abstract: Beth El Congregation is a Conservative Jewish congregation and synagogue, located at 8101 Park Heights Avenue, in Pikesville, an outer suburb of greater Baltimore, Maryland, in the United States. The congregation was established in 1948.

text:
# Beth El Congregation (Pikesville, Maryland)

**Beth El Congregation** is a Conservative Jewish congregation and synagogue, located at 8101 Park Heights Avenue, in Pikesville, an outer suburb of greater Baltimore, Maryland, in the United States. The congregation was established in 1948.

## History

In 1948, a group of nine lay leaders of the Orthodox Beth Tfiloh Congregation advocated for holding mixed-gender religious services and expanded b'nai mitvah ceremonies. Their advocacy was unsuccessful, and instead they formed Beth El Congregation. Established as the first Conservative congregation in Maryland, an inaugural dinner was held at Baltimore's Sheraton-Belvedere Hotel on May 10, 1948 to celebrate the occasion.

Located on 3 acres (12,000 m2) at the corner of Hilton Road and Dorithan Road in the Ashburton neighborhood of Baltimore, Beth El's original synagogue included a 1,500-seat chapel, an auditorium, social rooms, a gymnasium, a kitchen, and preschool classrooms. The synagogue was designed by architect Erich Mendelsohn and built by Cogswell Construction Company.

### New synagogue

When Beth El's membership increased from 97 families to 1,100 families between 1950 and 1955, Beth El needed a larger place of worship. Groundbreaking on the new synagogue in Pikesville began on June 7, 1959. Rabbi Jacob B. Agus and Cantor Saul Z. Hammerman were present.

Built on 23 acres (93,000 m2) of land with a construction budget of $1,500,000, the synagogue was designed by architect Sigmund Braverman and built by Cogswell Construction Company. The masonry work was done by McCullough Brothers.

The main synagogue was designed with a 1,500-seat sanctuary, religious school classrooms for 600 students, an assembly hall for 350 people, a social hall designed for 1,000 people, and dining facilities with a capacity of 600 people. The main entrance was surrounded by two large granite pillars, representing pillars built by King Solomon at the First Holy Temple. The main entrance was built with three brass and ceramic plaques that use the Hebrew letters for the word truth, symbolizing creation, revelation, and redemption. The sanctuary was built with ten stained glass windows symbolizing the Jewish festivals. The sanctuary's 24 narrow windows symbolize the 24 books of the Tanakh. The synagogue was dedicated in 1960. In 1961, the Building Congress and Exchange gave an award for craftsmanship for the design and construction of the synagogue.

## Current religious programs, activities and leadership

Beth El hosts twice daily religious services, Shabbat services, and Jewish holiday services. The congregation holds brit milah and baby naming ceremonies for newborns, b'nai mitzvah ceremonies for students, and aufruf ceremonies for engaged couples. A preschool and an after-school program with a religious curriculum are operated by the congregation; a youth group for teenagers has been running since 1964; and classes and religious study groups for adults have been conducted since 1949.

The congregation is led by Rabbi Steven Schwartz, Rabbi Dana Saroken, and Rabbi Naomi Zaslow. The cantors are Thom King and Melanie Blatt.

## InfoBox

| Beth El Congregation | |
| --- | --- |
| Religion | |
| Affiliation | Conservative Judaism |
| Ecclesiastical or organizational status | Synagogue |
| Leadership | * Rabbi Steven Schwartz * Rabbi Dana Saroken * Rabbi Naomi Zaslow * Cantor Thom King * Cantor Melanie Blatt Schuster |
| Status | Active |
| Location | |
| Location | 8101 Park Heights Avenue, Pikesville, Baltimore, Maryland 21208 |
| Country | United States |
| Location in Maryland | |
| Geographic coordinates | 39°23′30″N 76°43′22″W / 39.3917595°N 76.7226783°W / 39.3917595; -76.7226783 |
| Architecture | |
| Architect(s) | Sigmund Braverman |
| Type | Synagogue architecture |
| General contractor | Cogswell Construction Company |
| Date established | 1948 (as a congregation) |
| Groundbreaking | June 7, 1959 |
| Completed | * c.1948 (Hilton Road) * 1960 (Pikesville) |
| Specifications | |
| Capacity | 1,500 worshipers |
| Interior area | 91,000 square feet (8,500 m2) |
| Site area | 23 acres (9.3 ha) |
| Website | |
| bethelbalto.com | |
|  | |


abstract: The Robert F. Kennedy presidential campaign began on March 16, 1968, when Kennedy, a United States Senator from New York, mounted an unlikely challenge to incumbent Democratic United States President Lyndon B. Johnson. Following an upset in the New Hampshire primary, Johnson announced on March 31 that he would not seek re-election to a second full term. Kennedy still faced two rival candidates for the Democratic Party's presidential nomination: the leading challenger United States Senator Eugene McCarthy and Vice President Hubert Humphrey. Humphrey had entered the race after Johnson's withdrawal, but Kennedy and McCarthy remained the main challengers to the policies of the Johnson administration. During the spring of 1968, Kennedy led a leading campaign in presidential primary elections throughout the United States. Kennedy's campaign was especially active in Indiana, Nebraska, Oregon, South Dakota, California, and Washington, D.C. After declaring victory in the California primary on June 4, 1968, Kennedy was assassinated at the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles. He died on June 6, 1968 at Good Samaritan Hospital. Had Kennedy been elected president, he would have been the first brother of a former U.S. president to win the presidency himself.

text:
# Robert F. Kennedy 1968 presidential campaign

The **Robert F. Kennedy presidential campaign** began on March 16, 1968, when Kennedy, a United States Senator from New York, mounted an unlikely challenge to incumbent Democratic United States President Lyndon B. Johnson. Following an upset in the New Hampshire primary, Johnson announced on March 31 that he would not seek re-election to a second full term. Kennedy still faced two rival candidates for the Democratic Party's presidential nomination: the leading challenger United States Senator Eugene McCarthy and Vice President Hubert Humphrey. Humphrey had entered the race after Johnson's withdrawal, but Kennedy and McCarthy remained the main challengers to the policies of the Johnson administration. During the spring of 1968, Kennedy led a leading campaign in presidential primary elections throughout the United States. Kennedy's campaign was especially active in Indiana, Nebraska, Oregon, South Dakota, California, and Washington, D.C. After declaring victory in the California primary on June 4, 1968, Kennedy was assassinated at the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles. He died on June 6, 1968 at Good Samaritan Hospital. Had Kennedy been elected president, he would have been the first brother of a former U.S. president (John F. Kennedy) to win the presidency himself.

## Background

When President John F. Kennedy was assassinated on November 22, 1963; Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson succeeded him with tremendous national popularity amid a wave of mourning and sympathy. Robert F. Kennedy remained in the cabinet (as United States attorney general) for several months amid what Johnson staffers began to refer to as "the Bobby problem": despite the personal hatred between the two, Democratic voters overwhelmingly favored Kennedy as Johnson's running mate in the 1964 election. Kennedy began to plan for a nationwide campaign, and in the informal New Hampshire vice-presidential primary, Kennedy defeated Hubert H. Humphrey in a landslide. In July 1964, Johnson issued an official statement ruling out any cabinet member for the vice presidency. In search of a way out of the dilemma, Kennedy asked speechwriter Milton Gwirtzman to write a memo comparing two offices: 1) governor of Massachusetts and 2) U.S. senator from New York, and "which would be a better place from which to make a run for the presidency in future years?" The Massachusetts governorship offered one important advantage: isolation from President Johnson. However, the state was hobbled by debt and an unruly legislature. Gwirtzman informed Kennedy that "you are going to receive invitations to attend dedications and speak around the country and abroad and to undertake other activities in connection with President Kennedy"...and that "it would seem easier to do this as a U.S. senator based in Washington, D.C. than as a governor based in Boston."

In August, Kennedy made up his mind to run for the United States Senate from New York; defeating Republican incumbent Kenneth Keating who attempted to portray Kennedy as a "carpetbagger" from Massachusetts. His opponents accused Kennedy of merely using the state as a convenient launching‐pad for the presidency. In an interview with PBS, political journalist Midge Decter stated that "nobody, for one minute, expected that he was going into the Senate to stay there. It was understood that it was the next move on the way to reclaiming what was rightfully the Kennedys, namely, the White House."

## Announcement

Kennedy was a late entry in making a campaign announcement for the primary race in the Democratic Party's presidential nomination in 1968. His political advisors had been pressuring him to make a decision, fearing Kennedy was running out of time to announce his candidacy. Although Kennedy and his advisors knew it would not be easy to beat the incumbent president, Lyndon B. Johnson, Kennedy had not ruled out entering the race. His younger brother Ted Kennedy was the leading voice against a bid for the presidency. He felt that his brother ought to wait until 1972, after Johnson’s tenure was finished. If RFK ran in 1968 and lost in the primaries to a sitting president, Ted felt that it would destroy his brother's chances later. U.S. Senator Eugene McCarthy of Minnesota had announced his intention to run against Johnson for the Democratic nomination on November 30, 1967. Following McCarthy's announcement, Kennedy remarked to U.S. Senator George McGovern of South Dakota that he was, "worried about \[McGovern\] and other people making early commitments to \[McCarthy\]." At a breakfast with reporters at the National Press Club on January 30, 1968, Kennedy once again indicated that he had no plans to run, but a few weeks later he had changed his mind about entering the race.

In early February 1968, after the Tet Offensive in Vietnam, Kennedy received an anguished letter from writer Pete Hamill, noting that poor people in the Watts area of Los Angeles had hung pictures of Kennedy's brother, President John F. Kennedy, in their homes. Hamill's letter reminded Robert Kennedy that he had an "obligation of staying true to whatever it was that put those pictures on those walls." There were other factors that influenced Kennedy's decision to enter the presidential primary race. On February 29, 1968, the Kerner Commission issued a report on the racial unrest that had affected American cities during the previous summer. The Kerner Commission blamed "white racism" for the violence, but its findings were largely dismissed by the Johnson administration. Concerned about President Johnson's policies and actions, Kennedy asked his advisor, historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr.: "How can we possibly survive five more years of Lyndon Johnson?" Disagreement amongst Kennedy's friends, political advisors, and family members further complicated his decision to launch a primary challenge against the incumbent Johnson. Kennedy's wife Ethel supported the idea, but his brother Ted had been opposed to the candidacy. Ted did lend his support once Kennedy entered the race.

By late February or early March 1968, Kennedy had finally made the decision to enter the race for president. On March 10, Kennedy traveled to Delano, California, to meet with civil rights activist César Chávez, at the end of a 25-day hunger strike. En route to California, Kennedy told his aide, Peter Edelman, that he had decided to run and had to "figure out how to get McCarthy out of it." The weekend before the New Hampshire primary, Kennedy told several aides that he would run if he could persuade McCarthy to withdraw from the presidential race. Kennedy agreed to McCarthy's request to delay an announcement of his intentions until after the New Hampshire primary. On March 12, when Johnson won an astonishingly narrow victory in the New Hampshire primary against McCarthy, who polled 42 percent of the vote, Kennedy knew it would be unlikely that the Minnesota senator would agree to withdraw. He moved forward with his plans to announce his candidacy.

On March 16, Kennedy declared, "I am today announcing my candidacy for the presidency of the United States. I do not run for the presidency merely to oppose any man, but to propose new policies. I run because I am convinced that this country is on a perilous course and because I have such strong feelings about what must be done, and I feel that I'm obliged to do all I can." Kennedy made this announcement from the same spot in the Caucus Room of the Russell Senate Office Building where John F. Kennedy had announced his presidential candidacy in January 1960. McCarthy supporters angrily denounced Kennedy as an opportunist. With Kennedy joining the race, liberal Democrats thought that votes among supporters of the anti-war movement would now be split between McCarthy and Kennedy.

On March 17, Kennedy made his first campaign appearances by marching in the St. Patrick's Day Parades in Boston and New York City. The following day, he delivered his first campaign speech at Kansas State University, where he had previously agreed to give a lecture honoring former Kansas governor and Republican Alfred Landon. At Kansas State, Kennedy drew a "record-setting crowd of 14,500 students" for his Landon Lecture. In his speech, Kennedy apologized for early mistakes and attacked President Johnson's Vietnam policy saying, "I was involved in many of the early decisions on Vietnam, decisions which helped set us on our present path." He further acknowledged that "past error is not excuse for its own perpetration." Later that day at the University of Kansas, Kennedy spoke to an audience of 19,000—one of the largest in the university's history. During that speech he said, "I don't think that we have to shoot each other, to beat each other, to curse each other and criticize each other, I think that we can do better in this country. And that is why I run for President of the United States." From Kansas, Kennedy went on to campaign in the Democratic primaries in Indiana, Washington, D.C., Nebraska, Oregon, South Dakota, and California.

On March 31, President Johnson stunned the nation by dropping out of the presidential race. He withdrew from the election during a televised speech, where he also announced a partial halt to the bombing of Vietnam and proposed peace negotiations with the North Vietnamese. Vice President Hubert Humphrey, long a champion of labor unions and civil rights, entered the race on April 27. Although he was a write-in candidate in some of the contests, Humphrey had announced his candidacy too late to be a formal candidate in most of the primaries. Despite late entry into the primary race, Humphrey had the support of the president and many Democratic insiders, which gave him a better chance at gaining convention delegates in the non-primary states. In contrast, Kennedy, like his brother before him, had planned to win the nomination through popular support in the primaries. Because Democratic party leaders would influence delegate selection and convention votes, Kennedy's strategy was to influence the decision-makers with crucial wins in the primary elections. This strategy had worked for John F. Kennedy in 1960, when he defeated Humphrey in the Wisconsin and West Virginia primaries.

## Policy positions

Kennedy ran on a platform of racial equality, economic justice, non-aggression in foreign policy, decentralization of power, and social improvement. A crucial element of his campaign was youth engagement. "You are the people," Kennedy said, "who have the least ties to the present and the greatest stake in the future."

According to Schlesinger, Kennedy's presidential campaign generated "wild enthusiasm" as well as deep anger. He visited numerous small towns and made himself available to the masses by participating in long motorcades and street-corner stump speeches, often in inner cities. Kennedy's candidacy faced opposition from Southern Democrats, leaders of organized labor, and the business community, where he was viewed as a fiscal liability. At one of his university speeches (Indiana University Medical School), he was asked, "Where are we going to get the money to pay for all these new programs you're proposing?" He replied to the medical students, about to enter lucrative careers, "From you."

### Vietnam War

Kennedy did not support an immediate withdrawal of U.S. military personnel from Vietnam or an immediate end to the war. He sought to end the conflict by strengthening the South Vietnamese military and reducing corruption within the South Vietnamese government. He supported a peace settlement between North and South Vietnam.

### Job opportunities and welfare reform

Kennedy argued that increased government cooperation with private enterprise would reduce housing and employment woes in the United States. He also argued that the focus of welfare spending should be shifted more towards improving credit and income for farmers.

### Law and order

In 1968, Kennedy expressed his strong willingness to support a bill that was under consideration for the abolition of the death penalty. He argued that rising crime rates could be countered with more job and educational opportunities. However, Kennedy was also known for his focus on law and order, stating “I was the chief law-enforcement offer of the United States. I promise if elected, I will do all in my power to bring an end to this violence,” while Richard Nixon remarked "Do you know a lot of these people think Bobby is more a law-and-order man than I am!"

### Gun control

Kennedy supported laws that would reduce casual firearm purchases. He said he believed in keeping firearms away from "people who have no business" with them—specifying criminals, individuals with mental health issues, and minors as classes of persons who should be prevented from purchasing firearms.

### Tax reform

Kennedy argued for legislation, which would reform flagrant tax loopholes.

## Campaign

### Opinion polling

A Gallup poll conducted in the fall of 1965 showed 72% of respondents believed RFK wanted to become the president, and 40% of independents and 56% of Democrats stated their support for a possible bid. Harris and Gallup polls released in August 1966 showed RFK being favored over President Johnson for the nomination by 2% among Democrats and 14% by independents. A late March Gallup poll released shortly before RFK's entry into the primary showed him leading President Johnson by three points at 44% to 41%. A poll released in the early part of April featured Kennedy with a 26-point lead over McCarthy in the Indiana primary, at 46% to 19%. Another April poll in Indiana, the Oliver Quayle survey, showed Kennedy with a three-to-one lead over McCarthy and the state's governor Roger D. Branigin; Schmitt noted the poll featured a large portion of respondents refuting the label that RFK was not trustworthy along with being "too tough and ruthless." An April 28 Gallup poll showed Kennedy at 28% support by Democratic voters, Humphrey behind by three points and McCarthy ahead by five. A May 26 Associated Press (AP) poll showed RFK behind Humphrey among Pennsylvania national convention delegates, 1 to 27. A June 2 Gallup poll showed Kennedy at 19% support among Democratic county chairmen, Humphrey at 67% and McCarthy at 6%. A June 3 poll showed Kennedy leading McCarthy by nine points in the California primary, at 39% to 30%.

### Primaries

#### April: Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, and Massachusetts

After President Johnson's withdrawal, the Wisconsin primary on April 2 was effectively uncontested. Senator Eugene McCarthy won 56–35%; Kennedy received 6 percent as a write-in candidate. Kennedy was ineligible for the ballot because he entered the race following the filing deadline. McCarthy easily won the uncontested Pennsylvania primary on April 23 and the Massachusetts primary on April 30. Vice President Hubert Humphrey announced his candidacy on April 27, and some analysts viewed Humphrey's unexpectedly strong showing in the Massachusetts primary (44,156 write-in votes, or 18 percent of the total) as a clear victory over Kennedy, a Brookline, Massachusetts native, who polled a meager 28 percent write-in vote.

#### May 7: Indiana

On March 27, 1968, Kennedy announced his intention to run against McCarthy in the Indiana primary. His aides told him that a race in Indiana would be an extremely tight race and advised him against it. Despite the concerns of his advisors, Kennedy traveled to Indianapolis the following day and filed to run in the Indiana primary. At the Indiana Statehouse, Kennedy told a cheering crowd that the state was important to his campaign: "If we can win in Indiana, we can win in every other state, and win when we go to the convention in August."

On April 4, 1968, Kennedy made his first campaign stop in Indiana at the University of Notre Dame in South Bend, followed by a speech at Ball State University in Muncie. In his speech at Ball State, Kennedy suggested that the 1968 election would "determine the direction that the United States is going to move" and that the American people should "examine everything. Not take anything for granted." In addition, Kennedy enumerated his concerns about poverty and hunger, lawlessness and violence, jobs and economic development, and foreign policy. He emphasized that Americans had a "moral obligation" and should "make an honest effort to understand one another and move forward together."

Before boarding a plane to attend campaign rallies in Indianapolis, Kennedy learned that Martin Luther King Jr. had been shot in Memphis. Upon arrival, Kennedy was informed that King had died. Despite fears of riots and concerns for his safety, Kennedy went ahead with plans to attend a rally at 7th and Broadway—an African American neighborhood near the north side of Indianapolis. That evening he addressed the crowd, many of whom had not heard about King's assassination. Instead of the rousing campaign speech they expected, Kennedy offered brief, impassioned remarks for peace. That night, riots erupted in over 100 cities (but not Indianapolis); 43 people were killed and over 3,000 were injured.

The following day, Kennedy addressed the City Club of Cleveland at the Sheraton-Cleveland Hotel in Ohio; delivering the famous "On the Mindless Menace of Violence" speech. After attending King's funeral in Atlanta, Kennedy turned his attention back to the primary campaign. He drew huge crowds at campaign stops across the country. Kennedy's Indiana campaign resumed on April 10.

Kennedy's campaign advisor, John Bartlow Martin, urged the candidate to speak out against violence and rioting, emphasize his "law enforcement experience" as former U.S. attorney general, and promote the idea that the federal government and the private sector should work together to solve domestic issues. Martin also urged Kennedy to speak out on the war in Vietnam—support for the cessation of hostilities and reallocating war funds to domestic programs were ideas which "always got applause." To appeal to Indiana's more-conservative voters, Kennedy "toned down his rhetoric" as well.

Kennedy delivered a speech before the Indianapolis real estate board on May 2, advocating for reliance on private enterprise instead of the federal government. During this speech, Kennedy argued that the national economy would be "restored" by the Vietnam War's conclusion.

The Indiana primary was held on May 7: Kennedy won with 42 percent of the vote; Governor Roger D. Branigin (a "favorite son candidate" and stand-in for Johnson) was second with 31 percent of the vote; and McCarthy, earning 27 percent, came in third.

#### May 7: Washington, D.C.

On May 7, Kennedy won the Washington, D.C. primary with 62.5 percent of the vote; Humphrey received 37.5 percent. Two-thirds of Washington's 810,000 residents were African American, and Kennedy's campaign staff successfully geared its efforts to win their support. "But here a light turnout and Mr. Humphrey's inaction," reported the *Washington Post*, "makes this only mildly interesting as a test for popularity."

#### May 14: Nebraska

Campaigning vigorously in Nebraska, Kennedy hoped for a big win to give him momentum going into the California primary, in which McCarthy held a strong presence. While McCarthy made only one visit to Nebraska, Kennedy made numerous appearances. Kennedy's advisors had been worried about his chances in Nebraska, given RFK's lack of experience with the issues of ranching and agriculture—subjects of high importance to Nebraskans—and the short amount of time to campaign in the state after the Indiana primary.

Kennedy won the Nebraska primary on May 14, with 51.4 percent of the vote to McCarthy's 31 percent. Kennedy won 24 of the 25 counties that he visited ahead of the vote; of those, Mills noted that the sole county he lost harbored the University of Nebraska, where a plurality of students favored McCarthy, and that Kennedy had been defeated by "precisely two votes." After the results, Kennedy declared that he and McCarthy, both anti-war candidates, had collectively managed to earn over 80 percent of the vote. He described this as "a smashing repudiation" of the Johnson-Humphrey administration.

#### May 28: Oregon

In contrast to Nebraska, the Oregon primary posed several challenges to Kennedy's campaign. His campaign organization, run by U.S. Congresswoman Edith Green, was not strong and his platform emphasizing poverty, hunger, and minority issues did not resonate with Oregon voters. Mills wrote the following about Kennedy's calls for unity amongst Americans: "As far as Oregonians were concerned, America had not fallen apart." The Kennedy campaign circulated material on McCarthy's record; McCarthy had voted against a minimum wage law and repeal of the poll tax in the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The McCarthy campaign responded with charges that Kennedy illegally taped Martin Luther King Jr. as U.S. attorney general. Kennedy admitted these mentions of McCarthy's record did not bother his supporters.

Ten days ahead of the primary, Kennedy recognized the uphill battle he faced in winning the primary: "This state is like one giant suburb. I appeal best to people who have problems." During a speech he gave in California, Kennedy said, "I think that if I get beaten in any primary, I am not a very viable candidate." The comment further intensified the importance of the Oregon primary. Kennedy realized that losing the Oregon primary would pose a risk to his credibility and began what Dary G. Richardson dubbed an "Olympian-like pace". He campaigned for sixteen hours a day; in the weeks before the election, his campaign canvased 50,000 homes. During a May 27 campaign stop in Roseburg, Oregon, Kennedy made an impassioned appeal for federal gun control legislation. "At the present moment, a person who is insane, a man with a long criminal record of killing a dozen people, can go in and buy a rifle," Kennedy remarked.

On May 28, McCarthy won the Oregon primary with 44.7 percent; Kennedy received 38.8 percent of votes. After Kennedy's loss was confirmed, Kennedy sent a congratulatory message to McCarthy in which he asserted that he would remain in the race.

#### June 4: California and South Dakota

Kennedy began campaigning in California before the Oregon primary; after his loss in Oregon, California's winner-take-all primary became crucial to both his and McCarthy's campaigns. In South Dakota, he also hoped to simultaneously pull off an upset victory over McCarthy and Humphrey, both from neighboring Minnesota. For Kennedy, a defeat could have ended his hopes of securing the nomination.

On June 1, Kennedy and McCarthy met in a televised debate on ABC's "Issues and Answers", which observers generally considered a draw. "It was a conversation rather than a debate," said *The New York Times*, "and it demonstrated that the two rivals are in substantial agreement on every major issue." Though Kennedy considered the debate "indecisive and disappointing," subsequent polling showed that undecided voters favored his performance by a margin of two-to-one.

On June 3, Kennedy made a "final dash" through the state's major urban centers, San Francisco, Los Angeles, and San Diego; along with suburban Long Beach, in a single day. As his motorcade moved slowly through cheering crowds in San Francisco's Chinatown, gun shots appeared to ring out. However, it was just the sound of celebratory firecrackers. The campaign entourage and traveling press were all "scared to death," recalled Bill Eppridge, a *Life* magazine photographer in the car just ahead of the Kennedys. Polls by CBS showed Kennedy leading McCarthy by 7 percent. On June 4, Kennedy won the California primary with 46 percent of the vote to McCarthy's 42 percent. Author Joseph Palermo referred to the victory as Kennedy's "greatest." Kennedy also won the South Dakota primary, winning approximately 50 percent of the vote. He was now in second place with 393 total delegates, against Humphrey's 561 delegates. Around midnight on June 5, Kennedy addressed supporters at the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles, confidently promising to heal the many divisions within the country. At approximately 12:10 a.m., concluding his victory speech, Kennedy said: "So my thanks to all of you and on to Chicago and let's win there."

Kennedy with supporters in San Francisco (photo by Evan Freed)Kennedy addresses a crowd in Los AngelesA crowd gathers, awaiting Kennedy's arrival to give a speech at San Fernando Valley State College

### Assassination

After addressing his supporters during the early morning hours of June 5, Kennedy left the Ambassador Hotel's ballroom through a service area to greet kitchen workers. In a crowded kitchen passageway, Sirhan Sirhan, a 24-year-old Palestinian-born Jordanian, opened fire with a .22 caliber revolver and mortally wounded Kennedy. Following the shooting, Kennedy was rushed to Central Receiving Hospital and then transferred to The Good Samaritan Hospital, where he died early in the morning on June 6.

Kennedy's body was returned to New York City, where he lay in repose at St. Patrick's Cathedral for several days before the Requiem Mass was held there on June 8. His younger brother, U.S. Senator Edward "Ted" Kennedy, eulogized him with the words:

> "My brother need not be idealized or enlarged in death beyond what he was in life; to be remembered simply as a good and decent man, who saw wrong and tried to right it, saw suffering and tried to heal it, saw war and tried to stop it."

Kennedy concluded the eulogy by paraphrasing George Bernard Shaw, "As he said many times, in many parts of this nation, to those he touched and who sought to touch him: 'Some men see things as they are and say why? I dream things that never were and say why not?'" Later that day, a funeral train carried Kennedy's body from New York's Penn Station to Washington, D.C.'s Union Station, where he was laid to rest at Arlington National Cemetery.

Kennedy's death continues to be the subject of much historical analysis, in addition to multiple conspiracy theories.

## Relationships with groups and people

### Black communities

Kennedy had been a supporter of the civil rights movement. During the campaign, there were signs in black neighborhoods that read "Kennedy white but alright / The one before, he opened the door." In the Indiana primary, Kennedy secured 86% of the black vote. His performance was strongest in cities with the largest black populations. Richardson noted that Kennedy was appealing to low-earning black voters. Kennedy had received support from black people by "an overwhelming margin." Support amongst black voters was one of the key factors in Kennedy's victory in Indiana, where he gave a notable speech on the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. in Indianapolis days before the primary took place. Samuel Lubell argued that the victory was partially inspired by Kennedy's support for corporate attempts to hire blacks; he wrote that Kennedy had largely won "the Negro wards." However, *Indianapolis Star* journalist Will Higgins noted that Kennedy got a boost from the King assassination speech, which, unlike many other American cities, aided Indianapolis in being spared of riots. Higgins also noted that the crowd which Kennedy spoke with that evening was estimated to be only 2,500 people.

In the Nebraska primary, Kennedy ended his campaigning in the state with a speech in a black neighborhood in Omaha. While a late May poll showed that only 40% of overall respondents believed Kennedy embodied "many of the same outstanding qualities" of the late President Kennedy, 94% of black respondents agreed with the comparison. When McCarthy revealed that Kennedy had agreed to limited surveillance of Martin Luther King Jr. back in 1963, blacks in California considered switching their support to McCarthy. In Oakland, Kennedy met with Black Panthers amid other minority activists in a midnight session days before the California primary concluded. When he was shouted at, Kennedy prevented a black aide from intervening: "They need to tell people off. They need to tell me off." Kennedy won 90% of the black vote in the California primary. Author Larry Tye later said: "By the time of his death in June 1968, Bobby was the most trusted white man in black America." On the other hand, Michael A. Cohen noted that Kennedy's popularity with blacks had a negative effect on his appeal to the remainder of the electorate: "Rather than create an *espirit de corps* between the races, his close relationship to the black community turned many whites off."

### Working class whites

Kennedy had broad support among blue-collar white voters during the campaign. Schmitt observed that "It was the allure of Kennedy as a bare knuckles advocate for their interests that led some of these same white voters to support the insurgent candidacy of George Wallace in the fall of 1968." An internal memo released during the Indiana primary showed that Kennedy-backing voters had favorable opinions of Wallace. Samuel Lubell, though noting Kennedy's support among blacks, stated that he "had also carried the racially sensitive low-income white workers who come in from rural areas to settle in east Omaha."

### Farmworkers

Kennedy endeared himself to farmworkers through his support of the Delano grape strike and subsequent communications with Cesar Chavez, who told students in California that Kennedy was the candidate for farmworkers. Tye wrote that Kennedy became a hero to farmworkers by questioning local law enforcement methods. Kennedy visited Delano during the campaign to display an endorsement for the grape strike, prompting Chavez to convince the United Farm Workers (UFW) to begin voter turnout and registration campaigns. Marshall Ganz had arranged for Kennedy to speak to farmworkers after his victory speech in the California primary. Roger A. Bruns wrote the following about Kennedy's assassination: "For the country and especially for the farm workers community, the killing of Robert Kennedy was a profoundly tragic loss."

### Hispanics

Cesar Chavez claimed there were fifty Hispanics supporting the Kennedy campaign for every one that had backed his brother's campaign eight years prior. In the California primary, 95% of voting Hispanics supported Kennedy and he won 100% in several precincts. By the time of the primary, he had become "the leading candidate among Latinos in California." Hispanic input heavily impacted Kennedy's victory.

### Lyndon B. Johnson

Even before Kennedy announced his candidacy, President Lyndon B. Johnson was convinced that Kennedy wanted to challenge him. Johnson was convinced that his presidency would be "trapped forever between the two Kennedys" administrations. Jeff Shesol wrote that Johnson took the prospect of a contentious primary seriously, after having underestimated the political skillfulness of John F. Kennedy in 1960. During a December 19, 1967 press conference, Johnson said the following about what he called the Kennedy-McCarthy movement: "I don't know what the effect of the Kennedy-McCarthy movement is having in the country ...I am not privileged to all of the conversations that have taken place ...I do know of the interest of both of them in the Presidency and the ambition of both of them." Prior to Kennedy's announcement of his intentions to run, close friend Arthur Schlesinger Jr. wrote in a journal that he'd never seen Kennedy "so torn about anything...I think that he cannot bear the thought of consigning the country to four more years of LBJ, without having done something to avert this."

Kennedy announced his candidacy after Johnson almost lost the New Hampshire primary. The day after announcing his candidacy, Kennedy predicted that Johnson would lose the general election if he was the party's nominee, if he continued to "follow the same policies we are following at the moment." Kennedy told reporters during a flight to Kansas City: "I didn't want to run for President. But when \[Johnson\] made it clear the war would go on, and that nothing was going to change, I had no choice." Clarke wrote that Kennedy was conveying he had a moral obligation to do everything in his power to prevent a prolonging of the policies he opposed. In mid-March, during an appearance at Vanderbilt University in Nashville, Kennedy charged Johnson's leadership with leading to the divisiveness of the U.S.: "They are the ones, the President of the United States, President Johnson, they are the ones who divide us." In late March, three days before Johnson announced that he would not be seeking the Democratic Party's nomination, James H. Rowe sent Johnson a memorandum charging that Kennedy's backers had said "the president would not run and that the best course for the Democrats was to 'Stay loose and stay committed.'" A late-March Gallup poll showed Kennedy defeating President Johnson in a national election.

Kennedy was at his apartment in the United Nations Plaza the night President Johnson announced his withdrawal from the primary, though unlike his supporters he was not optimistic about the news. He reportedly said, "The joy is premature." Smith observed that Johnson's withdrawal meant Kennedy would have to shift the focus of his critiques from the administration's policies on the Vietnam War. Shesol wrote that Kennedy moved to a praising tone of Johnson, crediting Johnson with fulfillment of "the policies of thirty years" during an April 1 appearance in New Jersey. While in Philadelphia, he called Johnson's withdrawal an "act of leadership and sacrifice." On April 3, 1968, three days after President Johnson announced that he would not seek the nomination, Kennedy and the president met at the White House. When asked about his intentions for the primary, Johnson replied: "Stay out of it." Although Johnson's withdrawal from the race meant Vice-President Humphrey would enter, Kennedy had gained the president's declaration of neutrality. In comments to Henry Ford II and Gregory Peck, Johnson concluded that Kennedy won his June debate with McCarthy.

### Eugene McCarthy

After the primaries, Senator Eugene McCarthy claimed that Kennedy had promised in November 1967 that he would not run. Prior to entering the race, Kennedy worried McCarthy lacked a platform, as the latter had rarely spoken about domestic issues. In mid-March, Ted Kennedy attempted to broker "a political deal" where his brother would remain out of the race, if McCarthy spoke out on domestic problems. McCarthy declined and the refusal propelled Schlesinger's unsuccessful suggestion that Kennedy endorse McCarthy. The day before Kennedy announced his entry into the primary, he told reporters Hayne Johnson and Jack Newfield: "I can't be a hypocrite anymore. I just don't believe Gene McCarthy would be a good president. If it had been George McGovern who had run in New Hampshire, I wouldn't have gotten into it. But what has McCarthy ever done for the ghettos or for the poor?"

The day Kennedy announced his entry into the primary, McCarthy reversed his decision to not enter the Indiana primary; he didn't want to help Kennedy's chances of winning any primaries. According to Dominic Sandbrook, Kennedy's entry into the primary caused a shift in McCarthy's campaign—McCarthy was forced to further develop his own platform, instead of merely being antagonistic to the Johnson administration's policies. Walter LaFeber believed that animosity between the Kennedy and McCarthy campaigns had grown by the end of March. Following President Johnson's withdrawal from the primary, McCarthy said: "Up to now Bobby was Jack running against Lyndon. Now Bobby has to run against Jack." Mills wrote that Kennedy's focus on providing assistance for the poor and powerless during the Indiana primary was meant to highlight an issue that the McCarthy campaign had neglected. After his Nebraska victory, Kennedy said that McCarthy supporters should support him to prevent the nomination of Humphrey at the Democratic National Convention. McCarthy rebuked Kennedy's proposals about fixing cities during a late May speech at University of California, Davis. The McCarthy campaign believed that if Kennedy did well enough to survive the California primary, it would lead to a fractured Democratic National Convention where McCarthy would be the alternative for those opposed to both Kennedy and Humphrey. After Kennedy's assassination, some Kennedy advisors joined the McCarthy campaign with plans for supporting it toward gaining the nomination.

### Hubert Humphrey

Two days after Kennedy announced his candidacy, Vice President Hubert Humphrey said that RFK had supported the JFK administration's policies on the Vietnam conflict. Humphrey's office produced a statement from Kennedy, written six years prior, saying the U.S. would win in Vietnam.

Kennedy was in Nebraska when Humphrey entered the race on April 27. Kennedy welcomed Humphrey into the race, saying Humphrey's candidacy offered "clear alternatives" between the Johnson administration's policies and those of the primary candidates.

LaFeber wrote that Humphrey's entry seemed to be hinged entirely on President Johnson's distaste at the idea of Kennedy being the party's nominee in the general election. Kennedy took direct aim at Humphrey's "politics of joy" line during his announcement speech while campaigning in Indiana: "It is easy to say this is the politics of happiness—but if you see children starving in the Delta of Mississippi and despair on the Indian reservations, then you know that everybody in America is not satisfied."

The morning after his Oregon loss, Kennedy hosted a Los Angeles airport press conference in which he critiqued Humphrey for what he called an inability "to present his views to the voters of a single state." Kennedy also emphasized that there would be no anti-war presidential candidate, if Humphrey were the Democratic nominee in the general election against Republican Richard Nixon. After winning the California primary, Kennedy said that he intended to follow Humphrey "all over the country" in pursuit of the nomination.

Reflecting on Kennedy's assassination, Humphrey said: "I was doing everything I could to get the nomination, but God knows I didn't want it that way." Humphrey went on to become the Democratic Party's nominee in the general election.

### Richard J. Daley

Shortly before entering the race, on February 8, 1968, Kennedy met with Chicago Mayor Richard J. Daley about the chances of usurping the nomination from the incumbent President Lyndon Johnson. Kennedy wanted Daley to use his influence to sway delegates and the Democratic National Convention in his favor toward nomination. Daley stated that he would remain committed to Johnson. Savage wrote that Daley was worried about a Kennedy presidency because he had, as U.S. attorney general, prosecuted Democratic machine politicians in several states.

### Richard Nixon

After President Johnson withdrew from the primary, Nixon commented that Kennedy seemed favored for the nomination. When Richard Nixon heard that Kennedy had announced his candidacy, Nixon reportedly said, "We've just seen some very terrible forces unleashed. Something bad is going to come out of this." However, Nixon was relieved by Kennedy's entry into the Democratic primary—he believed the divisions created by Kennedy's candidacy would be an advantage for Republicans. In April, Nixon proposed a debate between Kennedy and himself. Nixon, who during his own campaign for the presidency spoke about federal power to the states and economic empowerment for blacks in a late May speech, said: "Bobby and I have been sounding pretty much alike." Kennedy tied with Nixon in polls conducted in the latter part of 1967. When Kennedy was announced the winner of the California primary, Nixon told his family: "It sure looks like we'll be going against Bobby."

### Kennedy family

Kennedy's wife, Ethel, regularly joined Kennedy when he was campaigning. His brother Ted and brother-in-law Steve Smith, were involved in the campaign as informal advisors. His sisters Jean Kennedy Smith and Patricia Kennedy Lawford were in the entourage of the Kennedy campaign at the Ambassador Hotel after Kennedy won the California primary. Kennedy met with his father, Joseph P. Kennedy Sr., ahead of making the announcement; the elder Kennedy dropped his head "to his chest in regret." Bzdek wrote, "He no longer wished to see three sons as president; he only wished to see the last two alive."

## Bibliography

## InfoBox

| Robert F. Kennedy for President 1968 | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Campaign | 1968 United States presidential election (Democratic primaries) |
| Candidate | **Robert F. Kennedy**<br>U.S. Senator from New York<br>*(1965–1968)* |
| Affiliation | Democratic Party |
| Status | Announced: March 16, 1968<br>Assassinated: June 6, 1968 |
| Key people | Joseph Gargan, chairman |


title: Betty Chung

abstract: Betty Chung is a former Hong Kong recording artist and actress popular during the 1960s and 1970s. She sings in English, Mandarin and Cantonese.

text:
# Betty Chung

**Betty Chung** (born 1947) is a former Hong Kong recording artist and actress popular during the 1960s and 1970s. She sings in English, Mandarin and Cantonese.

## Life and career

Betty Chung was born in Hong Kong. Her ancestral hometown is Chengdu (成都市), Sichuan Province. In 1963, she won a singing contest at the age of 16. She appeared in various TV commercials, TVB shows, and movies, including Enter the Dragon. Chung left Hong Kong showbiz in the 1980s. She married famous songwriter Chris Babida (Chinese: 鮑比達) but then divorced. She has one son and resides in Southern California.

## Filmography

* 1965: *Xiao yun que*
* 1968: *Hong luan xing dong* as Nightclub singer (Guest star)
* 1969: *Diao jin gui*
* 1969: *Qing chun wan sui*
* 1970: *Huan le ren sheng*
* 1970: *Hen xin di ren*
* 1973: *She wang yu yan wang*
* 1973: *Enter the Dragon* (龍爭虎鬥) as Mei Ling
* 1975: *All Men Are Brothers* (蕩寇誌) as Li Shih-shih (final film role)

## Discography

* 1966: 《A Go Go》
* 1967: 《愛情鐘 Bell A Go Go》
* 1967: 《假惺惺 Let's Pretend》
* 1968: 《紅鸞星動》OST
* 1968: 《I Want Action》
* 1968: 《迷你，迷你 Mini Mini》
* 1968: 《野火 Wild Flame》
* 1969: 《聖誕快樂 Merry Christmas》
* 1969: 《我祝福他 Massachusetts》
* 1969: 《桃李春風 Dark Semester》OST
* 1969: 《春火 My Son》OST
* 1969: 《慾燄狂流 Torrent of Desire》OST
* 1970: 《情感的債 One Day》
* 1970: 《浪子之歌 The Lark》
* 1970: 《蝴蝶飛 The Butterfly》
* 1970: 《迷你小姐 Mini-Midi-Maxi Girl》
* 1971: 《愛情故事 Love Story》
* 1974: 《Betty Chung》
* 1976: 《Peter Pan 小飛俠》Hong Kong version OST
* 1977: 《心有千千結》OST
* 1977: 《大家姐與大狂魔》電影原聲帶 (好市唱片)
* 2005: 《百代百年系列7：西洋風（一）大江東去》

## TV appearances

## InfoBox

| Betty Chung | |
| --- | --- |
| Born | Chung Chiu-mei
鍾昭薇 (Traditional)
钟昭薇 (Simplified)
Zhōng Zhāowēi (Mandarin)
Zung1 Ciu1 Mei4 (Cantonese)
1947 (age 7677)
Hong Kong |
| Occupation(s) | Singer, actress |
| Years active | 1963–1984 |
| Spouse | Chris Babida (divorced) |
|  | |
|  | |
| Chinese name | |
| Traditional Chinese | 鍾玲玲 |
| Simplified Chinese | 钟玲玲 |
| Transcriptions  Standard Mandarin  Hanyu Pinyin Zhōng Línglíng  Yue: Cantonese  Jyutping Zung1 Ling4 Ling4 | |
|  | |
|  | |
| **Musical career** | |
| Origin | Hong Kong |
| Labels | EMI |
|  | |


title: Bay View, New Zealand

abstract: Bay View, previously known as Kai-arero and Petane, is a settlement in the Hawke's Bay region of the eastern North Island of New Zealand. It lies on State Highway 2, nine kilometres north of the city centre of Napier. The Esk River flows into the sea just to the north. Hawke's Bay Airport and the Napier suburb of Westshore lie just to the south. Bay View has been administered by the Napier City Council since the 1989 local government reforms.

text:
# Bay View, New Zealand

**Bay View**, previously known as **Kai-arero** and **Petane**, is a settlement in the Hawke's Bay region of the eastern North Island of New Zealand. It lies on State Highway 2, nine kilometres north of the city centre of Napier. The Esk River flows into the sea just to the north. Hawke's Bay Airport and the Napier suburb of Westshore lie just to the south. Bay View has been administered by the Napier City Council since the 1989 local government reforms.

## History

In 1826, the rangatira Tuakiaki ate the tongue of his brother-in-law Te Mautaranui of Tuhoe, whom he had killed in revenge for an earlier murder, at Bay View. In memory of this event, the location was named Kai-arero ("eating of the tongue").

William Colenso of the Church Missionary Society established a mission outstation named *Bethany* near the mouth of the Esk River. Māori transliterated *Bethany* as *Pētane* and this became the name of the wider area. Pētane was seized by Maori in the early 1860s with the idea of attacking Napier. The name of the area was changed to *Bay View* in 1924 to avoid confusion with Petone in the Wellington region.

## Demographics

Bay View covers 29.22 km2 (11.28 sq mi) and had an estimated population of 2,410 as of June 2023, with a population density of 82 people per km2.

Historical population
| Year | Pop. | ±% p.a. |
| --- | --- | --- |
| 2006 | 1,773 |  |
| 2013 | 1,920 | +1.14% |
| 2018 | 2,238 | +3.11% |
| Source: | | |

Bay View had a population of 2,238 at the 2018 New Zealand census, an increase of 318 people (16.6%) since the 2013 census, and an increase of 465 people (26.2%) since the 2006 census. There were 762 households, comprising 1,122 males and 1,119 females, giving a sex ratio of 1.0 males per female. The median age was 46.0 years (compared with 37.4 years nationally), with 444 people (19.8%) aged under 15 years, 294 (13.1%) aged 15 to 29, 1,122 (50.1%) aged 30 to 64, and 381 (17.0%) aged 65 or older.

Ethnicities were 90.8% European/Pākehā, 17.0% Māori, 0.9% Pacific peoples, 2.3% Asian, and 1.5% other ethnicities. People may identify with more than one ethnicity.

The percentage of people born overseas was 13.1, compared with 27.1% nationally.

Although some people chose not to answer the census's question about religious affiliation, 60.6% had no religion, 30.2% were Christian, 1.2% had Māori religious beliefs, 0.3% were Hindu, 0.3% were Buddhist and 1.6% had other religions.

Of those at least 15 years old, 324 (18.1%) people had a bachelor's or higher degree, and 300 (16.7%) people had no formal qualifications. The median income was $36,500, compared with $31,800 nationally. 360 people (20.1%) earned over $70,000 compared to 17.2% nationally. The employment status of those at least 15 was that 939 (52.3%) people were employed full-time, 294 (16.4%) were part-time, and 33 (1.8%) were unemployed.

## InfoBox

| Bay View | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Coordinates: 39°25′41″S 176°51′25″E / 39.428°S 176.857°E / -39.428; 176.857 | |
| Country | New Zealand |
| Region | Hawke's Bay |
| Territorial authority | Napier City |
| Ward | Ahuriri Ward |
| Electorates |  |
| Government | |
| Territorial Authority | Napier City Council |
| Regional council | Hawke's Bay Regional Council |
| Area | |
| Total | 29.22 km2 (11.28 sq mi) |
| Population (June 2023) | |
| Total | 2,410 |
| Density | 82/km2 (210/sq mi) |


title: Chloroxuron

abstract: Chloroxuron is an organic compound with the chemical formula C15H15ClN2O2 used as an herbicide. It is classified as an extremely hazardous substance in the United States as defined in Section 302 of the U.S. Emergency Planning and Community Right-to-Know Act (42 U.S.C. 11002), and is subject to strict reporting requirements by facilities which produce, store, or use it in significant quantities.

text:
# Chloroxuron

**Chloroxuron** is an organic compound with the chemical formula C15H15ClN2O2 used as an herbicide. It is classified as an extremely hazardous substance in the United States as defined in Section 302 of the U.S. Emergency Planning and Community Right-to-Know Act (42 U.S.C. 11002), and is subject to strict reporting requirements by facilities which produce, store, or use it in significant quantities.

## InfoBox

Chloroxuron
|  | |
| --- | --- |
| Names | |
| Preferred IUPAC name *N*′-\[4-(4-Chlorophenoxy)phenyl\]-*N*,*N*-dimethylurea | |
| Other names 3-\[4-(4-Chlorophenoxy)phenyl\]-1,1-dimethylurea | |
| Identifiers | |
| CAS Number |  |
| 3D model (JSmol) |  |
| ChEBI |  |
| ChemSpider |  |
| ECHA InfoCard | 100.016.222 |
| EC Number | * 217-843-7 |
| KEGG |  |
| PubChem CID |  |
| UNII |  |
| UN number | 3077, 2767 |
| CompTox Dashboard (EPA) |  |
| InChI * InChI=1/C15H15ClN2O2/c1-18(2)15(19)17-12-5-9-14(10-6-12)20-13-7-3-11(16)4-8-13/h3-10H,1-2H3,(H,17,19)Key: IVUXTESCPZUGJC-UHFFFAOYAN | |
| SMILES * Clc2ccc(Oc1ccc(NC(=O)N(C)C)cc1)cc2 | |
| Properties | |
| Chemical formula | C15H15ClN2O2 |
| Molar mass | 290.75 g·mol−1 |
| Appearance | Solid |
| Density | 1.27 g/cm3 |
| Melting point | 151 °C (304 °F; 424 K) |
| Hazards | |
| **GHS** labelling: | |
| Pictograms |  |
| Signal word | **Warning** |
| Hazard statements | H332, H400 |
| Precautionary statements | P261, P271, P273, P304+P312, P304+P340, P312, P391, P501 |
| Flash point | 231.6 °C (448.9 °F; 504.8 K) |
| Except where otherwise noted, data are given for materials in their standard state (at 25 °C \[77 °F\], 100 kPa).  Infobox references | |


title: Tobacco Workers International Union

abstract: The Tobacco Workers International Union (TWIU) was a labor union representing workers in the tobacco industry in the United States and Canada.

text:
# Tobacco Workers International Union

The **Tobacco Workers International Union** (TWIU) was a labor union representing workers in the tobacco industry in the United States and Canada.

## History

The union was founded on May 25, 1895, at a conference in St. Louis, which brought together ten local unions. Initially named the **National Tobacco Workers' Union**, it became the TWIU in 1899.

The union immediately faced opposition from the American Tobacco Company. In response, it promoted a boycott of the company, while encouraging independent companies which permitted it to organize to place union labels in their products. It also fought to end the use of child labor in the tobacco industry, and to improve working conditions.

In 1916, workers in various factories across New York and the Mid West walked out to demand wage increases. This led the union to become more militant, and it had particular success in recruiting workers in North Carolina. By 1920, membership had risen to 15,200, but reversals in North Carolina reduced this figure to only 1,500 in 1925, and the union came close to bankruptcy. However, it recovered through organizing workers in the Axton-Fisher Tobacco Company, which experienced rapid growth.

Working conditions in tobacco factories of Richmond, Virginia were very poor in the 1920s and 1930s, with two writers stating that conditions had "changed very little since the days of slavery." These writers also claimed that Tobacco Workers International Union (TWIU) in Richmond at that time was "entirely ineffective and openly collaborated with the employers." Eventually, in 1937, the Southern Negro Youth Congress, a wing of the CIO's National Negro Congress, established the Tobacco Stemmers' and Laborers' Industrial Union (TSLIU) in Richmond, and these unionization efforts spread to other local workplaces.

The union's leading figure from its formation until 1940 was E. Lewis Evans, who opposed strikes. In order to consolidate his power, he discouraged the arrangement of any conventions; none were held between 1900 and 1939, in which year he was ordered by a court to permit one to be run. At the convention, his perspectives were defeated, and all but one of the executive board were replaced.

The TWIU organized at the Liggett and Myers tobacco plant in Durham, North Carolina for many years around issues of seniority and civil rights.

On August 17, 1978, the TWIU merged into the Bakery and Confectionery Workers' International Union.

## Leadership

### Presidents

1895: John Fischer 1908: A. McAndrews 1921: W. R. Walden 1926: E. Lewis Evans 1940: W. Warren Smith 1943: Radford G. Powell 1944: John O'Hare 1968: Howard W. Vogt 1970: Rene Rondou

### Secretary-Treasurers

1895: E. Lewis Evans 1940: Robert J. Petree c.1970: Homer Cole

## Further reading

* Kaufman, S. B. (1987). *Challenge & Change: The History of the Tobacco Workers International Union*. Kensington, Md.: Bakery, Confectionery, and Tobacco Workers International Union. ISBN 0-252-01421-9.
* Northrup, H. R. (1942). The Tobacco Workers International Union. *The Quarterly Journal of Economics*, 56(4), 606–626.


title: Philotheca nutans

abstract: Philotheca nutans is a species of flowering plant in the family Rutaceae and is endemic to the south-west of Western Australia. It is a small, densely-branched shrub with club-shaped to cylindrical, glandular-warty leaves and pendent, pale yellow to pale red flowers arranged singly in leaf axils.

text:
# Philotheca nutans

***Philotheca nutans*** is a species of flowering plant in the family Rutaceae and is endemic to the south-west of Western Australia. It is a small, densely-branched shrub with club-shaped to cylindrical, glandular-warty leaves and pendent, pale yellow to pale red flowers arranged singly in leaf axils.

## Description

*Philotheca nutans* is a densely-branched shrub that grows to a height of 30–90 cm (12–35 in) with glandular-warty branchlets. The leaves are cylindrical to club-shaped, about 11 mm (0.43 in) long and glandular-warty on the lower surface. The flowers are pendent and borne singly in leaf axils, each flower on a thin pedicel about 8 mm (0.31 in) long. There are five broadly egg-shaped sepals about 2.5 mm (0.098 in) long and five broadly egg-shaped, pale yellow to pale red petals 7–10 mm (0.28–0.39 in). The ten stamens are densely woolly-hairy. Flowering occurs from July to September.

## Taxonomy and naming

This philotheca was first formally described in 1970 by Paul Wilson who gave it the name *Eriostemon nutans* and published the description in the journal *Nuytsia* from specimens collected by Charles Gardner in 1953. In 1998, Wilson changed the name to *Philotheca nutans* in the same journal.

## Distribution and habitat

*Philotheca nutans* grows in woodland near the Wubin-Paynes Find road in the south-west of Western Australia.

## Conservation status

*Philotheca nutans* is classified as "Priority One" by the Government of Western Australia Department of Parks and Wildlife, meaning that it is known from only one or a few locations which are potentially at risk.

## InfoBox

| *Philotheca nutans* | |
| --- | --- |
| Conservation status | |
|
Priority One — Poorly Known Taxa (DEC) | |
| Scientific classification | |
| Kingdom: | Plantae |
| *Clade*: | Tracheophytes |
| *Clade*: | Angiosperms |
| *Clade*: | Eudicots |
| *Clade*: | Rosids |
| Order: | Sapindales |
| Family: | Rutaceae |
| Genus: | *Philotheca* |
| Species: | ***P. nutans*** |
| Binomial name | |
| ***Philotheca nutans***
(Paul G.Wilson) Paul G.Wilson | |
|
| Synonyms | |
| * *Eriostemon nutans* Paul G.Wilson | |


title: Richard Anderson (artist)

abstract: Richard Anderson is an American concept artist, illustrator, and painter. He won the Gold Spectrum Award in 2011, the Art Directors Guild Award for Excellence in Production Design for a Fantasy Film in 2015, and he was the final person to win the Gemmell Award for Best Fantasy Cover Art. He has created artwork used on dozens of book covers, concept art used in the production of several films, and has worked both freelance and for specific companies in his career.

text:
# Richard Anderson (artist)

**Richard Anderson** is an American concept artist, illustrator, and painter. He won the Gold Spectrum Award in 2011, the Art Directors Guild Award for Excellence in Production Design for a Fantasy Film in 2015, and he was the final person to win the Gemmell Award for Best Fantasy Cover Art.

He has created artwork used on dozens of book covers, concept art used in the production of several films, and has worked both freelance and for specific companies in his career.

## Biography

Richard Anderson is a native of Montana, where he lived in a trailer house. He began drawing when he was young, and had difficulty in school. After graduating high school, he began attending The Art Institute of Seattle, where he graduated after focusing on his drawing.

In 2003, he began working as an artist at NCSoft (specifically at ArenaNet), where he worked on the *Guild Wars* games. After working at NCSoft for eight-and-a-half years, he moved to MPC, where he worked through 2011. He won the 2011 Gold Spectrum Award in the Institutional category for *Knight March*, and he has since been included multiple times in *Spectrum*. He then worked at Framestore until October 2013, after which he began working for Rocksteady Studios.

He was nominated for the 2014 BSFA Award for Best Artwork for *The Mirror Empire*. Along with other members of the art department, he won the Art Directors Guild Award for Excellence in Production Design for a Fantasy Film in 2015 for his work as a senior concept artist on the film *Guardians of the Galaxy*.

Anderson was nominated in 2016 for the Chesley Award for Best Cover Illustration – Hardcover for *The Dinosaur Lords*. That same year, Anderson was also nominated for the World Fantasy Award for Best Artist. In 2018, he was the final person to win the Gemmell Award for Best Fantasy Cover Art for *Kings of the Wyld*.

He also does freelance work through is studio, Flaptraps Art. He uses standard sketches on paper for some projects, but he also uses a Cintiq tablet so he can work directly in Photoshop from the beginning. He also uses 3D tools like SketchUp, Maya, 3ds Max, and modo in his visualization work.

## Works

### Cover art

Anderson created the cover art for the following:

### Films

Anderson worked as a concept artist on the following films:

He worked as a digital artist on *The Kid Who Would Be King* in 2019.

## Reception

Anderson's work has been described as "explosive, \[with\] energy to every line", "raw, colourful" and "tense and mature...". Sarah Gailey, the author of *River of Teeth*, stated "\[h\]is covers are dynamic and gorgeous...\[rendering\] a world in broad, luminous strokes."

### Awards and honors

| Year | Organization | Award title,
Category | Work | Result | Refs |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| 2011 | Spectrum Fantastic Art | Spectrum Award,
Institutional | *Knight March* | Gold |  |
| 2014 | British Science Fiction Association | BSFA Award,
Best Artwork | *The Mirror Empire* | Nominated |  |
| 2015 | Art Directors Guild | Art Directors Guild Award,
Excellence in Production Design for a Fantasy Film | *Guardians of the Galaxy* | Won |  |
| 2016 | Association of Science Fiction and Fantasy Artists | Chesley Award,
Best Cover Illustration – Hardcover | *The Dinosaur Lords* | Nominated |  |
| | World Fantasy Convention | World Fantasy Award,
Artist | - | Nominated |  |
| 2018 | Gemmell Awards | Gemmell Award,
Best Fantasy Cover Art | *Kings of the Wyld* | Won |  |

## InfoBox

| Richard Anderson | |
| --- | --- |
| Known for |  |
| Awards |  |
| Website | flaptrapsart.com |


title: Rocky Comfort Creek (Georgia)

abstract: Rocky Comfort Creek is a 62.4-mile-long (100.4 km) tributary of the Ogeechee River in the U.S. state of Georgia. Rising in Warren County 9 miles (14 km) northwest of Warrenton, it flows southeast, entering Glascock County and passing the town of Gibson, then continuing south into Jefferson County, where it reaches the Ogeechee River at Louisville. The name "Rocky Comfort Creek" most likely is an English translation of its Native American Indian-language name.

text:
# Rocky Comfort Creek (Georgia)

**Rocky Comfort Creek** is a 62.4-mile-long (100.4 km) tributary of the Ogeechee River in the U.S. state of Georgia. Rising in Warren County 9 miles (14 km) northwest of Warrenton, it flows southeast, entering Glascock County and passing the town of Gibson, then continuing south into Jefferson County, where it reaches the Ogeechee River at Louisville.

The name "Rocky Comfort Creek" most likely is an English translation of its Native American Indian-language name.

32°59′10″N 82°24′45″W / 32.98599°N 82.41263°W / 32.98599; -82.41263

## InfoBox

| Rocky Comfort Creek | |
| --- | --- |
| Location | |
| Country | United States |
| Physical characteristics | |
|  | |
| Source |  |
| location | Georgia |
|  | |


title: Six Gates from Limbo

abstract: Six Gates from Limbo is a science fiction novel by Scottish writer J. T. McIntosh, first published in serial form in Worlds of If magazine. The serial was titled "Six Gates to Limbo" in the magazine, appearing starting in January 1969. Copyright was then secured in Great Britain in 1968 by Michael Joseph Ltd. It was published in August 1969 in New York City by Avon Books.

text:
# Six Gates from Limbo

***Six Gates from Limbo*** is a science fiction novel by Scottish writer J. T. McIntosh, first published in serial form in *Worlds of If* magazine. The serial was titled "Six Gates to Limbo" in the magazine, appearing starting in January 1969. Copyright was then secured in Great Britain in 1968 by Michael Joseph Ltd. It was published in August 1969 in New York City by Avon Books.

## Plot

On awakening in an idyllic tropical paradise, Rex is disoriented and possibly afflicted with amnesia. He knows his name, but the particulars are curiously missing. He spends his first week exploring, and discovers that his Eden-like paradise is surrounded by a huge unscalable wall 50 miles in circumference. Furthermore, there are six gateways at roughly equal intervals, but there is no way to climb up there and see where they go.

After a significant amount of exploring, he finds a single house that may hold the answers to his missing memory. How he could have missed it on first waking, is beyond him. Maybe he was just pointed in the wrong direction, and he started wandering off randomly, and forgot to turn around. Inside, he discovers what appears to be three suspended animation tanks, one of which is labeled *REX*, another *REGINA* \- both with their tops off - and on looking inside, mysteriously vacant. The other tank is labeled *VENUS* and holds a woman who is the most breathtakingly beautiful thing he has ever seen.


title: Raiganj Coronation High School

abstract: Raiganj Coronation High School is a higher secondary school for boys and girls situated at the Raiganj Municipality of Uttar Dinajpur district in Indian state of West Bengal.

text:
# Raiganj Coronation High School

**Raiganj Coronation High School** is a higher secondary school for boys and girls situated at the Raiganj Municipality of Uttar Dinajpur district in Indian state of West Bengal.

## History

Raiganj Coronation High School (H.S.) was established on 17 January 1911. A group of enlightened persons headed by Sri Kulada Kanta Ghosh, the founder Secretary of the School played the pivotal role in the establishment of the school. The school was named such because it was the year of the coronation of King George V. After independence, efforts had been made to do away with the word "coronation" but it could not be actualized as yet.

## Before 1911

Prior to 17 January 1911, the school was known as Raiganj Middle English School. In 1908 Sri Kulada Kanta Ghosh of Raiganj attended the "Congress Conference" held at Bombay. Inspired by nationalistic educational philosophy, Sri Ghosh on returning from the conference devoted himself along with like-minded persons towards setting up a school to cater the need of spreading education among the children of Raiganj. As a result, Raiganj Middle East School which was established in 1905, came to known as Raiganj Coronation High English School w.e.f. 17 January 1911. The entire land required for the school building and the playground was donated by Late Maharaja Girija Nath Rai Bahadur of Dinajpur.

## The Freedom Movement and the School

Sri Kulada Kanta Ghosh, the founder Secretary of the school was a staunch supporter of the freedom movement. Among the teaching staff Damodar Pramanik, H.M. and Arun Chandra Ghosh, A.T were indirectly but closely associated with the movement. A group of students namely Sukumar Guha, Rabindranath Bhowmik, Anil Nag, Sucharu Guha, Kamal Bhowmik, Abinash Dutta and other courted arrest for actively participating in the August movement, in 1942. Monoranjan Saha and some other students of the school were arrested for taking active part in the Non-co-operation and Civil Disobedience Movement. The name of Saroj Basu alias Kalketu Basu, a student of the school was the main spring behind the great Hili-Darjelling Mail Robbery case of 1933. Saroj Basu was arrested and was given death entrenchment. Later, following an appeal made before the Calcutta High Court, he was given ten years imprisonment. Sri Shyma Prasad Barman, a student of the second Matriculation Batch of the school in 1916 was closely associated with the movement launched by the Congress from time to time and after independence became a minister and continued for 11 years in the Cabinet of Dr. B.C. Roy, Chief Minister of West Bengal. Dr. Roy took active interest in the activity of the school. He visited the school on 27 September 1958 and opened the 'New Block' of the school. In 1946, communal violence took the worst shape at Noakhali. A group of students of the school along with cash and kinds, contributed by the people of the locality went to Noakhali and stretched out helping hand to the victims of the communal violence.

## InfoBox

| Raiganj Coronation High School | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Address | |
|  | |
| Ward no. 5, Vivekananda More
Raiganj, West Bengal, 733134
India | |
| Coordinates | 23°13′20″N 88°21′26″E / 23.2223104°N 88.3572479°E / 23.2223104; 88.3572479 |
| Information | |
| Established | 1911 (1911) |
| Sister school | Raiganj Girls High School |
| School district | Uttar Dinajpur district |
| Headmaster | Kalicharan Saha |
| Gender | Co-ed |
| Language | Bengali. Bengali and English in class 11-12 |
| Campus type | Urban |
| Colour(s) | Aqua & Navy |
| Rival | Raiganj Sri Sri Ramkrishna Vidyabhaban |
| Affiliation | WBBSE & WBCHSE |
| Website | www.raiganjcoronation.co.in |


title: DfI Rivers

abstract:
DfI Rivers is an executive agency of the Department for Infrastructure (DfI), in the Northern Ireland Executive. It is the statutory drainage and flood defence authority for Northern Ireland under the terms of the Drainage Order 1973. DfI is the competent authority for the implementation of the EU Floods directive and has delegated the day to day delivery of the directive to DfI Rivers. The DfI Rivers Headquarters is located in Cookstown and it has Regional headquarters in Lisburn and Omagh and offices in Coleraine, Craigavon and Ballinamallard. The Strategic Flood Map (NI)  - Rivers & Sea was developed by the DfI Rivers in co-operation with the-then Department of the Environment (DOE). The primary aim of the Strategic Flood Map is to provide an illustration of the areas throughout Northern Ireland that are considered to be at risk of flooding from rivers and the sea. In December 2011 a new version of the map was released that refreshed the information on rivers and the sea, updated the historical information to include the latest flood events and for the first time it included a surface water flood layer. The Map is designed to:
  - Help DfI Rivers and others to plan and manage the work to reduce flood risk.
  - To encourage people living and working in areas prone to flooding to find out more and take appropriate action.
  - Inform anyone who wants to apply for planning permission if flooding is likely to be an important consideration.

text:
# DfI Rivers

**DfI Rivers** is an executive agency of the Department for Infrastructure (DfI), in the Northern Ireland Executive. It is the statutory drainage and flood defence authority for Northern Ireland under the terms of the Drainage (Northern Ireland) Order 1973.

DfI is the competent authority for the implementation of the EU Floods directive and has delegated the day to day delivery of the directive to DfI Rivers.

The DfI Rivers Headquarters is located in Cookstown and it has Regional headquarters in Lisburn and Omagh and offices in Coleraine, Craigavon and Ballinamallard.

The Strategic Flood Map (NI) - Rivers & Sea was developed by the DfI Rivers in co-operation with the-then Department of the Environment (DOE). The primary aim of the Strategic Flood Map is to provide an illustration of the areas throughout Northern Ireland that are considered to be at risk of flooding from rivers and the sea. In December 2011 a new version of the map was released that refreshed the information on rivers and the sea, updated the historical information to include the latest flood events and for the first time it included a surface water flood layer.

The Map is designed to:

* Help DfI Rivers and others to plan and manage the work to reduce flood risk.
* To encourage people living and working in areas prone to flooding to find out more and take appropriate action.
* Inform anyone who wants to apply for planning permission if flooding is likely to be an important consideration.


title: Dick Patten

abstract: Dick Patten was an American politician. He served as a Democratic member for the Merrimack 17th of the New Hampshire House of Representatives.

text:
# Dick Patten

**Dick Patten** (died January 2021) was an American politician. He served as a Democratic member for the Merrimack 17th of the New Hampshire House of Representatives.

## Life and career

Patten was a city councilor.

Patten served in the New Hampshire House of Representatives from 2010 to 2018.

Patten died in January 2021.

## InfoBox

| Dick Patten | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Member of the New Hampshire House of Representatives
from the Merrimack 17th district | |
| **In office**
2010–2018 | |
|  | |
| Personal details | |
| Died | January 2021 (aged 69) |
| Political party | Democratic |
|  | |


title: The Disconnection

abstract: The Disconnection is the second album by Carina Round. It was released in October 2003. The album was released in the UK with a cover shot by Anoushka Fisz, then released in 2004 with a different, less disturbing cover photo, on Interscope Records in the US. The album garnered comparisons to Björk, Jeff Buckley and Robert Plant.

text:
# The Disconnection

Professional ratings
| Review scores | |
| --- | --- |
| Source | Rating |
| AllMusic |  |
| *Blender* |  |
| *The Guardian* |  |
| *musicOMH* | (positive) |
| PopMatters | (mixed) |
| Robert Christgau | (\*) |
| *Slant* |  |

***The Disconnection*** is the second album by Carina Round. It was released in October 2003. The album was released in the UK with a cover shot by Anoushka Fisz (wife of Dave Stewart from Eurythmics who supported her since), then released in 2004 with a different, less disturbing cover photo, on Interscope Records in the US. The album garnered comparisons to Björk, Jeff Buckley and Robert Plant.

## Track listing

All songs written by Carina Round, except where noted.

1. "Shoot" — 4:46
2. "Into My Blood" — 3:54
3. "Lacuna" — 4:14
4. "Paris" — 3:41
5. "Monument" — 4:40
6. "Motel 74" — 4:56
7. "Overcome" — 4:21
8. "Sit Tight" — 6:32
9. "Elegy" — 5:55 (Carina Round, Gavin Monaghan) (note, the UK version of the album has an acoustic version of this song whilst the US version has an electric version)

## Personnel

Musicians * Tom Livemore — fancy electric guitars and emma's harmonium, piano, tape delay and mandolin
* Carina Round — acoustic guitar, electric guitar, piano, rhodes, metal tray, mandolin and voices
* Simon Jason Smith — electric bass and double bass, portamento and electric guitar
* John Large — all drums, various percussion and gravel in a box, except *Sit Tight*, drums and percussion played by Marcus Galley

Additional Musicians * Craig Hamilton — lush backing vocals on "Motel 74"
* Anna Russell — lush backing vocals on "Motel 74"
* Jim Summerfield — lush backing vocals on "Motel 74"
* Pippa Green — violin on "Overcome"
* Charley Miles — violin on "Overcome"
* Caroline Bodimead — violin on "Overcome"
* Louis Robinson — violin on "Overcome"
* Ellen Brookes — viola on "Overcome"
* Bruce Wilson — viola on "Overcome"
* Liz Tollington — cello on "Overcome"
* Clare Spencer-smith — cello on "Overcome"
* Nathan Loughran — backing voice on "Sit Tight"
* Matt Taylor — clarinet, horns on "Elegy"
* Ray Butcher — trumpet on "Elegy"
* Tom Walter — trombone on "Elegy"
* Joey Walter — sax on "Elegy"

Production * Produced by Gavin Monaghan and Carina Round
* Pro-Tools Engineered and Recorded by Andy Taylor
* "Sit Tight" produced by Carina Round
* Recorded at Magic Garden Studios except "Sit Tight"
* "Sit Tight" recorded at The Church by Graham Domny and engineered by Nathan Loughran
* Mixed at The Thought Ranch by Tome Livemore and Carina Round except tracks 4, 6, 8 and 9
* Tracks 4, 6, 8 and 9 mixed at Eastcote Studios by Gavin Monaghan
* Mastered at Loud by John Dent

String Arrangement for "Overcome" by John Cotton

## Release history

| Region | Date | Format | Label |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| United Kingdom | October 13, 2003 | CD | Dehisce Records |
| United States | | March 9, 2004 | Interscope Records |

## InfoBox

| The Disconnection | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Studio album by Carina Round | |
| Released | October 13, 2003 |
| Genre | Alternative rock |
| Length | 43:12 |
| Label | Interscope |
| Producer | John Large
Tom Livemore
Gavin Monaghan
Carina Round |
| Carina Round chronology | |
| *The First Blood Mystery*
(2001) ***The Disconnection***
(2003) *Slow Motion Addict*
(2006) | |
|  | |
| International edition cover | |
|  | |
|  | |
|  | |
|  | |


title: Dickson Mua

abstract: Dickson Mua Panakitasi, primarily known as Dickson Mua, is a Solomon Islands politician.

text:
# Dickson Mua

**Dickson Mua Panakitasi**, primarily known as **Dickson Mua** (born 4 November 1972), is a Solomon Islands politician.

## Biography and career

Having obtained a diploma in English and Social Studies from the Solomon Islands College of Higher Education, he worked as the principal of a secondary school before entering politics.

He was first elected to the National Parliament of Solomon Islands as MP for Savo-Russels, a constituency in Central Province, in the August 2010 general election, standing as a member of Manasseh Sogavare's Ownership, Unity and Responsibility Party ("OUR Party"). He attracted attention by defeating the incumbent, veteran politician Sir Allan Kemakeza, who had been seeking a sixth term in Parliament. Mua sat as a member of the Opposition; Opposition leader Steve Abana appointed him Shadow Minister for Health and Medical Services.

In early April 2011, Abana, who had just been ousted from the opposition's leadership, defected to the government, bringing with him several other members of the opposition, including Mua. A cabinet reshuffle took place on 18 April; six ministers were removed to make way for the newcomers and shore up the parliamentary majority of Prime Minister Danny Philip. Mua was appointed Minister for Women, Youth, Children and Family Affairs. As minister, he co-organised the participation of ten Solomon Islanders in "an eight weeks course on gender at Flinders University" in Australia. In October, he was reshuffled to the position of Minister for Forest and Research.

In July 2012, Mua was criticised by Opposition leader Dr. Derek Sikua for having renewed the logging licence of the Earth Movers Logging Company. Sikua alleged that Mua had done so under pressure from the Prime Minister and in contravention to the Attorney General’s advice. Mua denied the claim, saying he had acted on the basis of his own judgment, and accused the Opposition of spreading misinformation. In November, he was criticised for approving the release of public funds to a tourism project operated by his wife. He replied that he had approved funds for all six projects that had applied for funding in his constituency, noting that "to say the projects all went to my relatives and or close friends was not true”.

## InfoBox

| The Right HonourableDickson MuaMP | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Minister for Forestry | |
| **Incumbent** | |
| **Assumed office**
28 October 2011 | |
| Prime Minister | Danny Philip (until 16 November 2011);
then Gordon Darcy Lilo |
| Preceded by | Bradley Tovosia |
| Minister for Women, Youth, Children and Family Affairs | |
| **In office**
18 April 2011  28 October 2011 | |
| Prime Minister | Danny Philip |
| Preceded by | Joseph Onika |
| Succeeded by | Peter Tom |
| Member of Parliament
for Savo-Russels | |
| **Incumbent** | |
| **Assumed office**
4 August 2010 | |
| Preceded by | Sir Allan Kemakeza |
|  | |
| Personal details | |
| Born | (1972-11-04) November 4, 1972 |
| Political party | OUR Party |
|  | |


title: Diadeliomimus

abstract:
Diadeliomimus is a genus of longhorn beetles of the subfamily Lamiinae, containing the following species:
  - Diadeliomimus rufostrigosus Fairmaire, 1897
  - Diadeliomimus vadoni Breuning, 1957

text:
# Diadeliomimus

***Diadeliomimus*** is a genus of longhorn beetles of the subfamily Lamiinae, containing the following species:

## InfoBox

| *Diadeliomimus* | |
| --- | --- |
|
| Scientific classification | |
| Kingdom: | Animalia |
| Phylum: | Arthropoda |
| Class: | Insecta |
| Order: | Coleoptera |
| Family: | Cerambycidae |
| Subfamily: | Lamiinae |
| Genus: | ***Diadeliomimus*** |
|


title: Diadelioides lateraliplagiatus

abstract: Diadelioides lateraliplagiatus is a species of beetle in the family Cerambycidae. It was described by Breuning in 1940.

text:
# Diadelioides lateraliplagiatus

***Diadelioides lateraliplagiatus*** is a species of beetle in the family Cerambycidae. It was described by Breuning in 1940.

## InfoBox

| *Diadelioides lateraliplagiatus* | |
| --- | --- |
|
| Scientific classification | |
| Kingdom: | Animalia |
| Phylum: | Arthropoda |
| Class: | Insecta |
| Order: | Coleoptera |
| Suborder: | Polyphaga |
| Family: | Cerambycidae |
| Genus: | ***Diadelioides*** |
| Species: | ***D. lateraliplagiatus*** |
| Binomial name | |
| ***Diadelioides lateraliplagiatus***<br>Breuning, 1940 | |
|


title: Diadeliomimus rufostrigosus

abstract: Diadeliomimus rufostrigosus is a species of beetle in the family Cerambycidae. It was described by Fairmaire in 1897.

text:
# Diadeliomimus rufostrigosus

***Diadeliomimus rufostrigosus*** is a species of beetle in the family Cerambycidae. It was described by Fairmaire in 1897.

## InfoBox

| *Diadeliomimus rufostrigosus* | |
| --- | --- |
|
| Scientific classification | |
| Kingdom: | Animalia |
| Phylum: | Arthropoda |
| Class: | Insecta |
| Order: | Coleoptera |
| Suborder: | Polyphaga |
| Family: | Cerambycidae |
| Genus: | ***Diadeliomimus*** |
| Species: | ***D. rufostrigosus*** |
| Binomial name | |
| ***Diadeliomimus rufostrigosus***<br>Fairmaire, 1897 | |
|


title: Diadem

abstract: A diadem is a type of crown, specifically an ornamental headband worn by monarchs and others as a badge of royalty.

text:
# Diadem

A **diadem** is a type of crown, specifically an ornamental headband worn by monarchs and others as a badge of royalty.

## Overview

The word derives from the Greek διάδημα *diádēma*, "band" or "fillet", from διαδέω *diadéō*, "I bind round", or "I fasten". The term originally referred to the embroidered white silk ribbon, ending in a knot and two fringed strips often draped over the shoulders, that surrounded the head of the king to denote his authority. Such ribbons were also used to crown victorious athletes in important sports games in antiquity. It was later applied to a metal crown, generally in a circular or "fillet" shape. For example, the crown worn by Queen Juliana of the Netherlands was a diadem, as was that of a baron later (in some countries surmounted by three globes). The ancient Celts were believed to have used a thin, semioval gold plate called a *mind* (Old Irish) as a diadem. Some of the earliest examples of these types of crowns can be found in ancient Egypt, from the simple fabric type to the more elaborate metallic type, and in the Aegean world.

A diadem is also a jewelled ornament in the shape of a half crown, worn by women and placed over the forehead (in this sense, also called tiara). In some societies, it may be a wreath worn around the head. The ancient Persians wore a high and erect royal tiara encircled with a diadem. Hera, queen of the Greek gods, wore a golden crown called the diadem.

The "Priest King" statue made by the Indus Valley civilization (c. 3300 – c. 1300 BCE) wore a headband that is possibly a diadem.

By extension, "diadem" can be used generally for an emblem of regal power or dignity. The Roman emperor's head regalia worn, from the time of Diocletian onwards, is described as a diadem in the original sources. It was this object that the Foederatus general Odoacer returned to Emperor Zeno (the emperor of the Eastern Roman Empire) after his expulsion of the usurper Romulus Augustus from Rome in 476 AD.


title: Die hard (phrase)

abstract: Die hard is a phrase coined by Lieutenant-Colonel William Inglis of the 57th Regiment of Foot during the Battle of Albuera. Its original literal meaning has evolved to describe any person who will not be swayed from a belief. The metaphorical sense was first applied almost exclusively to right wing politics, but since the latter half of the 20th century, it has come into general use with wide application.

text:
# Die hard (phrase)

**Die hard** is a phrase coined by Lieutenant-Colonel William Inglis of the 57th (West Middlesex) Regiment of Foot during the Battle of Albuera. Its original literal meaning has evolved to describe any person who will not be swayed from a belief. The metaphorical sense was first applied almost exclusively to right wing politics, but since the latter half of the 20th century, it has come into general use with wide application.

## Original military use

The phrase *die hard* was first used during the Battle of Albuera (1811) in the Peninsular War. During the battle, Lieutenant-Colonel William Inglis of the 57th (West Middlesex) Regiment of Foot was wounded by canister shot. Despite his injuries, Inglis refused to retire from the battle but remained with the regimental colours, encouraging his men with the words "Die hard 57th, die hard!" as they came under intense pressure from a French attack. The 'Die Hards' subsequently became the West Middlesex's regimental nickname.

The term was later used to deride several senior officers of the Army who sought to maintain the system bequeathed to them by the Duke of Wellington and who strenuously resisted military reforms enacted by Parliament starting in the late 1860s.

## British political uses

In British politics the adjective "die-hard" (best written with a hyphen) was first used to describe those who, during the crisis caused by the Lords' rejection of David Lloyd George's "People's Budget" of 1909, refused to accept the diminution of the House of Lords' powers by the Parliament Act 1911, and who generally held right wing views, most notably Richard Verney, 19th Baron Willoughby de Broke.

It was subsequently used to describe right-wing critics of Lloyd George's Coalition Government 1918–1922, several of whom had been die-hards before the War such as Leopold Maxse. There was at this time a "higher proportion of Irishmen in the Diehard group than in the rest of the parliamentary Conservative Party".

It was later revived to describe a grouping of members of the Conservative Party in the 1930s, including Henry Page Croft who had been prominent among both the earlier die-hards, who amongst other things refused to accept any moves towards Indian independence. But this time it also included some who "did not necessarily share the general views of the right on other matters", such as Winston Churchill who had been a *bête noire* of the original die-hards. Some of the die-hards, though not Churchill, flirted with Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists and/or supported Neville Chamberlain's policy of appeasement.

## Other usage

The term is now commonly used to describe any person who will not be swayed from a belief, and was used as the title of the popular action movie series *Die Hard*, all starring Bruce Willis as police officer John McClane.


title: Die head

abstract: A die head is a threading die that is used in the high volume production of threaded fasteners. Die heads are commonly used on lathes, turret lathes, screw machines and CNC lathes. They may be used for either cutting a thread or rolling a thread. They may also be used for internal or external thread cutting. In operation, there are usually four moveable chasers that cut the thread then back away from the work to permit rapid removal of the tool. The lower picture at the right shows four sets of chasers. Each set of chasers is designed to cut a different thread. One set of chasers would be used at a time, each chaser is inserted into the die head and the die head is closed bringing the chasers down to their cutting position. When sufficient length of thread has been cut the die head will open allowing for rapid retraction of the head without interference with the newly formed thread. The die head shown cuts an outside thread. There are also collapsible die heads that are used to cut an internal thread. The bottom picture shows a Die Head used for Thread Rolling. A Rolled Thread may have greater strength than a cut thread, though it usually requires more energy to roll a thread than cut one.

text:
# Die head

A **die head** is a threading die that is used in the high volume production of threaded fasteners.

Die heads are commonly used on lathes, turret lathes, screw machines and CNC lathes. They may be used for either cutting a thread or rolling a thread. They may also be used for internal or external thread cutting.

In operation, there are usually four moveable chasers that cut the thread then back away from the work to permit rapid removal of the tool. The lower picture at the right shows four sets of chasers. Each set of chasers is designed to cut a different thread. One set of chasers would be used at a time, each chaser is inserted into the die head (in the correct order) and the die head is closed bringing the chasers down to their cutting position. When sufficient length of thread has been cut the die head will open allowing for rapid retraction of the head without interference with the newly formed thread.

The die head shown cuts an outside thread. There are also collapsible die heads that are used to cut an internal thread.

The bottom picture shows a Die Head used for Thread Rolling. A Rolled Thread may have greater strength than a cut thread, though it usually requires more energy to roll a thread than cut one.

## Further reading

* Hartness, James (1910). *Hartness Flat Turret Lathe Manual: A Hand Book for Operators*. Springfield, Vermont and London: Jones & Lamson Machine Company. pp. 160–173. Group of Hartness Automatic Dies.


title: The European Tribe

abstract: The European Tribe is the first book of essays by Caryl Phillips, published in 1987. Characterised by Andrea Lee in The New York Times as "part travelogue, part cri de coeur", the collection chronicles the author's journey through multiracial Europe of the 1980s, "guided by a moral compass rather than a map" and "seeking personal definition within the parameters of growing up black in Europe". Maya Jaggi of The Guardian has called it "a coolly indignant dissection of the 'sickness in Europe's soul'". According to a review in The Caribbean Writer, "The topics of race, nationality and culture have loomed large in the consciousness of 20th century individuals, and they continue to attract literary writers of diverse sensibilities. Rarely, however, has the black writer attempted to grapple with such impassioned issues among Europeans; it is an enticing subject, for which Mr. Phillips would appear to be exceptionally equipped." Charles R. Johnson in the Los Angeles Times wrote: "Novelist Caryl Phillips' brief, eye-opening book, The European Tribe, is one black man's answer to Tocqueville's classic [Democracy in America], and may well become a classic of cultural exploration itself....Phillips' true theme in his travels everywhere is the global disenfranchisement of black people at a time when 'America has conquered Europe economically, politically, and culturally.' In 1831, Tocqueville wrote of Americans: 'The taste for superiority crops up everywhere.' A century and a half later, Phillips sees Europe in decline, America, 'the Frankenstein that Europe created risen from the slab,' and right-wing extremism becoming increasingly the solution to unemployment, hopelessness, and disillusionment in Western Europe. The European Tribe, comprised partly of personal odyssey, partly of political indictment, is too important a book to be ignored." The European Tribe was awarded the Martin Luther King Memorial Prize in 1987.

text:
# The European Tribe

***The European Tribe*** is the first book of essays by Caryl Phillips, published in 1987 (in the UK by Faber and Faber and in the US by Farrar, Straus & Giroux). Characterised by Andrea Lee in *The New York Times* as "part travelogue, part cri de coeur", the collection chronicles the author's journey through multiracial Europe of the 1980s, "guided by a moral compass rather than a map" and "seeking personal definition within the parameters of growing up black in Europe". Maya Jaggi of *The Guardian* has called it "a coolly indignant dissection of the 'sickness in Europe's soul'".

According to a review in *The Caribbean Writer*, "The topics of race, nationality and culture have loomed large in the consciousness of 20th century individuals, and they continue to attract literary writers of diverse sensibilities. Rarely, however, has the black writer attempted to grapple with such impassioned issues among Europeans; it is an enticing subject, for which Mr. Phillips would appear to be exceptionally equipped." Charles R. Johnson in the *Los Angeles Times* wrote:

> "Novelist Caryl Phillips' brief, eye-opening book, *The European Tribe,* is one black man's answer to Tocqueville's classic \[*Democracy in America*\], and may well become a classic of cultural exploration itself. ...Phillips' true theme in his travels everywhere is the global disenfranchisement of black people at a time when 'America has conquered Europe economically, politically, and culturally.' In 1831, Tocqueville wrote of Americans: 'The taste for superiority crops up everywhere.' A century and a half later, Phillips sees Europe in decline, America, 'the Frankenstein that Europe created risen from the slab,' and right-wing extremism becoming increasingly the solution to unemployment, hopelessness, and disillusionment in Western Europe.
>
> *The European Tribe,* comprised partly of personal odyssey, partly of political indictment, is too important a book to be ignored."

*The European Tribe* was awarded the Martin Luther King Memorial Prize in 1987.

### Reviews

## InfoBox

The European Tribe
| First UK edition | |
| --- | --- |
| Author | Caryl Phillips |
| Language | English |
| Genre | Essays |
| Publisher | Faber and Faber |
| Publication date | 1987 |
| Publication place | United Kingdom |
| Media type | Print |