building and safety codes criticized SRO hotel problems such as "firetraps, dark rooms, inadequate plumbing, an insufficient ventilation." In San Francisco, building code inspections and restrictions were often used to racially harass Chinese laborers and the places they lived.

In 1917, California passed a new hotel act that prevented the building of new hotels with small cubicle rooms. In addition to banning or restricting SRO hotels, land use reformers also passed zoning rules that indirectly reduced SROs: banning mixed residential and commercial use in neighbourhoods, an approach which meant that any remaining SRO hotel's residents would find it hard to eat at a local cafe or walk to a nearby corner grocery to buy food. Non-residential uses such as religious institutions (churches) and professional offices (doctors, lawyers) were still permitted under these new zoning rules, but working-class people (plumbers, mechanics) were not allowed to operate businesses such as garages or plumbing businesses.

The United States saw a decrease in single-room occupancy housing during the period of 1960s and 1970s urban decay. For example, in Chicago 81% of the SRO housing stock disappeared between 1960 and 1980. Since the early 1970s, the supply of SRO spaces did not meet the demand in US cities. In 1970, newspapers in the US wrote about an "SRO \[supply\] crisis". Downtown SRO hotels offer few and possibly no rooms to rent to tourists. Indeed, since the end of WWII, the inexpensive hotels that became SROs were lost and not replaced, with the losses coming from conversion to office space, demolition, or upgrading to tourist rental. For example, in San Francisco from 1975 and 1980, 6,085 SRO rooms were lost; in Chicago, from 1973 and 1984, more than 23,000 SRO units were lost. Some viewed the removal of SRO hotels as a good thing, as it meant the "removal of substandard housing and unwanted neighbors" and their "public nuisance"; on the other hand, it was also viewed as causing more homelessness.

Paul Groth states that some downtown "residents literally cannot exist without them \[SROs\]" as they have "\[f\]ew, if any, housing alternatives." There are "myths about today's \[SRO\] hotel residents", claiming that they are all "isolated, needy, and disabled; all elderly; all on welfare; all elderly men; or all welfare mothers with three young children...\[,\] socially marginal, all mildly psychotic, all alcoholics or drug addicts, all drifters and transients", with some journalists using the derogatory term "welfare hotel". A 1985 study in Chicago revealed "a large minority of impoverished workers". In New York City, about one third of SRO dwellers are black and one quarter are Hispanic. Most SRO residents do not move more often than apartment renters, contrary to media references to "transients".

In the mid-1990s, many "city health officials, architects, city planners, and politicians still argue that no one should live in \[SRO\] hotels", which are viewed as leading to "severe social and physical maladjustment" and "public nuisance". Apart from media criticism, SRO residents are typically "unseen" and "invisible" in housing reform policies and reforms. SRO residents are typically not referred to explicitly in legislation, considered by city housing communities and urban development efforts, which means that SRO residents often have to move from district to district according to changes in real estate planning. San Francisco architect John Liu called SRO hotels the "most controversial, the most neglected, and the least understood of all housing types." The invisibility of SRO residents is caused by a lack of interest in the lives of the poor and in their lack of a "political constituency", as most housing policy focuses on the family. With the huge reductions in the number of SRO rooms available to the lowest-income populations in the US, the role of SROs is being taken over by homeless shelters; however, many homeless people avoid staying at shelters because they find them to be "dangerous and unappealing" or because they do not meet entry requirements (due to being intoxicated), leading to more people sleeping on the streets.

SRO hotels may be literally invisible to higher-income passers-by when they are discreetly located on the upper floors of a restaurant or retail store. There is a debate as to whether SRO hotel residents are "homeless". Paul Groth states that SRO residents are "not homeless. They are living in admittedly minimal and unusual dwelling units, often in hideous repair and under woefully inadequate management but dwelling units nonetheless." SROs were considered socially acceptable even as late as the late 1950s: the Alfred Hitchcock movie *Vertigo* depicted young administrative staff living in downtown SRO hotels. An equivalent term to SRO is "residential hotel".

### YMCA

In the US, the YMCA began building SRO facilities in the 1880s to house people from rural areas who moved into cities to look for work. The typical YMCA SRO housing provides "low-income, temporary housing for a rent of $110 per week (in 2005)" for stays that are typically three to six months long. By 1950, 670 of the 1,688 YMCAs in the US provided SRO spaces, which made 66,959 beds available. By the 1970s, the typical YMCA tenant was more likely to be homeless people and youth facing life issues, rather than people migrating from rural areas.

The pop song and gay anthem "YMCA" by the Village People describes the YMCA's mix of "gay culture and working-class workouts coexisting in a single communal space", creating "a mix of white-collar and blue-collar residents, along with retired seniors and veterans", with about half of residents being gay. While the song gives the impression that YMCA SROs in the 1970s had a party atmosphere, Paul Groth states that YMCA SRO units actually had "more supervision of your social life—a kind of management as to how you behaved ... \[than\] in a commercial rooming house, which mostly wanted to make sure the rooms were rented", without monitoring who you brought to your room. While some YMCAs hired professionals to help homeless people and troubled youths (e.g., addictions counselors, social workers, etc.), overall, by the 2000s (decade), most YMCAs decided to move away from providing SROs. By 2004, only 81 of the 2,594 YMCAs still had SRO units.

## United States

### New York City

For much of New York City's early history, housing was provided in shared accommodations that would probably be described as SROs today. These units provided housing for single, low-income men, and to a lesser degree, single low-income women. In New York City, the number of SRO units increased a great deal during the Great Depression, but with the deinstitutionalization of mentally ill people, SRO units became filled with tenants with mental health diagnoses, which led to bans on the building of new SRO units in the 1950s and taxation benefits for landlords to convert SROs into regular apartments.

In the late 1940s, tens of thousands of Puerto Rican families moved to the Upper West Side; in response to this new demand for housing, landlords harassed tenants of rent-controlled apartments to get them to leave and turned apartments into multi-room SROs, in some cases almost tripling their rental income for the same apartment building. Housing aimed at Puerto Ricans rose in price in response to the demand, while landlords reduced their maintenance. As the numbers of Puerto Ricans increased, overcrowding developed and bodegas and Hispanic-oriented stores opened; the elderly white middle-income residents became "hysterical on the subject of crime and safety", with community meetings held to deal with the issue of "foreigners" and "low types".

The anti-SRO policies of 1955 were introduced when the demographics of SRO residents changed towards immigrant families; in an environment influenced by "varying degrees of xenophobia and racism", the city took steps to ban new SRO unit construction, prevent families from living in SROs, and change building codes and zoning to discourage SROs. In the 1970s, the city introduced tax incentives for landlords to encourage them to convert SROs into regular apartments, a program which from 1976 to 1981 eliminated two thirds of the SRO stock in the city.

While the city realized by the 1980s that SRO units needed to be preserved, due to their role in housing homeless people, and introduced policies to encourage SRO retention, the number of SRO units had fallen by one half (from its Depression-era highest number). In 1985, the city tried to stop the loss of the remaining SRO units by banning the "conversion, alteration, or demolition" of SRO buildings, but by 1989, this law was struck down by an appeals court. The huge loss of SRO units in New York City is "not the inevitable result" of "market forces"; it was caused by an interaction between city housing policies and market forces.

#### Current status

Paul Tyrrell states that when New York City housing prices rose in the early 2000s (decade), SRO landlords tried to remove longtime SRO tenants to free up their real estate for more lucrative uses (one of these being Airbnb-style short-term rental). The owners of the Ace Hotel, a former SRO facility, converted their building to a luxury hotel, with only a few long-term, low-income SRO tenants using their leases to stay in the hotel. There are about 100,000 illegal SRO units in New York City, many of which are "unsafe, with too many people" for the space and a lack of proper fire exits and ventilation. Some landlords who wish to convert their old SRO hotel into a luxury boutique hotel may harass the renters or bribe the low-income tenants so they will leave. New York City law requires building owners to receive a certificate of no harassment (CONH) in order to demolish or convert their building to prove they were not intentionally forcing tenants out through harassment or bribery. NYC residents of illegal SROs are reluctant to complain to housing authorities about the condition of their units or rent regulation violations, as doing so could lead to their eviction.

With the increasing popularity of Airbnb, an online room- and house-renting service, housing activists were concerned that the availability of SRO units would decrease, as landlords may find they can make more money from renting the rooms to tourists. In March 2016, affordable housing advocates in New York City were pleased when a judge ruled that an Upper West Side SRO facility (the Imperial Court Hotel) could not rent out rooms for less than 30 days, a short-term tenure that would favour tourist rentals over lower-income long-term renters.

In New York City, some public figures have been recommending that SRO's should be made available legally again, due to great increases in rental prices city wide. Rose Haggerty, an activist for affordable housing has been seeking to develop new affordable housing, as described below:

In late 2023, Governor Kathy Hochul announced that millions would be spent on restoring SRO units for active housing. During the same period, Mayor Eric Adams announced sweeping new programs to provide afforable housing.

### San Francisco

In the middle of the 19th century, gold prospectors, sailors, and seasonal fruit and vegetable pickers lived in San Francisco's SRO hotels during the winter. SROs played a key role in providing housing for immigrant single adults and families, particularly those from China, Philippines, Japan and Latino countries; the SRO district was nicknamed "hotel city" due to the number of SRO hotels. By the late 1940s, the San Francisco Redevelopment Agency began working on "blight removal" and demolition, with thousands of SRO units destroyed to make way for redevelopment.

In 1966, pro-development members of the community formed the San Francisco Planning and Urban Renewal Association (SPUR) to lobby for the removal of poor, immigrant and minority SRO tenants: SPUR stated that "If San Francisco decides to compete effectively with other cities for new "clean" industries and new corporate power, its population will move closer to standard white Anglo-Saxon Protestant characteristics", and thus the association called for exerting "influence" over the city's population to achieve SPUR's goals of improving the "health of the city". In 1968, when a demolition permit was sought for the International Hotel, an SRO hotel inhabited by Filipino seniors, activists and protesters fought to stop it from being destroyed. Although community groups tried to stop the demolition with activism and court action, by 1977, the tenants were ordered to be evicted; protesters formed a human chain to stop the demolition, but police removed them and the building was razed.

During the 1970s, as San Francisco became a popular and economically successful city, job seekers came seeking homes; Justin Herman, the Executive Director of the San Francisco Redevelopment Agency criticized the presence of SROs, saying "This land is too valuable to permit poor people to park on it". By 1980, the hotel and convention industries were lobbying for the building of new hotels for tourists; tenant activists protested what they viewed as the "Manhattanization" of the city, including the gentrification and impacts on traffic and air cleanliness. From 1975 to 2000, landlords eliminated about 6,085 SRO units. From 1989 to 2002, more than 1,700 SRO units were destroyed by fires. Even in the 2000s, immigrants live three or four tenants per SRO room.

San Francisco is an example of a city that took over particularly squalid SROs, and renovated them for the disadvantaged. Landlords who intend to convert SROs may try to convince their tenants to sign releases, which may require relocation by the landlord and/or compensating the tenant. The United States Department of Housing and Urban Development subsidizes SRO rehabilitation to combat homelessness, under the McKinney–Vento Homeless Assistance Act of 1987. San Francisco passed an SRO Hotel Conversion Ordinance in 1980, which restricts the conversion of SRO hotels to tourist use. SROs are prominent in the Tenderloin, Mission District and Chinatown communities.

In 2001, San Francisco Supervisor Chris Daly sponsored legislation making it illegal for SRO landlords to charge "visitor fees"—a practice long run in order for hotel managers to get a "cut" on drug-dealing or prostitution activities in the building. After a rash of fires destroyed many SROs in San Francisco and left nearly one thousand tenants homeless, a new program to reduce fire risk in SRO hotels was initiated. In 2015, there were reports that San Francisco's Hotel EPIK would turn the New Pacific Hotel, a former SRO hotel, into a luxury boutique hotel. A 1980 city ordinance prohibits SRO landlords from renting SRO units to tourists for short term stays (which will result in a fine unless the landlord creates a replacement SRO unit).

Jerry Threet, San Francisco' deputy city attorney, says that SROs are "often the last barrier between SF’s poorest population and the streets". Threet says some SRO owners do the "bare minimum to maintain their buildings", leading to unsafe SRO units. In 2014, City Attorney Dennis Herrera sued the owners and managers of 15 San Francisco SROs for "pervasive violations of state and local laws intended to protect residents’ health, safety and tenancy rights". Herrera alleges that the SROs harass or otherwise push out SRO tenants before they can get 30 days tenancy, which gives them protection, an action nicknamed "musical rooms". He also alleges that the SROs either do not do repairs of their units, or do repairs without permits and without licensed, qualified contractors.

In 2016, *The Guardian* reported that the average SRO rents in San Francisco's Chinatown are increasing from $610 in 2013, to $970 in 2015 (the average rent for all rental housing was $3,907). The increase in SRO rents is due to the shift away from renting to Chinese immigrants towards "college graduates, single adults and white people". In 2016, about 60% of San Francisco's supportive housing tenants lived in SRO hotels. Newspaper reporters found "chronic maintenance issues, health code violations and frustrated residents" at some of these SRO hotels, typically built a century ago, including the Crosby Hotel in Tenderloin, which had "vermin infestations", no power, leaking pipes, and an elevator that was unreliable. Following numerous complaints, the owners of the Crosby Hotel spent $700,000 to repair and upgrade the building. The problems in the city's old SRO hotels are "old buildings with aging infrastructure filled with traumatized or dysfunctional people who sometimes can be destructive or neglectful through hoarding, attracting vermin or willfully damaging property". The Henry, another SRO hotel, is also being improved, with staff giving it new paint, an atrium area, WiFi and computers.

A 2018 article states that some SRO landlords in San Francisco are "holding \[SRO\] rooms empty, perhaps for years, driving up the value of a building" rather than rent them to low-income people; Erik Schmitt states that one in seven SRO rooms in the city are vacant, with some hotels having 100% vacancy.

### Seattle

The arrival of Asian immigrants to the Seattle area in the 1880s, many living in crowded rooming houses, led to concerns from the city council, which passed a cubic air ordinance in 1886 requiring 500 cubic feet of air space per resident. By the early 1900s (decade), Asian immigrants from Japan and China who settled in Seattle were typically the men from the family, who moved to the city's Chinatown and Nihonmachi districts and lived in SROs. Chinese immigrants came to Seattle to work as miners, cooks, railway laborers and cannery workers. These SRO residents used the restaurants, bath-houses, and barbershops to meet their living needs while they worked in Seattle-area industries. Some SROs aimed at Asian residents had a bath-house in the basement to serve Japanese immigrant clients.

One SRO in Seattle's Chinatown that housed immigrant workers, the West Kong Yick hotel, was closed in the 1970s when it could not afford to comply with Seattle fire and building code updates; it was still closed in 2018. By 1980, only 77 of Seattle's original 350 residential hotels were still standing, due to demolitions. In the 1990s, several of the big SRO hotels were renovated, including the Milwaukee, the Northern Pacific, and the Eastern; however, the fire, safety, and earthquake code upgrades led to big rental increases (for example, the Publix Hotel rental went from $75 per week for a SRO in the early 2000s to $1,350 per month for a micro-studio in 2018).

From 2009 to 2014, Seattle had a big increase in the building and creation of new SRO units designed to be rented at market rates, which had an average monthly rent of $660; In 2013, for example, 1,800 SRO units and microapartment units were built. In 2018, the media depicted the increasing popularity of micro apartments as a new trend; however, an article about Seattle in *Market Urbanism Report* states this is a "reenactment of the way U.S. cities have long worked", as individuals seeking "solo living and centralized locations" are willing to accept smaller apartments even though the per-square-foot prices may be higher than some larger units. The report states that 2018-era micro apartments were known as SROs in the early 20th century, and they housed "rich and poor alike" (although the rich lived in live-in luxury hotels and the poor lived in "bunkhouses for day laborers"). Neighborhood groups in Seattle have criticized new micro apartment SRO units, arguing that they "harmed community character and provided ... inhumane living conditions; due to these concerns, the city passed regulations that outlawed micro apartment/SRO construction.

## Canada

In Canada, SRO hotels (also known as "residential hotels") are most often seen in Vancouver. (In other major cities such as Toronto, rooming houses in converted single-family dwellings are the equivalent form of affordable housing available.) SROs in Vancouver may be either privately-owned and for-profit, privately-owned and non-profit, or owned by government. As of 2019, there were a total of 156 SRO hotels in Vancouver. Most are occupied primarily (though not exclusively) by people struggling with mental health and/or addiction issues, and who are likelier than average to have experienced homelessness. Tenants typically have their own private rooms, but share washroom and kitchen facilities with other tenants. Rooms generally cost between $375 and $800 (CAD, c. 2015), well below the average cost of Vancouver rental housing.

Most SROs were originally intended to be short-term accommodations for seasonal male workers, as well as young families, and recent immigrants, in the early 1900s. Two hotels which would later become notorious, the Balmoral and the Regent, were even considered luxury accommodations. However, first the Depression and then the 1970s closure of psychiatric hospitals (and attendant lack of regard or care of mentally ill Vancouverites), along with the flight of the wealthy and middle class to the suburbs, contributed to the decline and lack of investment in the Downtown Eastside. By the 1970s and 1980s, Vancouver SROs' reputations were poor. A 1989 University of British Columbia thesis by Mercedes Mompel Antolin asserted that only 10–20% of SROs were of good or acceptable quality at the time of writing. And even by 1989, the number of SROs was diminishing: 2,704 units were lost in the period between 1978 and 1986, largely due to the pressures of an increasingly hot real estate market.

Real estate market pressures on SRO tenants have not abated in the 30 years since that thesis was published. The market stock of SROs is decreasing both in terms of vacancy rates and in terms of affordability, and quality of life in SROs is highly variable. Certain privately-owned SRO hotels in Vancouver are notorious for their poor maintenance, absentee landlords, crime, and frequency of drug overdoses; the Sahota family has been responsible for the ownership of many such SRO hotels, such as the Regent and the Balmoral, both of which were ordered to close and were expropriated by the City of Vancouver. While the loss of these residences does not constitute the loss of quality rental stock (the Balmoral and the Regent were plagued by systemic and deliberate neglect, and tenants had to be evacuated), the decline in availability of affordable housing has been exacerbated by the closure of some SRO hotels.

## Uses

SROs are a viable housing option for students, single tenants, seasonal or other traveling workers, empty nester widows/widowers, divorced men or women, low-income people, or others who do not want or need large dwellings or private domestic appliances. The smaller size and limited amenities in SROs generally make them a more affordable housing option, especially in gentrifying neighborhoods or urban areas with high land values and high rents.

The rents of many poor tenants may be paid in full or in part by charitable, state, or federal programs, giving incentive to landlords to accept such tenants. Some SRO buildings are renovated with the benefit of a tax abatement, with the condition that the rooms be rented to tenants with low incomes, and sometimes specific low-income groups, such as homeless people, people with mental illness, people with HIV/AIDS, and so on. A 1991 study stated that SROs can be successfully used to provide housing for people with chronic mental illness, as SROs give residents "personal freedom and privacy" while also giving a sense of community. Some SROs are operated or funded by charities, non-profit organizations, and/or governments as a way to provide supportive housing to "special needs populations", which include people facing drug and alcohol addiction, mental health issues, or disabilities.

### More expensive units

While SRO units are mostly associated with low-income renters, in cities where dwellings are expensive and scarce, there may be "middle-class SROs", a type of microapartment aimed at middle class and professional renters. The first 2010s-era micro-unit housing building in New York City, Carmel Place, opened in 2016. It has 55 studios which go from 260 to 360 square feet. An article about "21st Century SROs" states that even though there is "still a stigma around SROs because of some of the experience of the last century", there is a "growing acceptance that small spaces can be well run and safe, healthy spaces to live and can be built more cheaply.” Common's Williamsburg in Brooklyn rents single rooms where tenants share a kitchen for $2,050 per month; *The Guardian* states that "\[s\]ingle room occupancy housing is obviously not a new concept, however, the genius of late capitalism is that it has made it desirable" to high-income renters.

In 2017 in New York City, Matthew and Seth Weissman, who operate Weissman Equities, renovated a partly empty apartment building in Harlem, creating furnished SRO units with 180 to 280 square feet, which rent for $1,200 to $1,600 per month (this includes utilities and cleaning). "Luxury", "amenity-laden" SRO units are available for $2,150 from Common Baltic in Boerum Hill and for $3,050 per month from WeLive (the residential version of co-working company WeWork).

In San Francisco, Starcity is converting unused parking garages, commercial spaces and offices into single-room residential units, where tenants (tech professionals are the typical renter) get a furnished bedroom and access to wifi, janitor services and common kitchens and lounges for $1,400 to $2,400 per month, an approach that has been called "dorm living for grownups".

In Atlanta, PadSplit is a cohousing organization that converts single-family homes into single rooms that their members can occupy individually, with a shared kitchen and bathroom, along with wifi, and laundry facilities. Unlike WeLive, which is aimed at high-income professionals, PadSplit is aimed at working-class members, and it has single-room dues from $500 to $750 per month.

## Regulations and standards

### Conditions

Depending on the landlords and the quality of the properties, SRO conditions can range from squalor to something like an extended-stay, basic hotel. Some have been designed and run in a dormitory fashion. Others have been "cage" hotels, in which a large room is split into many smaller ones with corrugated steel or sheetrock dividers or cubicles, which do not reach the height of the original ceiling. To prevent tenants from climbing over the walls into each other's spaces, the tops of the rooms are covered in chicken wire, making the rooms look something like cages. A 1991 article in *Social Work* calls SRO hotels the "nation's least desirable housing stock" and states that the facilities led to elderly people being "trapped in a situation that exacerbated their isolation and withdrawal from society", even though they were in "desperate need of social services". SRO buildings have been associated with fire risk; in Chicago alone, SROs with serious fires included Barton Hotel in 1955, the Royal Bench Hotel in 1981, the Paxton Hotel in 1993, and the J.R. Plaza Hotel (also called "the Zanzibar") in 1999. In the popular imagination, SRO hotels "carry the stigma of vice and drunkenness", and in fiction writing, there are novels where SROs are used to indicate skid row conditions.

While urban reformers who advocate for the removal of SROs state that "more 'dignified' forms of affordable housing" should be created in the place of SROs, Marco D'Eramo states that "SRO inhabitants have rejected this notion in... surveys, declaring themselves to be reasonably content with their lodger lifestyle." In the 1990s, SRO rooms in Chicago only cost about $60 less per month than renting a single-room apartment; however, SROs do not require a two-month deposit paid by check or credit card (thus requiring a bank account) and a guarantee of regular income (standard requirements for apartments). SRO hotels differ from government and nonprofit housing services in that whereas these facilities have requirements for "minimum age, alcoholic or drug program eligibility, religious affiliation, welfare system dependency", SRO hotels were anonymous and generally accepted anyone who could pay the monthly rent, without requiring identification and information for official databases, setting restrictions on when residents could enter or leave, or requiring exposure to religious recruitment. A study of 485 New York City SRO tenants found that elderly people wanted to stay in their SRO units, so that they could live in "centrally located neighborhoods where apartment housing was beyond their means", without sharing a room. The study concluded that for "many elderly residents, SROs meet needs not easily met by available alternatives" and recommended maintaining SROs as an option for seniors.

A 2013 study of the approximately 3,000 SRO tenants who live in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside found that two-thirds were previously homeless and had an average of three illnesses each, with 95% facing substance dependence and almost two-thirds doing injection drugs. Nearly half had psychosis or a neurological disorder and 18% were HIV-positive. About 28% of the participants were Indigenous. The death rate of the SRO tenants was five times greater than the general population. In a 2018 paper, Barbic et al stated that young adults living in Vancouver SROs were a "vulnerable" and low-income group with "complex health and substance problems compared to their peers in the general population", typically on "median two co-occurring illnesses, including mental, neurological, and infectious diseases", and all had "lifetime alcohol and cannabis use, with pervasive use of stimulants and opioids", and they had a great deal of contact with the "health, social, and justice systems".

SRO hotels are "often viewed as unsafe by youth" in Canada who are seeking affordable housing. At a Vancouver protest calling for more affordable housing, singer and actor Dalannah Gail Bowen stated that SRO units are "'horrible' places to live" that have "squalor, like Third World countries" that "\[n\]o one deserves to live in". Illegal, unlicensed SRO units that are created in homes and apartment buildings may be overcrowded and lack fire exits and ventilation. In 2013, SROs were described as a "poorly regulated last resort for the most desperate populations."

In Vancouver's Downtown Eastside, an impoverished district where many SROs and homeless shelters are located, the B.C. Supreme Court ruled against an SRO hotel's requirement that visitors to the building show government-issued identification prior to entry. The hotel argued that the ID requirements were needed to provide a safe housing environment in what they called a "dangerous neighbourhood" with a "unique demographic" of individuals who are addicted to drugs and alcohol. The tenant who took the SRO to court argued that the policy was too restrictive, as many of his guests did not have ID. In the first ruling by the Residential Tenancy Branch, an arbitrator held that landlords cannot "unreasonably restrict access by guests to a rental property". The B.C. Supreme Court supported the arbitrator's decision, stating that there was no evidence that the tenant in the case had a history of issues with his behaviour on the property, and nor did his guests; the judge said that tenants and their guests should be protected against "unreasonable interference from landlords".

The construction of new SROs or conversion of existing homes to multiple SRO units was banned in New York City in 1955 due to concerns that they provided "substandard housing conditions" that were "improper and unsafe".

Renters of illegal SRO units typically live in units that do not meet health and safety standards; as well, since the units are unregulated, the renters do not have protection against eviction or rent increases. Many SRO buildings, particularly in major cities, face strong development pressure for conversion to more profitable uses as condos, luxury apartments or high-end hotels. Some cities have regulated the conversion of SROs to other uses in order to prevent landlords from forcibly evicting SRO tenants, while conversely many others limit the conversion of other uses into SROs and restrict them via zoning.

Some cities do both simultaneously, protecting existing SROs while making it virtually impossible to create new ones. A 2014 article about SRO housing in San Francisco stated that SROs have become a "key urban built environment used to house poor populations with co-occurring drug use and mental health issues"; specifically, it found that women drug users in SROs have more "post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), anxiety, and depression versus "stably housed women".

### Possible development

In 2007, the musician Beyoncé Knowles provided $1 million towards the building of a $4 million SRO facility in Houston called Knowles-Temenos Place Apartments, which aim to provide supportive SRO housing for people trying to overcome "personal and natural disasters". The facility provides tenants with a shared business center (including computers and Internet access), with the individual rooms having a bath, mini refrigerator, mini-stove and a flat screen TV (wall-mounted), with the aesthetics and build quality similar to new apartment buildings in the downtown and midtown.

In SROs that are old, deteriorating hotels, some of the former amenities created for the hotel may have a new function for the current low-income SRO residents; for example, the lobby becomes a place for tenants to "wait for the ambulance, or to meet your addiction counselor, or to laugh and sing." In some old hotels that are now SROs, the nearby storefronts have transitioned from high-end restaurants and clothing shops (in the past) to "HIV-AIDS outreach groups, nongovernmental organizations, and social services offices". While most SROs are former residential hotels, some other building types have been repurposed into SRO usage, including mortuaries, dry cleaner facilities, nursing homes and schools.

## Further reading

## Documentaries

* *Caged Men: Tales from Chicago's SRO Hotels* (2017). Directed by Aaron Shipp.
* *Single Room Occupancy*. A short documentary about Harlem SROs facing gentrification by Alexander Lewis and Artemis Shaw.


title: Quiddy River

abstract: The Quiddy River is located in the south part of New Brunswick, Canada. It starts at about 45.61°N 65.22°W and travels approximately 13 kilometres (8.1 mi) before emptying into the Bay of Fundy at 45°29′29″N 65°11′40″W. At its mouth, it becomes part of two large salt marshes that lie on either side of the river. The river is home to many species of New Brunswick's wildlife. One of the more historic communities on the Quiddy River was Martin Head, located at the mouth. Martin Head was a small town that relied on the flow of the river as well as the changing tides of the Bay of Fundy. As the industry died and the world become more modern, this small community eventually rotted away. Small remnants of one wharf and the foundation of the schoolhouse are the only indications that people once lived there. Martin Head is now a place locals go camping and is one of the most picturesque parts of the Fundy Trail.

text:
# Quiddy River

The **Quiddy River** is located in the south part of New Brunswick, Canada. It starts at about 45.61°N 65.22°W and travels approximately 13 kilometres (8.1 mi) before emptying into the Bay of Fundy at 45°29′29″N 65°11′40″W / 45.49142°N 65.19456°W / 45.49142; -65.19456. At its mouth, it becomes part of two large salt marshes that lie on either side of the river. The river is home to many species of New Brunswick's wildlife.

One of the more historic communities on the Quiddy River was Martin Head, located at the mouth. Martin Head was a small town that relied on the flow of the river as well as the changing tides of the Bay of Fundy. As the industry died and the world become more modern, this small community eventually rotted away. Small remnants of one wharf and the foundation of the schoolhouse are the only indications that people once lived there. Martin Head is now a place locals go camping and is one of the most picturesque parts of the Fundy Trail.


title: Pearl River County Library System

abstract: The Pearl River County Library System serves the people of Pearl River County. Its headquarters are located at the Margaret Reed Crosby Memorial Library in Picayune, Mississippi and a branch library is in Poplarville, Mississippi.

text:
# Pearl River County Library System

The **Pearl River County Library System** serves the people of Pearl River County. Its headquarters are located at the Margaret Reed Crosby Memorial Library in Picayune, Mississippi and a branch library is in Poplarville, Mississippi.

30°31′52″N 89°41′19″W / 30.531168°N 89.688611°W / 30.531168; -89.688611

## InfoBox

| Pearl River County Library System | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Location | Pearl River County, Mississippi |
| Established | 1974 |
| Branches | 2 |
| Collection | |
| Size | 100,000 |
| Access and use | |
| Population served | 55,834 |
| Other information | |
| Director | Carol Phares |
| Website | http://pearlriver.lib.ms.us/ |