title: Prodesis

abstract:
Prodesis was a development project in the Lacandon region of Chiapas, Mexico, that ran from 2004 to 2008.
The aim of the project was to reduce pressure on the rainforest and combat poverty among its inhabitants, most of them being Mayan Indians and subsistence peasants.

text:
# Prodesis

**Prodesis** was a development project in the Lacandon region of Chiapas, Mexico, that ran from 2004 to 2008. The aim of the project was to reduce pressure on the rainforest and combat poverty among its inhabitants, most of them being Mayan Indians and subsistence peasants.

## Plan and objectives

**Prodesis** is an abbreviation of the Spanish name for the programme:
*Proyecto de Desarrollo Social Integrado y Sostenible, Chiapas, Mexico*
(*Integrated and Sustainable Social Development Project, Chiapas, Mexico*).

Its overall objectives were:

1. poverty reduction among the inhabitants of the Lacandon region
2. reduction of the pressure on the natural resources and mitigation of environmental degradation
3. reformulation of social development policies in Chiapas, with emphasis on participative and sustainable territorial development

These goals should stimulate a sense of citizenship, and enhance the relation between the Chiapas government and the 155,000 inhabitants of the 830 communities located around the protected area of the Lacandon Jungle: the Montes Azules Biosphere Reserve. This population, which is mainly indigenous and rural, has the highest levels of poverty and marginalization in the State of Chiapas, and of Mexico as a whole.

*Prodesis* was a continuation the *Integral Programme for the Sustainable Development of the Selva Lacandon Forest* (PIDSS), which in turn was a continuation of Plan Cañadas.

As re-formulated on start-up in 2003, *Prodesis* focussed on 16 of the 34 micro-regions identified by PIDSS. These "micro-regions" were defined by suitability for particular approaches to social and economic development and included Agua Azul, Avellanal, Amador Hernández, Betania, Benemerito de las Américas, Carmen Villaflores, Comunidad Lacandona, Damasco, Francisco I Madero, Maravilla Tenejapa, Marqués de Comillas, Nahá, Nuevo Francisco León, Nuevo Huixtán, Rio Blanco, and Santo Domingo.

## Financing, organization, implementation and evaluation

The project was a cooperation between the state of Chiapas and the European Union (EU), and was budgeted for €31,000,000, of which €16,000,000 was invested by the state of Chiapas. The EU contributed €15,000,000 through EuropeAid. The European project (or agreement) code is ALA/B7-310/2003/5756.

The history of PRODESIS stretches back to 1996 when a mission of 4 consultants visited Mexico and carried out an area appraisal to prepare a proposal for a Euro 5 million project to be carried out between SEMARNAP and the EC (Teyssier, Capietto and de Agostini, 1996). In late 1998 SEMARNAP responded to a set of key issues that had been raised by the EC Delegation in 1997, presented a reformulated proposal and requested that renewed consideration be given to the Project.

The 1996 proposal was appraised by a further mission, carried out in September 1999, made up of Dr. Alastair White (anthropologist and socioeconomist) and Torsten Mark Kowal (rural development forester and climate/environmental scientist), working for LTS Consultants, Scotland, UK. They reported on the ongoing feasibility of the Project as designed in 1996 through: (i) fact-finding to identify substantive changes in the socio-economic and political context; (ii) analysis of the logic and applicability of the original approach; (iii) appraisal of the probability of fulfilment of basic conditions, identified in 1996 as prerequisites for successful project implementation. The re-designed project was proposed to EU Aide Attaches in Sept 1999 and to EuropeAid in Brussels. The main points in the re-design were to require local project-orientated planning processes within all components to supersede the ambitious participatory planning component proposed in 1996; and emphasis was placed on defining options for achievable changes in land-use, for training specific groups in the alternative land use and microenterprises options, and for linking up community-level projects with credit and other funding sources.

From 2000 to 2003 the project then awaited improvements in the social and political context, as well as due process by the EC and the Mexican Government. The go-ahead for Prodesis was agreed in 2001. Preparations and consultations started in 2002, and the final contract was signed December 2003.

Following formal approval, given all the elapsed time, it was necessary to re-design the project yet again, and this was done by Dieter Paas and Arturo Arreola, once the project was tendered for European Technical Assistance in 2003. However, it is unclear how far the White/Kowal recommendations were accepted; nor is it evident how many of the changes proposed in 1999 to the 1996 proposal were then taken on board during the 2003 re-design once the project formally started up. No internet references exist that describe these inputs and their role.

The project started in 2004 and initially was expected to run until 2007, but due to delays related to modifications of the project plan and financial issues between the EU and Mexico, the project then continued for an extra year until September 2008.

Prodesis was carried out by SeDeSol (Secretariat of Social Development of the State of Chiapas), and its director was Rodolfo Diaz Sarvide.
Christian Bouteille was the (European) head of the International Technical Assistance. The European Delegation in Mexico-City  was responsible for the European involvement in the project.

Despite some progress and the benefits resulting from the Prodesis investment, in 2008 a classified evaluation report, ordered by the European Commission, and conducted by IBF International Consulting in collaboration with B.A.a Consultors (Piero Di Giacinto, Jan Karremans, Thomas Pijnenburg) concluded that Prodesis had not achieved all its objectives.

These strong criticisms were summarised by independent sources and can be read here  or here . A further clear set of criticisms are summarised here  that take Prodesis as a case study.

On the 13th and 14 October 2008 the 8th meeting of the Joint Committee (established Under the EU-Mexico Economic Partnership) Political Coordination and Cooperation Agreement (Global Agreement) was held in Mexico City. Regarding the session on cooperation it was stated that:

> "Both parties took note of the progress achieved in current projects in the fields of social development, economic cooperation and science and technology. The parties furthermore underlined the positive results of PRODESIS implementation and agreed to explore the possibility of continuing it with a second phase in the 2007-2013 Cooperation Programme."

In early 2009 it was decided that Prodesis was not going to be continued with a second phase in the Cooperation Programme.

## Historical background of European involvement

Prodesis was signed within the framework of the Free Trade Agreement and Association Agreement between the European Union and Mexico:

> "The new agreement should lead to liberalization of trade and investment between Mexico and the EU \[...but also to...\] greater social equality and a political system that is genuinely democratic and pluralist and respects human rights. \[...\] This agreement opens the door to a wide range of potential cooperation activities between the parties, and will allow **the EU to provide Mexico with financial and technical assistance for such social programmes as action against poverty, regional development, and cooperation in the field of human rights and protection of indigenous communities**. \[...\] With regard to the current political context in Mexico, the discussions on the new agreement are going hand-in-hand in Mexico with a complex internal political process of democratization and reform. \[...\] **The process of reform currently underway is also being hindered by a range of other factors such as \[...\] the conflict in Chiapas, the activities of guerilla movements in a number of other areas and the human rights situation, one of the most dramatic recent examples being the massacre which occurred in Acteal on 22 December 1997 and which was strongly condemned by Parliament in its resolution of 15 January 1998.** \[...\] The 1997 agreements \[...\] include a **democracy clause** or **human rights clause** as an essential component. This was a stumbling block to the signing of the framework agreement in 1991. Nevertheless, the difficulties which have arisen in the context of the transition process in Mexico have highlighted the importance of the *democracy clause*. \[...\] Parliament therefore considered it vital that the *democracy clause* be included in the new agreement and that the applicability of the agreement would be conditional on strict respect for that clause."

## Criticism of Prodesis

On January 23, 2004, an article in the Mexican newspaper *La Jornada* reported that in the community of Nuevo San Rafael in the Lacandon forest, 23 houses were burned down and that the victims were chased into the jungle. February 3 Mexican news magazine Proceso suggested a link with a cooperation programme between Mexico and the EU. On several Indymedia-sites  and other news and community sites around the world it was soon suggested that the violence was perpetrated by the Mexican Army against the Zapatista Ch'ol tribe, and that the EU was involved in relation to Plan Puebla Panamá. Before the project even got started Prodesis was already accused of being a counter-insurgency project aimed at getting rid of the local population to gain control over the regions' natural resources.

Based on this information Member of the European Parliament Erik Meijer posed a question (E-0546/04, 26-2-2004) to the European Commission (see below).

Since early 2004 numerous critical articles (varying in factuality) about Prodesis have been published in Mexican newspapers (mainly La Jornada), magazines (Proceso , Contralínea ), and on websites of local and international NGO's.

On 9 February 2007 58 representants of communities in the Lacandon region signed the Declaration of Moxviquil in which they demanded the project to be suspended. The most important reasons stated in the document were that they were not properly informed about the project, which is a violation of ILO convention 169  and the Mexican Constitution (art.2). Another reason was that they did not see any serious effort in real social development, only some subsidies for cement, tin roofs, chickens and crops. After they had offered the declaration to the director of Prodesis and the head of the European Delegation in Mexico-City, some of those who signed the declaration were threatened by Prodesis staff: if they would stand by their signature, they would not receive any kind of government support anymore (like *opportunidades* or *procampo*).

## Historical background and previous development projects

Also please see more about the socio-political context in the Lacandon region, and the predecessor-projects of Prodesis, **Chiapas conflict**.

Until the 1950s, the Selva Lacandona covered an area of about 1.3 million hectares (13,000 km2). By the mid-1990s the pristine forest had been reduced to about 400,000 or at most 450,000 ha. The Lacandón Indians, who until the 1950s were the still the only inhabitants of the Selva Lacandona, were then only about 600 persons, having been reduced from much larger numbers by the diseases brought in the late nineteenth century to which they had no immunity, brought by the mahogany cutters who first penetrated the area. The Lacandones by late last century numbered about 800. Due to demographic pressure, since the late 1950s and especially in the 1970s, about 80,000 other Indians originating in the highlands of Chiapas have occupied parts of the forest area. They are mainly Tzeltals (56% of the present population), with some Tojolabales (17%), Chols (11%) and Tzotzils (2%).

The small Maya Lacandón communities were outside the monetary economy until recent decades and their main monetary income today comes from the sale of craft items. In 1972, as part of a state government manoeuvre in relation to timber extraction, the Lacandones were granted formal ownership of the 614,000 hectares of the ‘Bienes Comunales Lacandones’ then established, but in 1978 were obliged to share this with some 15,000 Tzeltal and Chol settlers then granted communal rights. The majority of Lacandones do not possess cattle so have little negative impact on the forest, whereas in all the other communities, a better-off part of the population owns some beef-cattle, constituting an important form of saving and investment. Cattle are managed extensively, each head requiring about a hectare of land, and forest areas are frequently converted to pasture.

Marqués de Comillas, previously part of the Selva Lacandona forest, began to be settled by the same Indian groups in the 1970s. Then it was colonised in 1974-86 by settlers coming largely from other Mexican states, though the ejidos that were then formed absorbed the already-settled Tzeltal and other Chiapas Indian groups. Some 10-15% of the total population of the Selva Lacandona area are now mestizos (non-Indians) concentrated in Marqués de Comillas. At the time of settlement, the only communications were by river and by air, and some of the settlers left in the early years finding themselves unsuited to the pioneer life. As a result of the early unattractiveness of the area, the generation of settlers was able to obtain larger areas of land than the 20 hectares usually available to ejidatarios (heads of family on land distributed under the Mexican agrarian reform laws) elsewhere, with 50 hectares a common allocation. However, the interior of the Marqués de Comillas triangle remains poorly served by roads, and this has affected the growth of the communities where substantial concentrations of poverty are still found.

Between about 1958 and 1986, both the Chiapas State and Federal governments either actively or passively favoured migration to “undeveloped” forest-land. The Chiapas state government looked favourably upon the migration of Indians to the Selva Lacandona, as it tended to reduce the pressure on land and particularly the demands for land reforms in parts of Chiapas where a latifundio system predominated. In the early 1960s and in 1974-86 two periods of federal government-sponsored colonisation occurred, the latter focused on Marqués de Comillas. This was a question of relieving pressures on the land elsewhere in the country.

Until 1986, government policy was by no means clearly oriented to protecting the forest. State-led exploitation of the forest’s precious woods was managed by COFOLASA/CORFO during the 1970s and 80s (cedar and particularly mahogany), as against private companies with largely North American capital who first entered the region in the 1850s. Valuable timber was extracted in this period from areas within the areas formally owned by the Comunidad Lacandona, as well as from Marqués de Comillas, as COFOLASA/CORFO was most active during the period of maximum conversion of forest for agriculture as colonisation proceeded.

Between the mid-1970s and 1986 agricultural and forestry policies continued to be inconsistent. Government statements and actions included both support for maintaining the forest (e.g. the proclamation of the Biosphere Reserve of Montes Azules in 1978); and support for activities which would have the opposite effect (e.g. legalisation of landholdings on the western side of the forest, and the opening-up of Marqués de Comillas with credit support for cattle, as well as state-sponsored oil exploration). Efforts to promote sustainable timber production in Marqués de Comillas began in 1987 and, after a Chiapas State ban on timber extraction from 1990 to 1994, restarted in 1995.

Since 1987 there has been an overall consistent policy of discouraging, if not preventing new settlement. The negotiated departure has been sought of those settled within the Biosphere Reserve post-1978 without land-rights.

Government policy, as executed by a variety of state and federal authorities since the early 90s, has broadly sought to encourage a shift to sustainable agriculture so as not to make further inroads into the forest, but without great success due to weaknesses in conception and implementation - including the lack of participatory agricultural extension as proposed should be the methods used by PRODESIS.

During the mid-1990s, SEMARNAP had established environmentally-orientated subsidies for maize cultivation (termed ‘milpa sedentarizada’), to prevent the burning of cut-over forest or reclaimed fallow, and to stop annual burns of weeds and crop residues. However, the quota of families to receive these subsidies in each community is usually limited and the money typically arrives very late, which greatly reduces the incentive effect. Subsidies in money and kind are also given for other crops (coffee, organic vegetables, and saplings for timber plantations), but are subject to the same limitations. Inputs have also been given for minor animal husbandry projects. Numerous small economic projects for particular communities have been implemented with a low success rate, as little participatory planning was practised, and there has been little training of community members in the management of such projects.

State intervention patterns have created a situation in which government funds have become an important potential source of direct income, and this has affected local attitudes and behaviour. Communities wait and call for government schemes before taking action and can become disinclined to take local initiatives. A ‘dependency syndrome’ has developed that is often pronounced among the poorer communities, for which the government funds assume greater significance relative to their earnings from production. At least in some communities (Nueva Palestina) the incipient differentiation and the availability of government funds has led to tensions within the community: as to whether funds should go the better-off to further their entrepreneurial activities, or be reserved for the more disadvantaged sections of the community.

## Criticism of Prodesis and European involvement in the historical context

Despite the considerable development and biodiversity justifications for setting-up Prodesis, like its predecessor-projects PIDSS and Plan Cañadas, was perceived by (a part of) the population and NGO's (local as well as international) as a counter-insurgency "light" project.

Something that sustained this scepticism was the fact that Prodesis focussed extensively on the demographic aspects of *"The Chiapas Problem"*, and hardly referred to the socio-political history of the area where Prodesis was implemented. By blaming the Chiapas conflict on overpopulation in a vulnerable environment, but avoiding political issues connecting to the EZLN, the San Andrés Accords, and the diluted Cocopa law of 2001, many felt these core issues were not being taken seriously by the EC intervention.

In particular, Prodesis has found it hard to deal with: (i) the delicate issue of "illegal" settlements within the nucleus of the Reserve; (ii) the considerable tensions between ethnic groups; and (iii) the extremely polarized political allegiances that are found in the area. Ensuring participation in project design and management of the Lacandon people, other indigenous groups, and their organisations, was especially difficult.

Criticism on Prodesis in relation to counter-insurgency or low intensity conflict can be broadly divided along 3 dimensions:

1\] in relation to the history of marginalization of indigenous people and landless peasants in Chiapas

2\] in relation to the history of social development policy in Chiapas

3\] in relation to globalization, Plan Puebla Panama and the European involvement in Prodesis

Many do believe that, under the guise of a development project (aimed at poverty reduction and protecting the environment), Europe's real motive to cooperate in Prodesis would be to secure European trade and investment in Mexico. Since social or political instability (or perceived instability) would pose a threat to the economic partnership, the EU would contribute to a counter-insurgency project.

This would contradict Prodesis' emphasis on participative democracy. (for a similar argument see also the Zapatista memo). Hence the allegations of a new Conquista by means of neo-liberal policies and direct foreign investment. Communications from the EU itself have encouraged these ideas. Some quotes:

> "The Commission wants to create a climate favourable to trade and investment. \[...\] It is in the EU’s interest to develop and consolidate its market positions and to pursue a dynamic investment policy. \[...\] The current challenge is to find a way to facilitate trade and European investment in Latin America. The Commission’s aim is to encourage the development of a legal climate to attract European investments and guarantee the predictability and security of these investments In the WTO framework \[…\] contributing to the development of a stable and predictable framework to help the Latin American countries attract more European investment." Strategy for a stronger partnership between the European Union and Latin America
>
> "There are destabilising factors that could ultimately jeopardize growth and European investments, and thereby affect the biregional partnership. \[...\] They jeopardise growth and economic development. \[...\] These relate, in particular to the **Chiapas problem** and the integration of the marginalized population groups and the country’s **indigenous communities** in general. These potential **instability factors** bring with them a cost (lack of security for companies, a distorted image abroad, especially in Europe) and may **represent important barriers to** the general development of the country, and in particular to **attracting European trade and investment**." Country Strategy Paper Mexico 2002-2006 (Archived)

## Questions about Prodesis in the European Parliament

26-2-2004: MEP **Erik Meijer, question E-0546/04**

> "Is the Commission aware that, according to the Mexican newspaper La Jornada of 3 February 2004, five non-governmental organisations in the south-eastern state of Chiapas consider the European Union to have been involved in an attack on the village of Nuevo San Rafael, controlled by the Zapatista movement and occupied by members of the Chol tribe, in the remote nature reserve of Montes Azules, which consists of primeval forest, on 19 or 22 January, in which attack 23 houses were set on fire, the occupants fled, the village was permanently cut off from the outside world by soldiers and the land is being returned to the former big land-owners to enable them to fell the primeval forest? \[...\] Was this attack encouraged by the fact that the EU has concluded an agreement concerning a development project worth € 15.000.000 with governor Pablo Salazar, possibly in part in connection with Plan Puebla Panama, which comprises major infrastructure projects in Central America from Panama to nine poor federal states in Mexico, which require the indigenous Indian population to make way for newcomers and to enable the land to be put to new uses or at least compel that population to give up the autonomy which it in practice enjoys?"

30-3-2004: Commissioner **Chris Patten, answer E-0546/04**

> "The Economic Partnership, Political Coordination and Cooperation Agreement between the EU and Mexico states in its first article that the: Respect for democratic principles and fundamental human rights, proclaimed by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, underpins the domestic and external policies of both Parties and constitutes an essential element of this Agreement. The Commission at all times ensures that its actions are consistent with this article. The Commission recently signed a Financing Agreement with Mexico for the Integrated and Sustainable Social Development Project in Chiapas, Mexico. Implementation of this project has not yet begun, but is expected to start in the coming months. \[...\] The project was designed with the input and participation of local stakeholders who will continue to participate in the planning and implementation process, in particular through the Micro-regional Councils (Consejos microregionales) who represent the local communities. The project is not part of the Plan Puebla Panama (PPP). It has been reported that some local communities and governments in the South/Southeast of Mexico criticise the PPP as a top-down initiative with supposedly inadequate consultation of local stakeholders. The Commission is aware of the press reports in question, and considers any suggestion of EU involvement in any act of violence in Chiapas or elsewhere to be utterly without foundation. \[...\] There is certainly no evidence to suggest that the reported attack was encouraged by the signing of the financing agreement for this project."

6-1-2005: MEP **Eva Lichtenberger, question E-3589/04**

> "Parliament has received news that the indigenous people and those in the rural areas around Montes Azules have not been duly informed about the project and there is a great deal of mistrust. \[...\] Do the representatives elected to work on the project have Community support? \[...\] What will happen to communities which refuse to take part in this project? \[...\] How will support for the project be assessed in this highly militarised and conflictive region? \[...\] There are many displaced persons in the area of Montes Azules. What connection is there between the above project and a possible relocation of settlements for the displaced?"

24-2-2005: Commissioner **Benita Ferrero-Waldner, answer E-3589/04** (in French  and German )

18-7-2005: MEP **Tobias Pflüger, question P-2769/05**

> "According to press reports and my own local research, those belonging to the indigenous population and farmers living in the Lacandon Jungle region were not adequately informed beforehand about this project, or involved in the planning of the project. Under Article 7 of ILO-convention 169 , indigenous population groups have to be consulted before projects may be carried out on their lands. According to human rights organisations in Europe and Mexico, the European Commission is running a risk, in financing this project, of lending support to the counter-insurgency action being waged in the context of low-intensity warfare and of exacerbating socio-economic tensions between communities, by virtue of the fact that only certain individual population groups are benefited by this project."

16-2-2006: Commissioner **Benita Ferrero-Waldner, answer P-2769/05**

> 1) The current Chiapas State Government, elected in 2000, qualified as beneficiary institution in this EC project due to its reconciliatory position in the conflict between federal government and EZLN, that has been recognised by the latter on several occasions. \[...\] After its election, the Government of Chiapas also politically assumed the principles of the San Andrés Agreement between the federal Mexican government and the EZLN, as well as the 169 ILO Convention.
> 2) The State Government’s position is sustained by the fact that one of the most delicate subjects in the Lacandona region, the agrarian (land) reform and resulting conflicts over land and delocalisation of “informal settlements” (especially in the Montes Azules area – that is not part of Prodesis’ area of intervention), are falling under federal competence. The Chiapas Government hence is not participating in the very tense negotiations between local communities and federal institutions on that issue.
> 3) From an institutional point of view, major emphasis has been put on inclusive participation and control by civil society within PRODESIS’ Consultative Council, whose “civil society college” currently includes 30 members of regional and national civil society organisations. The renowned Chiapas expert and EZLN’s external consultant during the negotiation of the San Andres Agreement, Professor Jan de Vos, is also a member of that Consultative Council.

**Comments on answer P-2769/05** by Commissioner Benita Ferrero-Waldner

> 1) Commissioner Ferrero-Waldner refers to the political situation in 2000: Newly elected president Fox had promised to revive the peace process and ratify the Cocopa legislative proposal which, taken to the constitutional level, would mean the fulfillment of the San Andrés Accords. However, in April 2001 Mexican Congress adopted a diluted version of the Cocopa law, which was criticised by the International Labour Organization for violating ILO-convention 169 . The EZLN felt betrayed and broke off all dialogue with the federal and state government and installed *juntas de buen gobierno* (*communities of Good governance*). Furthermore, in 2004 Ruben Velazquez Lopez (secretary of government of Chiapas) said he would "not tolerate land-occupations anymore", threatening informal settlements with eviction. So the legitimation the Commissioner gives in her answer of February 16th 2006 conceils the changed political situation between 2000 and 2004, when Prodesis started.
>
> 2) The Commissioner suggests that conflicts over land and delocalisation of *informal settlements* happen only in the Montes Azules Biosphere Reserve, which falls under federal competence. Prodesis’ area of intervention is the Lacandon region *around* Montes Azules, which is Chiapas territory. The Chiapas Government (beneficiary of the €15,000,000 for Prodesis), hence would not be involved in these matters. This distinction however is purely theoretical: in reality conflicts over land, para-military attacks, Zapatista presence, and Prodesis' 16 micro-regions are all located in the Lacandon region *around* the Montes Azules Reserve. This is illustrated by this map (see on the right) of Chiapas' Lacandon region, with Montes Azules Biosphere Reserve (green area) at the center. The green circles represent Prodesis projects, the blue circles represent areas with conflicts over land, and the red markings represent areas with para-military presence.
> 3) Although emphasis has been put on inclusive participation and control by civil society within Prodesis’ Consultative Council, several members of that council (among them Jan de Vos and Tim Trench) are critical of Prodesis' consultation process, and sceptical of its effectivity, stating that the project might indeed be worsening the situation in the region.

15-7-2008: MEP **Eva Lichtenberger, question H-0628/08**

> "Why was an extremely strife-torn region chosen without consulting or securing the agreement of the local population? \[...\] What mechanisms does the EU intend to use in order to guarantee that its projects are carried out in accordance with the provisions of the UN Declaration on Indigenous Peoples concerning the need to secure free and informed consent for any project being carried out on land belonging to indigenous peoples?"

25-9-2008: Commissioner **Benita Ferrero-Waldner, answer H-0628/08**

> "At every step of the project cycle, and even now with PRODESIS in its closing stages, the Commission has been aware of the difficult political and social situation on the ground. This is reflected both by Prodesis' openness to local partner institutions, and its strong commitment to accountability to final beneficiaries and communities. During the feasibility study and formulation mission, there were multiple contacts and consultations with local beneficiaries and communities as well as national and regional civil society organisations. During the project launch and execution, each planning exercise and productive activity financed by the project necessarily depended on the prior agreement and free consent of local communities and grass-root organisations. From an institutional point of view, emphasis has been put on civil society participation and control within the project's Consultative Council, whose independent Civil Society College included approximately 30 members of regional and national Non State Actors (NSA)."


title: S1PR5

abstract: Sphingosine-1-phosphate receptor 5 also known as S1PR5 is a human gene which encodes a G protein-coupled receptor which binds the lipid signaling molecule sphingosine 1-phosphate (S1P). Hence this receptor is also known as S1P5.

text:
# S1PR5

**Sphingosine-1-phosphate receptor 5** also known as **S1PR5** is a human gene which encodes a G protein-coupled receptor which binds the lipid signaling molecule sphingosine 1-phosphate (S1P). Hence this receptor is also known as **S1P5**.

## Agonists

* A-971432
* Sphingosine 1-phosphate receptor agonists: a patent review (2010-2012)

## Evolution

### Paralogues for S1PR5 Gene

## Further reading

*This article incorporates text from the United States National Library of Medicine, which is in the public domain.*

## InfoBox

| S1PR5 | | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
|  | | | |
| Identifiers | | | |
| Aliases | S1PR5, EDG8, Edg-8, S1P5, SPPR-1, SPPR-2, sphingosine-1-phosphate receptor 5 | | |
| External IDs | OMIM: 605146; MGI: 2150641; HomoloGene: 11031; GeneCards: S1PR5; OMA:S1PR5 - orthologs | | |
|  | | | |
|  | | | |
|  | | | |
|  | | | |
| Orthologs  Species **Human** **Mouse**  Entrez   Ensembl   UniProt   RefSeq (mRNA)     NM\_030760
NM\_001166215   NM\_053190   RefSeq (protein)     NP\_001159687
NP\_110387   NP\_444420   Location (UCSC) Chr 19: 10.51 – 10.52 Mb Chr 9: 21.15 – 21.16 Mb  PubMed search | | | |
| Wikidata | | | |
| View/Edit Human View/Edit Mouse | | | |


title: Down the Elements

abstract: Down the Elements is an EP by indie rock band Japancakes. It was released in 2000 on Kindercore.

text:
# Down the Elements

Professional ratings
| Review scores | |
| --- | --- |
| Source | Rating |
| AllMusic |  |
| *Pitchfork* | 4.0/10 |

***Down the Elements*** is an EP by indie rock band Japancakes. It was released in 2000 on Kindercore.

## Production

The EP was produced by Andy Baker. Its songs were taken from the same recording sessions that produced the band's debut release.

## Critical reception

In his review for *Westword*, Michael Roberts wrote: "\[Frontman Eric\] Berg creates instrumental music that's alternately stirring and meditative, straightforward and intricate, undemanding and daring. But whereas Tortoise, an obvious influence, can sometimes seem a bit clinical, Japancakes retains a garagey, hey-kids-let's-put-on-a-show feel. It's esoterica of a notably warm and inviting sort." *CMJ New Music Report* deemed "A. W. Sonic" "an impossibly buoyant 11-minute jam."

## Track listing

1. "Version 1"
2. "A. W. Sonic"
3. "Sputnik"
4. "Down the Elements"

## InfoBox

| Down the Elements | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Studio album by Japancakes | |
| Released | April 20, 2000 |
| Genre | Indie rock |
| Length | 35:20 |
| Label | Kindercore |
| Producer | Andy Baker |
| Japancakes chronology | |
| *If I Could See Dallas*
(1999) ***Down the Elements***
(2000) *The Sleepy Strange*
(2001) | |


title: Electrified Funk

abstract: Electrified Funk is the second studio album by the funk rock band Wild Cherry, released in 1977. It contains the track "Baby Don't You Know", which roughly continues the theme and story of their 1976 hit "Play That Funky Music" by effectively explaining that, contrary to popular belief, all of the band's members were white despite its typically-Black funk/R&B sound. The song peaked at number 43 on the Billboard Hot 100 and became their second-highest charting hit. It also contains a repeat of a song from the first album, "Hold On", this time with added violins.

text:
# Electrified Funk

Professional ratings
| Review scores | |
| --- | --- |
| Source | Rating |
| Allmusic |  |

***Electrified Funk*** is the second studio album by the funk rock band Wild Cherry, released in 1977. It contains the track "Baby Don't You Know", which roughly continues the theme and story of their 1976 hit "Play That Funky Music" by effectively explaining that, contrary to popular belief, all of the band's members were white despite its typically-Black funk/R&B sound. The song peaked at number 43 on the Billboard Hot 100 and became their second-highest charting hit. It also contains a repeat of a song from the first album, "Hold On (With Strings)", this time with added violins.

## Track listing

All tracks composed by Rob Parissi; except "It's All Up to You" by Alvin Fields and Michael Zager.

Side one
| No. | Title | Length |
| --- | --- | --- |
| 1. | "Baby Don't You Know" | 4:24 |
| 2. | "Are You Boogieing Around on Your Daddy" | 2:56 |
| 3. | "Dancin' Music Band" | 3:11 |
| 4. | "Put Yourself In My Shoes" | 4:20 |
| 5. | "Closest Thing To My Mind" | 4:17 |

Side two
| No. | Title | Length |
| --- | --- | --- |
| 6. | "Electrified Funk" | 3:40 |
| 7. | "Hole In The Wall" | 3:55 |
| 8. | "Hot To Trot" | 3:15 |
| 9. | "Hold On (With Strings)" | 4:04 |
| 10. | "It's All Up To You" | 3:18 |

## Personnel

* Robert Parissi – lead guitar, lead vocals
* Allen Wentz – bass guitar, synthesizer, vocals
* Ronald Beitle – drums, vocals
* Mark Avsec – keyboards
* Bryan Bassett – lead guitar, vocals

## InfoBox

| Electrified Funk | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Studio album by Wild Cherry | |
| Released | April 1977 |
| Recorded | Columbia 30th Street (New York City) |
| Genre | Funk rock, rock |
| Length | 37:20 |
| Label | Epic |
| Producer | Robert Parissi |
| Wild Cherry chronology | |
| *Wild Cherry*
(1976) ***Electrified Funk***
(1977) *I Love My Music*
(1978) | |


title: Experience Gloria Gaynor

abstract: Experience Gloria Gaynor is the second album by Gloria Gaynor, released in 1975 on MGM Records. The album charted in the US Billboard at #64 in the US Pop chart, and at #32 in the US R&B chart. The album failed to chart in the UK, the single "How High The Moon" was issued in the UK and peaked at #33.

text:
# Experience Gloria Gaynor

Professional ratings
| Review scores | |
| --- | --- |
| Source | Rating |
| AllMusic |  |
| *The Encyclopedia of Popular Music* |  |
| *The Rolling Stone Album Guide* |  |

***Experience Gloria Gaynor*** is the second album by Gloria Gaynor, released in 1975 on MGM Records. The album charted in the US Billboard at #64 in the US Pop chart, and at #32 in the US R&B chart. The album failed to chart in the UK, the single "How High The Moon" was issued in the UK and peaked at #33.

## History

Side one of the album is dance-oriented, while side two is R&B/soul music oriented. Includes the hit singles; "Casanova Brown", "(If You Want It) Do It Yourself" and "How High the Moon" presented in a 19-minute suite by Tom Moulton. The soul music songs on side two of the album included a rendition of "What'll I Do", a well-received rendition of the Dionne Warwick hit "Walk On By" and an example of Gloria Gaynor's own songwriting called "I'm Still Yours".

The album was remastered and reissued with bonus tracks in 2010 by Big Break Records.

## Track listing

| No. | Title | Writer(s) | Length |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| 1. | "Casanova Brown" | Jimmy Roach | 6:23 |
| 2. | "(If You Want It) Do It Yourself" | James Bolden, Jack Robinson | 5:58 |
| 3. | "How High the Moon" | Morgan Lewis, Nancy Hamilton | 6:35 |
| 4. | "The Prettiest Face I've Ever Seen" | Marie Cain | 3:00 |
| 5. | "What'll I Do" | Burton Senior, Chris Essel | 4:33 |
| 6. | "Tell Me How" | Lester Hodelin | 3:11 |
| 7. | "I'm Still Yours" | Gloria Gaynor | 3:28 |
| 8. | "Walk On By" | Burt Bacharach, Hal David | 5:42 |

2010 remastered reissue bonus tracks
| No. | Title | Length |
| --- | --- | --- |
| 9. | "Casanova Brown" (Promotional Single Version) | 3:14 |
| 10. | "(If You Want It) Do It Yourself" (Single Version) | 2:50 |
| 11. | "How High the Moon" (Single Version) | 2:51 |
| 12. | "Walk On By" (Single Version) | 3:03 |
| 13. | "My Man's Gone" (B-Side) | 2:23 |

## Charts

| Chart (1975/76) | Peak
position |
| --- | --- |
| Australian (Kent Music Report) | 23 |

## Personnel

**Production**

* Meco Monardo  producer, arranger, vocal arrangements
* Tony Bongiovi  producer, recording engineer
* Jay Ellis  producer
* Harold Wheeler  arranger
* Andrew Smith  arranger
* Tom Moulton  mixing
* Michael DeLugg  recording engineer
* Bob Halsall  recording engineer
* Kim Stallings  recording engineer
* Norman Seeff  photography
* Peter Corriston  design
* Bill Levy  art direction

## InfoBox

| Experience Gloria Gaynor | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Studio album by Gloria Gaynor | |
| Released | September 5, 1975 |
| Recorded | 1975 |
| Genre | Disco, R&B |
| Label | MGM |
| Producer | Meco Monardo, Tony Bongiovi, Jay Ellis |
| Gloria Gaynor chronology | |
| *Never Can Say Goodbye*
(1975) ***Experience Gloria Gaynor***
(1975) *I've Got You*
(1976) | |


title: Powell v. McCormack

abstract: Powell v. McCormack, 395 U.S. 486 (1969), is a United States Supreme Court case that held that the Qualifications of Members Clause of Article I of the US Constitution is an exclusive list of qualifications of members of the House of Representatives, which may exclude a duly elected member for only those reasons enumerated in that clause.

text:
# Powell v. McCormack

***Powell v. McCormack***, 395 U.S. 486 (1969), is a United States Supreme Court case that held that the Qualifications of Members Clause of Article I of the US Constitution is an exclusive list of qualifications of members of the House of Representatives, which may exclude a duly elected member for only those reasons enumerated in that clause.

## Background

Adam Clayton Powell Jr., a senior member of the United States House of Representatives, was embroiled in scandal, specifically around allegations that he had refused to pay a judgment ordered by a New York court, misappropriated congressional travel funds, and paid his wife a congressional staff salary for work she had not done.

Powell was re-elected in the 1966 election. When the 90th Congress convened in January 1967, Speaker of the House John William McCormack asked Representative Powell to abstain from taking the oath of office. The House adopted H.Res. 1, which stripped Powell of his House Committee chairmanship, excluded him from taking his seat, and created a select committee to investigate Powell's misdeeds. After the select committee conducted its investigation and hearings, in March 1967, the House adopted H.Res. 278 by a vote of 307 to 116, which excluded Powell from Congress and also censured him, fined him $25,000, took away his seniority, and declared his seat vacant.

Powell, along with 13 of his constituents, filed suit in the United States District Court for the District of Columbia, naming McCormack and five other representatives as defendants. He also named the Clerk of the House, the Sergeant at Arms, and the Doorkeeper. Most of these parties were named in an effort to get injunctions barring the enforcement of H. Res. 278:

* To prevent the Speaker from refusing to administer the oath of office
* To prevent the Clerk from "refusing to perform the duties due a Representative"
* To prevent the Sergeant at Arms from withholding Powell's salary
* To prevent the Doorkeeper from barring Powell from Congressional chambers

The suit claimed that excluding Powell amounted to an expulsion, but an expulsion would not have garnered the necessary two-thirds vote.

The district court dismissed the case for lack of subject-matter jurisdiction. The Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit reversed the district court. In an opinion by Warren E. Burger, soon to be Chief Justice of the United States, the court held that the federal courts did have subject-matter jurisdiction, but dismissed the case on two grounds: that Powell lacked standing to sue, and that the case represented a non-justiciable political question.

While the suit was making its way through the court system, Powell was re-elected in the 1968 election and was ultimately re-seated in the 91st Congress. The House adopted H.Res. 2, fining him $25,000 and removing his seniority. Because he was seated when his appeal came to the Supreme Court, the defendants argued that the case was moot.

In the aftermath of the decision, Congress passed the Federal Contested Elections Act to formalize the process for contesting elections in light of the Court ruling.

## Constitutional issues

* Congressional power to develop qualifications other than those specified (Art. I, § 2, cl. 1-2)
* Congressional power to exclude rather than impeach or expel (Art. I, § 2, cl. 5; Art. I, § 5, cl. 2)
* Judicial review vs. Congressional power to be the judge of its qualifications (Art. I, § 5, cl. 1)
* Supreme Court jurisdiction and justiciability (Art. III)
* Rights of the electorate to elect its representative

## Decision

### Warren's majority opinion

The majority opinion was authored by Chief Justice Warren, and signed by Black, Brennan, Douglas, Harlan, Marshall, and White.

The opinion stated that the case was justiciable, and it did not constitute a political question that pitted one branch of government against another. Rather, it required "no more than an interpretation of the Constitution."

The opinion stated also that Congress being the sole judge of its members' qualifications (Art. I, § 5, cl. 1) and the Speech or Debate Clause (Art. I, § 6) do not preclude judicial review of Constitutional issues raised in the case (but not necessarily in all cases touching upon the subject of speech and debate or Congress's judging the qualifications of its members) because "no branch is supreme," and it is the duty of the court to ensure that all branches conform to the Constitution.

The majority opinion held that Congress does not have the power to develop qualifications other than those specified in Art. I, § 2, cl. 1-2.

Article I, section 5, of the U.S. Constitution states that "Each house shall be the judge of the... qualifications of its own members," but then immediately states that each House has the authority to expel a member "with the Concurrence of two thirds." The Court found that it had a "textually demonstrable commitment" to interpret the clause, which, in this case, the Court did. The Court's interpretation was that the subject clause meant that the process that led to the expulsion of a member, duly sworn and enrolled upon the body's rolls, was the only method for a House to give effect to its power to determine the qualifications of its members.

The Court reasoned that the authority of Congress in this matter was *post facto*: That is, it attached only after a member-elect had been elected under the laws of the state in which the congressional district was located, and after said member-elect took the oath of office.

It was unclear whether a vote of two thirds would have been reached if the House resolution had specified expulsion (Art. I, § 2, cl. 5; Art. I, § 5, cl. 2) rather than exclusion. Thus, the Court found that Powell was wrongfully excluded from his seat.

The Court found that Congress is the whole body of initially candidate members who have been elected by the laws of the several states (in and for each state's apportioned congressional districts), who assemble at the seat of the federal government on the 3rd day of January after the preceding November's congressional elections. On that date, they are sworn in by their individual oaths of office and thereby collectively become the Nth Congress (89th, 95th, 105th, ...).

The Court did not reach, because it determined it did not need to in this case, the question of which Congress the Constitution was referring to that had the power to expel one of its members. The Court determined in this case that no Congress could exclude a future member, a candidate member, from being sworn in and taking a seat in the House. The Court found that if the Congress went beyond a determination that a candidate member had satisfied the Constitution's qualifications for membership and had been duly chosen by and through the laws of their state, it could not, under the Constitution, go further in examining and possibly reject a candidate member before administering the oath of office and seating him.

The Court did not explicitly decide whether a particular Congress (105th, 106th, etc.) had the power to expel an individual from a future Congress without that future Congress from being required, after the re-election, the re-swearing in, and the re-seating of a formerly expelled member, to expel the member all over again. The Court, in effect, decided that states were not prohibited from putting on their congressional district ballots and the voters were not prohibited from electing an individual who had been expelled from a previous or current Congress. Once the Congress had satisfied itself that a candidate member had been presented to it, from a congressional district, in accordance with the congressional district's state constitution and laws but was not in conflict with the congressional qualifications set down in the US Constitution, the US Congress had an affirmative constitutional duty to administer the oath to, to swear in, and to enroll the candidate member as a member of Congress.

The challenge to the Court in its analysis and decision was devising a proper course of action that was both coordinate and consonant between the sovereign authorities (the Congress over itself and its members, the people and the states over the Congress) each in their own sphere, over the choosing of members to the Congress. The Court looked at the historical precedent of the House, the history of its candidate members, and the role of the states and their voters in choosing their representatives. The Court concluded that the US Constitution (the word and will of the people), the weight of history (the record of how the people have used their constitution), and the federal structure of the government (the role of the states in organizing and managing elections within their borders) required the Court to decide that the sovereign will of the people, as expressed in the democratic process, and the coordinate role of their states must be made consonant and held supreme, in the responsibility to create candidate members for the Congress.

The people, by their Constitution, affirmatively posited, defined, and delimited all qualifications for standing in elections for membership in the Congress. The states, under the 9th and 10th amendments explicitly retain unto themselves the power to make the laws for the government and regulation of elections for federal offices that are apportioned to them (the states) by the US Constitution. Therefore, the people and the states together have the sole authority for the creation, production, and generation of candidate members of the US Congress through the operation of the laws of the several states and the articles and clauses of the US Constitution. Thus, the Congress itself is a creation of and subordinate to this process. Congress's processes and procedures for the management, administration, and discipline of members (once they have taken the oath, been sworn, and entered upon the rolls) are constitutionally subordinate to the sovereignty of the people and the states respectively over the creation of the membership of Congress.

### Douglas's concurring opinion

Justice Douglas wrote the only concurring opinion of this case. It stated that qualifications that are not part of the Constitution may not be added except by constitutional amendment. Therefore, Congress can exclude a member only by a two-thirds vote to expel.

### Stewart's dissenting opinion

Justice Stewart wrote a dissenting opinion that said that the case should not have been heard by the Supreme Court because the case was moot, as Powell had already been seated in the 91st Congress by the time the case was appealed to the Supreme Court.

## InfoBox

| Powell v. McCormack | |
| --- | --- |
| Supreme Court of the United States | |
| Argued April 21, 1969
Decided June 16, 1969 | |
| Full case name | *Adam Clayton Powell Jr., et al. v. John William McCormack, Speaker of the House of Representatives, et al.* |
| Citations | 395 U.S. 486 (*more*)89 S. Ct. 1944; 23 L. Ed. 2d 491; 1969 U.S. LEXIS 3103 |
| Case history | |
| Prior | 266 F. Supp. 354 (D.D.C. 1967); 395 F.2d 577 (D.C. Cir. 1968) |
| Holding | |
| The House of Representative may not exclude a duly elected representative for any reason unless it is mentioned in the Qualifications of Members Clause. | |
| Court membership | |
| Chief Justice Earl Warren  Associate Justices Hugo Black **·**  William O. Douglas
John M. Harlan II **·**  William J. Brennan Jr.
Potter Stewart **·**  Byron White
Thurgood Marshall | |
| Case opinions | |
| Majority | Warren, joined by Black, Douglas, Harlan, Brennan, White, Marshall |
| Concurrence | Douglas |
| Dissent | Stewart |
| Laws applied | |
| U.S. Const. art. I § 2, cl. 2 | |


title: Slim (band)

abstract: Slim is an American pop/rock band from Oakland, California, led by singer/songwriter Michael Baker. The band's music balances lyrical expression with a devotion to the sounds and beats of rock, soul, and hip-hop. Their debut album, Interstate Medicine, was originally released in 2002. The band's roots lie in the San Francisco Bay Area coffeehouse and open mic circuit, where Baker performed for several years while writing the material that would appear on "Interstate Medicine". In early 2001, former Counting Crows and Third Eye Blind drummer Steve Bowman brought Baker together with producer Jeffrey Wood, and sessions for the album began at Fantasy Studios in Berkeley, California. In addition to Bowman on drums and Paul Olguin on bass, the album features a number of notable local musicians. Chief among these are Jef Labes on keys and Robert Powell on pedal steel guitar. The album's songs address a diverse range of topics, from Spanish conquistadores to double murders, deals with the devil to nights spent in thrall to Mexican witches. Instrumentation is similarly diverse: the opening track, "Cortez & Pizarro", begins with rubato flamenco guitar which transforms abruptly into distorted Les Paul through a Marshall stack. "Starfish/Sunflower" mates sampled jungle snares with pedal steel guitar and three-part vocal harmonies, and "Sister Rosa" combines folk-blues guitar with a gospel choir. Slim now performs around Northern California, with a lineup consisting of drummer Peter Libby bassist Kevin Witte and Tom Hamilton on keys and backing vocals. Hamilton and Baker occasionally perform as an acoustic duo. Baker plays solo shows, and also with his other band, Radio Nowhere.

text:
# Slim (band)

**Slim** is an American pop/rock band from Oakland, California, led by singer/songwriter Michael Baker. The band's music balances lyrical expression with a devotion to the sounds and beats of rock, soul, and hip-hop. Their debut album, *Interstate Medicine*, was originally released in 2002.

The band's roots lie in the San Francisco Bay Area coffeehouse and open mic circuit, where Baker performed for several years while writing the material that would appear on "Interstate Medicine". In early 2001, former Counting Crows and Third Eye Blind drummer Steve Bowman brought Baker together with producer Jeffrey Wood (Fatboy Slim, Penelope Houston), and sessions for the album began at Fantasy Studios in Berkeley, California.

In addition to Bowman on drums and Paul Olguin (Mazzy Star, Mary Wells) on bass, the album features a number of notable local musicians. Chief among these are Jef Labes (Van Morrison, Bonnie Raitt) on keys and Robert Powell (Peter Gabriel, John Lee Hooker, Jackson Browne) on pedal steel guitar.

The album's songs address a diverse range of topics, from Spanish conquistadores to double murders, deals with the devil to nights spent in thrall to Mexican witches. Instrumentation is similarly diverse: the opening track, "Cortez & Pizarro", begins with rubato flamenco guitar which transforms abruptly into distorted Les Paul through a Marshall stack. "Starfish/Sunflower" mates sampled jungle snares with pedal steel guitar and three-part vocal harmonies, and "Sister Rosa" combines folk-blues guitar with a gospel choir.

Slim now performs around Northern California, with a lineup consisting of drummer Peter Libby (Primus, Ramona the Pest) bassist Kevin Witte (Surreal Neil, Tom Jonesing) and Tom Hamilton on keys and backing vocals. Hamilton and Baker occasionally perform as an acoustic duo. Baker plays solo shows, and also with his other band, Radio Nowhere.

## Discography

* *Interstate Medicine* (Shortwave Syndicate, 2002)

Track Listing: 1) Cortez & Pizarro 2) Heathrow 3) Slide 4) Beautiful Stranger 5) Curandera 6) Starfish/Sunflower 7) Picture of You 8) Caroline 9) Sister Rosa 10) Alabama 11) Electric 12) Deathwish Debbie 13) Walking Shoes (Hidden Track) 14) Turned on Fashion

## Lineup

* Michael Baker - guitar, vocals, songs, production
* Peter Libby - drums
* Kevin Witte - bass
* Tom Hamilton - vocals, keyboards


title: São José da Safira

abstract: São José da Safira is a municipality in the state of Minas Gerais in the Southeast region of Brazil.

text:
# São José da Safira

**São José da Safira** is a municipality in the state of Minas Gerais in the Southeast region of Brazil.

18°20′S 42°10′W / 18.333°S 42.167°W / -18.333; -42.167

## InfoBox

| São José da Safira | |
| --- | --- |
| Municipality | |
|  | |
| Country | Brazil |
| Region | Southeast |
| State | Minas Gerais |
| Mesoregion | Vale do Rio Doce |
| Population (2020 ) | |
| Total | 4,280 |
| Time zone | UTC−3 (BRT) |


title: Bilkaradié

abstract: Bilkaradié is a village in the Nassere Department of Bam Province in northern Burkina Faso. It has a population of 276.

text:
# Bilkaradié

**Bilkaradié** is a village in the Nassere Department of Bam Province in northern Burkina Faso. It has a population of 276.

## InfoBox

| Bilkaradié | |
| --- | --- |
| Country | Burkina Faso |
| Region | Centre-Nord Region |
| Province | Bam Province |
| Department | Nassere Department |
| Population (2005) | |
| Total | 276 |
| Time zone | UTC+0 (GMT 0) |


title: Boštjan Koritnik

abstract: Boštjan Koritnik is a Slovenian politician. As of 13 March 2020, he is Minister of Public Administration in the 14th Government of Slovenia.

text:
# Boštjan Koritnik

**Boštjan Koritnik** (born 15 June 1979) is a Slovenian politician. As of 13 March 2020, he is Minister of Public Administration in the 14th Government of Slovenia.

## InfoBox

| Boštjan Koritnik | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
|  | |
| Minister of Public Administration | |
| **In office**<br>13 March 2020  1 June 2022 | |
| Preceded by | Rudi Medved |
| Succeeded by | Sanja Ajanović Hovnik |
|  | |
| Personal details | |
| Born | (1979-06-15) 15 June 1979 |
| Alma mater | University of Ljubljana |
|  | |


title: Pick Me Up on Your Way Down

abstract: "Pick Me Up on Your Way Down" is a song written by Harlan Howard, sung by Charlie Walker, and released on the Columbia label. Harlan Howard, while living in a frame house in Gardena, California, played the song for another songwriter, Lance Guynes. Guynes offered to send the song to Nashville, and shortly thereafter, Howard received a call from Ray Price saying he loved the song. There was a fight between Price, Ernest Tubb, and Charlie Walker over who would get to record the song. They ultimately agreed to give it to Walker, "because he needed a hit." In October 1958, the song peaked at No. 2 on Billboard's weekly country and western chart. It spent 22 weeks on the charts and was also ranked No. 44 on Billboard's 1958 year-end country and western chart.

text:
# Pick Me Up on Your Way Down

"**Pick Me Up on Your Way Down**" is a song written by Harlan Howard, sung by Charlie Walker, and released on the Columbia label.

Harlan Howard, while living in a frame house in Gardena, California, played the song for another songwriter, Lance Guynes. Guynes offered to send the song to Nashville, and shortly thereafter, Howard received a call from Ray Price saying he loved the song. There was a fight between Price, Ernest Tubb, and Charlie Walker over who would get to record the song. They ultimately agreed to give it to Walker, "because he needed a hit."

In October 1958, the song peaked at No. 2 on *Billboard*'s weekly country and western chart. It spent 22 weeks on the charts and was also ranked No. 44 on *Billboard*'s 1958 year-end country and western chart.

## InfoBox

| "Pick Me Up on Your Way Down" | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Single by Charlie Walker | |
| from the album  *Greatest Hits* | |
| B-side | "Two Empty Arms" |
| Released | 1958 |
| Recorded | 1958 |
| Genre | Country |
| Length | 2:25 |
| Label | Columbia |
| Songwriter(s) | Harlan Howard |
| Charlie Walker singles chronology | |
| "Take My Hand"
(1957) "**Pick Me Up on Your Way Down**"
(1958) "I'll Catch You When You Fall"
(1959) | |


title: Pseudopostega tucumanae

abstract: Pseudopostega tucumanae is a moth of the family Opostegidae. It is only known from the province of Tucuman, in northern Argentina at an elevation of 800 meters. The length of the forewings is 3.1–4 mm. Adults are mostly white. Adults have been collected in December and February.

text:
# Pseudopostega tucumanae

***Pseudopostega tucumanae*** is a moth of the family Opostegidae. It is only known from the province of Tucuman, in northern Argentina at an elevation of 800 meters.

The length of the forewings is 3.1–4 mm. Adults are mostly white. Adults have been collected in December and February.

## Etymology

The specific epithet is derived from Tucuman, the province in Argentina from whence the type series was collected.

## InfoBox

| *Pseudopostega tucumanae* | |
| --- | --- |
|
| Scientific classification | |
| Domain: | Eukaryota |
| Kingdom: | Animalia |
| Phylum: | Arthropoda |
| Class: | Insecta |
| Order: | Lepidoptera |
| Family: | Opostegidae |
| Genus: | *Pseudopostega* |
| Species: | ***P. tucumanae*** |
| Binomial name | |
| ***Pseudopostega tucumanae***<br>D.R. Davis & J.R. Stonis, 2007 | |
|


title: Upping the Ante

abstract: "Upping the Ante" is the fourteenth episode of the first season of the American sports drama television series Friday Night Lights, inspired by the 1990 nonfiction book by H. G. Bissinger. The episode was written by producer David Hudgins and directed by Allison Liddi-Brown. It originally aired on NBC on January 31, 2007. The series is set in the fictional town of Dillon, a small, close-knit community in rural West Texas. It follows a high school football team, the Dillon Panthers. It features a set of characters, primarily connected to Coach Eric Taylor, his wife Tami, and their daughter Julie. In the episode, Julie starts to question her relationship with Matt, while Tim visits his father outside the town. According to Nielsen Media Research, the episode was seen by an estimated 6.73 million household viewers and gained a 2.4 ratings share among adults aged 18–49. The episode received critical acclaim, with critics praising the performances, Tim's storyline and directing.

text:
# Upping the Ante

"**Upping the Ante**" is the fourteenth episode of the first season of the American sports drama television series *Friday Night Lights*, inspired by the 1990 nonfiction book by H. G. Bissinger. The episode was written by producer David Hudgins and directed by Allison Liddi-Brown. It originally aired on NBC on January 31, 2007.

The series is set in the fictional town of Dillon, a small, close-knit community in rural West Texas. It follows a high school football team, the Dillon Panthers. It features a set of characters, primarily connected to Coach Eric Taylor, his wife Tami, and their daughter Julie. In the episode, Julie starts to question her relationship with Matt, while Tim visits his father outside the town.

According to Nielsen Media Research, the episode was seen by an estimated 6.73 million household viewers and gained a 2.4 ratings share among adults aged 18–49. The episode received critical acclaim, with critics praising the performances, Tim's storyline and directing.

## Plot

During a dinner with the Garritys, Jason (Scott Porter) gets into an argument with Buddy (Brad Leland) over living off quad rugby. Their conversation also addresses the Streets' lawsuit, with Buddy expressing disdain over seeing his team getting sued. Jason then surprises Buddy and his wife by saying he and Lyla (Minka Kelly) are getting married, causing her parents to leave.

Julie (Aimee Teegarden) is disappointed when Matt (Zach Gilford) has to cancel their plans due to football-related issues, including an Old 97's concert. Needing a ride home, she is taken by Tyra (Adrianne Palicki), and they begin to develop a friendship. They take care of Lorraine (Louanne Stephens) due to Matt's absence, but Tyra also teaches Julie how to shoplift and even allows her to enter the strip club where her sister Mindy works. When Matt is "kidnapped" by rally girls to pose for a calendar at night, Julie calls him out for lying about nothing happening.

Tim (Taylor Kitsch) gets his driving license suspended after failing to pay a speeding ticket and Billy (Derek Phillips) cannot cover for him as he is not technically his legal guardian. Desperate, he pays a visit to his father Walt (Brett Cullen), and get the signature needed to get his license back. Tim is surprised by Walt's upbeat attitude, especially when he discovers that he always talks about every single game that he played. They decide to play golf, with Walt agreeing to go seeing him play if Tim wins. Walt ends up winning, but Tim calls him out for not wanting to be for them. When Walt states he cannot bring himself to go back to Dillon, Tim leaves.

Lyla tells Jason that they cannot marry, as she feels it is very abrupt. While disappointed, Jason understands. Eric (Kyle Chandler) refuses to answer questions about Smash (Gaius Charles), while he continues pushing on him for his actions. However, after talking with Tami (Connie Britton), he decides to slow down on his treatment as he feels Smash will lose his passion for football. On the day of the game, he tells Smash that he will play, delighting him. As the team takes off into the field, Tim is stopped by Billy, who shows him that Walt has come to the game.

## Production

### Development

In January 2007, NBC announced that the fourteenth episode of the season would be titled "Upping the Ante". The episode was written by producer David Hudgins and directed by Allison Liddi-Brown. This was Hudgins' second writing credit, and Liddi-Brown's second directing credit.

## Reception

### Viewers

In its original American broadcast, "Upping the Ante" was seen by an estimated 6.73 million household viewers with a 2.4 in the 18–49 demographics. This means that 2.4 percent of all households with televisions watched the episode. It finished 55th out of 100 programs airing from January 29-February 4, 2007. This was a 18% increase in viewership from the previous episode, which was watched by an estimated 5.66 million household viewers with a 2.0 in the 18–49 demographics.

### Critical reviews

"Upping the Ante" received critical acclaim. Eric Goldman of *IGN* gave the episode a "great" 8.5 out of 10 and wrote, "Week in, week out, the show delivers strong storylines and great acting, that feels far more truthful than many other programs on the air. On the surface, this week's episode might look a bit less impactful than some others, but that's only by virtue of the fact that it didn't have the heart wrenching, tear worthy moments that most episodes of this wonderful series do. In fact, it was another fine hour of television, which likely served as a bit of a prologue to what will probably be bigger events in the near future."

Sonia Saraiya of *The A.V. Club* gave the episode an "A–" grade and wrote, "I mentioned earlier that 'Upping The Ante' was about family intimacy. The episode follows a few different dynamics and ruthlessly exposes their weaknesses and strengths, when it can."

Alan Sepinwall wrote, "I don't know if Kevin Reilly just had his back turned the week tonight's episode was produced, or if this was the point in the production cycle where Peter Berg and Jason Katims said, 'Screw it; we're going back to making our show,' or if it was just a fluke, but tonight's episode felt the most *Friday Night Light*-ish since very early in the season." Leah Friedman of *TV Guide* wrote, "Jerks of the episode: Daddy Riggins and Matt Saracen. Yes, folks, that's right, Matt Saracen. Sure, he protested a little, but then he fell into a hot tub and was reborn a jerk. We all knew it was coming, we saw the promos, and yet my love for him still died just a little."

Brett Love of *TV Squad* wrote, "Overall, it wasn't my favorite episode, but it was solid. The story keeps cranking along and at the end of each week I am left looking forward to the next episode." *Television Without Pity* gave the episode an "A–" grade.

## InfoBox

| "**Upping the Ante**" | |
| --- | --- |
| *Friday Night Lights* episode | |
| Episode no. | Season 1<br>Episode 14 |
| Directed by | Allison Liddi-Brown |
| Written by | David Hudgins |
| Cinematography by | David Boyd |
| Editing by | Peter B. Ellis |
| Original release date | January 31, 2007 (2007-01-31) |
| Running time | 43 minutes |
| Guest appearances | |
|  | |
|
|


title: Powell v. State

abstract: Powell v. State of Georgia, S98A0755, 270 Ga. 327, 510 S.E. 2d 18 (1998), was a decision of the Supreme Court of Georgia in the U.S. state of Georgia that overturned its law against sodomy within the state. The Court ruled that the Georgia Constitution granted a right to privacy, and that outlawing oral or anal sex between consenting adults was a violation of the state constitution, thus deeming it "unconstitutional". While the plaintiff in Powell had been engaged in heterosexual sex, the overturning of the anti sodomy law also decriminalized same-sex sexual activity within the state of Georgia.

text:
# Powell v. State

***Powell v. State of Georgia***, S98A0755, 270 Ga. 327, 510 S.E. 2d 18 (1998), was a decision of the Supreme Court of Georgia in the U.S. state of Georgia that overturned its law against sodomy within the state. The Court ruled that the Georgia Constitution granted a right to privacy, and that outlawing oral or anal sex between consenting adults was a violation of the state constitution, thus deeming it "unconstitutional".

While the plaintiff in *Powell* had been engaged in heterosexual sex, the overturning of the anti sodomy law also decriminalized same-sex sexual activity within the state of Georgia.

## Background

Anthony Powell was charged with a complaint in which he had performed non-consensual oral sex upon his wife's 17-year-old niece in his house. The jury acquitted him of the non-consensual portion of the complaint, but convicted him of consensual sodomy.

In its appeal, the defense argued the statute was unconstitutional; the state argued that a conviction such as this was explicitly upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court in the case of *Bowers v. Hardwick*, 478 U.S. 186 (1986).

In *Bowers*, the Attorney General of Georgia had conceded that the sodomy law could not be applied to married heterosexuals, given the U.S. Supreme Court's ruling in *Griswold v. Connecticut*. Justice John Paul Stevens had observed in his *Bowers* dissent that *Eisenstadt v. Baird* had extended *Griswold* to unmarried heterosexuals, so the sodomy law should not apply to unmarried homosexuals either.

## Decision of the court

The Georgia Supreme Court struck down the sodomy statute by a vote of 6–1. The Court found that the individual's right to privacy in the Georgia Constitution are stronger and broader than those in the U.S. Constitution's Fourth Amendment. The majority noted that "privacy rights protected by the U.S. Constitution are not at issue in this case," while the dissenting justice cited *Bowers* extensively.

Powell's conviction was overturned.

## Impact

Although this case involved heterosexual activity, the decision overturned the state's sodomy law and had the effect of making homosexual sexual activity legal in the State of Georgia. Sodomy laws were overturned nationwide five years later, when *Lawrence v. Texas* (2003) overruled *Bowers v. Hardwick*.

## InfoBox

| Powell v. State of Georgia | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Court | Supreme Court of Georgia |
| Full case name | *Powell v. The State.* |
| Decided | November 23, 1998 (1998-11-23) |
| Citations | 510 S.E.2d 18; 270 Ga. 327 |
| Court membership | |
| Judges sitting | Robert Benham, Norman S. Fletcher, Carol W. Hunstein, Leah Ward Sears, George H. Carley, Hugh P. Thompson, P. Harris Hines |
| Case opinions | |
| Majority | Benham, joined by Fletcher, Hunstein, Sears, Thompson, Hines |
| Concurrence | Sears |
| Dissent | Carley |
| Keywords | |
|  | |


title: Smith system

abstract:
A system of taxonomy of the cryptogams, the Smith system was published in:
  - Smith, G.M. (1938). Cryptogamic Botany, vol. 1. Algae and fungi. McGraw-Hill, New York.
  - Smith, G.M. (1955). Cryptogamic Botany, vol. 2. Bryophytes and pteridophytes. 2nd ed. McGraw-Hill, New York.

text:
# Smith system

A system of taxonomy of the cryptogams, the **Smith system** was published in:

Smith, G.M. (1938). *Cryptogamic Botany*, vol. 1. Algae and fungi. McGraw-Hill, New York. Smith, G.M. (1955). *Cryptogamic Botany*, vol. 2. Bryophytes and pteridophytes. 2nd ed. McGraw-Hill, New York.

## Division Chlorophyta

## Division Euglenophyta

## Division Pyrrophyta

## Division Chrysophyta

## Division Phaeophyta

## Division Cyanophyta

## Division Rhodophyta

## Division Myxothallophyta

## Division Eumycetae

## Division Bryophyta

## Division Psilophyta

## Division Lepidophyta

## Division Calamophyta

## Division Pterophyta


title: Sébastien Roch (novel)

abstract: Sébastien Roch is a novel written by the French journalist, novelist and playwright Octave Mirbeau, and published by Charpentier in 1890. Last French edition : L'Age d'Homme, 2011. English translation : Sébastien Roch, Dedalus, « Empire of the senses », 2000, 266 pages (ISBN 1873982437).

text:
# Sébastien Roch (novel)

***Sébastien Roch*** is a novel written by the French journalist, novelist and playwright Octave Mirbeau, and published by Charpentier in 1890. Last French edition : L'Age d'Homme, 2011.

English translation : *Sébastien Roch*, Dedalus, « Empire of the senses », 2000, 266 pages (ISBN 1873982437).

## Plot summary

That is the emotional story of "the murder of a child’s soul" by a Jesuit priest, a teacher at the private school for boys of Saint-François-Xavier in Vannes, Brittany, where Mirbeau spent four painful years as a pupil, before being expelled, at the age of fifteen, in suspicious circumstances.

At age eleven, Sébastien is sent to boarding school by his father, an ironmonger and terrible snob. The boy does not fit into the school and its aristocratic and wealthy students. He is ignored by nearly everyone until an abusive priest starts to befriend him. The innocent 13-year-old boy is seduced, then sexually abused, by Father de Kern. Sébastien is expelled along with his only friend Bolorec, the boys having been accused of indulging in inappropriate sexual acts. The charges have been trumped up by Father de Kern.

Sébastien's life is ruined and he is unable to hold down a job or make friends. He cannot even build a relationship with Marguerite, his childhood sweetheart. Aged twenty one, Sébastien is absurdly killed during the 1870 Franco-Prussian War, his body being carried from the battlefield by Bolorec.

## Commentary

Octave Mirbeau denounces the child sexual abuses and the impunity of the rapists, especially when they are priests: for the first time, he breaks a lasting taboo.

But, for him, what is called education, within the context of family, school and church, is also a dangerous violation of the child's mind. Rather than a Bildungsroman, a novel of self-cultivation, *Sébastien Roch* is a novel of self-destruction.

## InfoBox

Sébastien Roch
|  | |
| --- | --- |
| Author | Octave Mirbeau |
| Original title | ' **Sébastien Roch'** |
| Language | French |
| Subject | child sexual abuse by priests |
| Genre | Novel |
| Publisher | Charpentier |
| Publication date | April 1890 |
| Publication place | France |
| OCLC | 23394078 |


title: Bilkent

abstract: Bilkent is a district in Ankara, Turkey, with the postal code 06800 where Bilkent University is located. Besides Bilkent University, a technological improvement and tech start-up center called CYBERPARK is also located inside the district. CYBERPARK hosts more than 250 developing tech companies. Three housing sites situated in green fields and woods provide its residents with natural settings, social facilities, sports areas and children's playgrounds. These are among Ankara's most prestigious addresses and 3,500 residential and commercial units serve a variety of demands and needs.

text:
# Bilkent

39°51′49″N 32°44′57″E / 39.86361°N 32.74917°E / 39.86361; 32.74917 **Bilkent** is a district in Ankara, Turkey, with the postal code 06800 where Bilkent University is located.

Besides Bilkent University, a technological improvement and tech start-up center called CYBERPARK is also located inside the district. CYBERPARK hosts more than 250 developing tech companies.

Three housing sites situated in green fields and woods provide its residents with natural settings, social facilities, sports areas and children's playgrounds. These are among Ankara's most prestigious addresses and 3,500 residential and commercial units serve a variety of demands and needs.


title: Rashtriya Samanta Dal

abstract: Rashtriya Samanata Dal, a political party in India, based in the Hindi belt. The party is led by Moti Lal Kushwaha "Shastri". The party is based amongst the Khushwaha caste community. In the 2003 Madhya Pradesh state assembly elections RSD contested as part of the Madhya Pradesh Jan Mukti Morcha. In the 2004 Lok Sabha elections in Chhattisgarh RSD contested as a part of the Yuva Jan Kranti Morcha led by Lok Jan Shakti Party. Sujan Singh Bundela a 2 time Member of Parliament from Jhansi constituency left Indian National Congress after his ticket was cut and given to the sitting MLA, Pradeep Jain Aditya, of Jhansi. He is now contesting from Rashtriya Samanta Dal and filed his nomination on 6 April 2009. After the grand victory of Bharatiya Janta Party in assembly elections of 2004 and 2009, the party is finding it difficult to sustain in Madhya Pradesh. In 2009 Madhya Pradesh Assembly Elections it only won 2 seats.

text:
# Rashtriya Samanta Dal

**Rashtriya Samanata Dal**, a political party in India, based in the Hindi belt. The party is led by Moti Lal Kushwaha "Shastri".

The party is based amongst the Khushwaha caste community.

In the 2003 Madhya Pradesh state assembly elections RSD contested as part of the Madhya Pradesh Jan Mukti Morcha.

In the 2004 Lok Sabha elections in Chhattisgarh RSD contested as a part of the Yuva Jan Kranti Morcha led by Lok Jan Shakti Party. Sujan Singh Bundela a 2 time Member of Parliament from Jhansi constituency left Indian National Congress after his ticket was cut and given to the sitting MLA, Pradeep Jain Aditya, of Jhansi. He is now contesting from Rashtriya Samanta Dal and filed his nomination on 6 April 2009.

After the grand victory of Bharatiya Janta Party in assembly elections of 2004 and 2009, the party is finding it difficult to sustain in Madhya Pradesh. In 2009 Madhya Pradesh Assembly Elections it only won 2 seats.


title: Rättarboda

abstract: Rättarboda is a locality situated in Upplands-Bro Municipality, Stockholm County, Sweden with 237 inhabitants in 2010.

text:
# Rättarboda

**Rättarboda** is a locality situated in Upplands-Bro Municipality, Stockholm County, Sweden with 237 inhabitants in 2010.

## InfoBox

| Rättarboda | |
| --- | --- |
| RättarbodaRättarbodaRättarboda | |
| Coordinates: 59°30′N 17°36′E / 59.500°N 17.600°E / 59.500; 17.600 | |
| Country | Sweden |
| Province | Uppland |
| County | Stockholm County |
| Municipality | Upplands-Bro Municipality |
| Area | |
| Total | 0.36 km2 (0.14 sq mi) |
| Population (31 December 2020) | |
| Total | 589 |
| Density | 1,600/km2 (4,200/sq mi) |
| Time zone | UTC+1 (CET) |
| Summer (DST) | UTC+2 (CEST) |


title: S. L. Bhojegowda

abstract: S. L. Bhojegowda belongs to the Janata Dal (Secular).

text:
# S. L. Bhojegowda

**S. L. Bhojegowda** belongs to the Janata Dal (Secular).

## InfoBox

| S.L.Bhojegowda | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Member of the Karnataka Legislative Council | |
| **Incumbent** | |
| **Assumed office** <br>22 June 2018 | |
| Preceded by | Capt. Ganesh Karnik, BJP |
| Constituency | Karnataka South West Teachers |
|  | |
| Personal details | |
| Political party | Janata Dal (Secular) |
|  | |


title: Ševarice

abstract: Ševarice is a village in Serbia. It is situated in the Šabac municipality, in the Mačva District. The village has a Serb ethnic majority and its population numbering 1,308 people.

text:
# Ševarice

**Ševarice** (Serbian Cyrillic: Шеварице) is a village in Serbia. It is situated in the Šabac municipality, in the Mačva District. The village has a Serb ethnic majority and its population numbering 1,308 people (2002 census).

## History

Sevarice is a very old village and there is not any reliable evidence of when it was founded. However, traces of the Roman civilization have been discovered in many places in today's village Sevarice. It is well known that this village was mentioned in “Monastery Ravanica's praise of Duke Lazar” in 1381, but with another name. The names of residents were changed with starting and finishing their migration to and from the village. In written historic recourses which have been saved up to the present, this village has been mentioned for the first time in a census completed in 1548, but it was named Orasac. The village was located on the place of today's estate.

In the next census from 1718, which was done by an Australian colonel Nipert, the village consisted of 19 households. In a census from 1788 as a part of Macva duchy, it was mentioned as Orasac, too. According to these reviews it can be understood how the village developed. On the first sight it seems that development of the village was slow. However, in the whole history not only of the village but of Serbia too, there were always different kinds of wars and migrations. It can't be reliably claimed when the village changed its name and the location. By all accounts the location must have been changed before the name. For instance, the village Orasac was situated on the main road from Mitrovica to Sabacand, at the same time on the waterway of the small river Bitva. That was very inconvenient for the people of the village, concerning the permanent changes of conquerors, especially the Turkish ones. That is why the citizens of the village and the latter settlers left the location and moved to the southeastern parts of the country, towards the area covered with the forests and bushes. In that way they were hidden from the main road and the possible danger. People cut the trees down and then built their houses there. That is the reason why the village got its name Sevarice ("bushes" in English). That was a long-term process and it is not known when it ended.

Making squares and straight streets in Macva was started during the reign of Duke Milos ( the ruler ) and his brother Jevrem, who made strong pressure on the people of Macva, especially in the villages around the roads to build their houses in strict rows. Macva's villages look like villages in Srem ( Voivodina ) – two streets make the main square in a shape like the cross. There were four squares that older residents still remember: Arlovica, Djunis, Skolski sor, Preki sor. Beside these squares as the main roads, there were smaller narrow streets. Sevarice got its Municipality in 1839, soon after setting the municipal law from 1839. Uzvece, a small village near Sevarice, also belonged to the Municipality of Sevarice. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, Sevarice was headquarters of Macva1s area. The first chairman was captain Great from Drenovac. The church of the “Holy Mother of God “ (Velike Gospojine), built in 1936, still remains and people can visit it every day on masses etc.

There has been a school in Sevarice since the first half of 19th century, actually since 1928. It was the first village school in Macva and was located on Djuricici's hill. The school also was attended by the pupils from the villages nearby: Drenovac, Pricinovic, Tabanovic and Uzvece. There were 17 teachers in Sevarice since its foundation until World War I started. The first teacher was Novak Popovic. After World War II, in 1952 “Zadruzni Dom” was built which is a one-storey-high building in the centre of the village, according to typical projects in Serbia. There is a local government office, a big and a small auditorium, a few business premises and a couple of rooms on the first floor. The first Collective farm in Sevarice was founded in 1926. It was one of the first associations in Macva. During its foundation collective farm consisted of 12 members and the first president was Zivan Sainovic. It had a purchasing type. According to the census of 2002 the number of citizens changed in this way: 1948 – 1648, 1953–1668, 1961–1640, 1971–1582, 1981–1452, 1991–1295. Today there are 1308 citizens living in Sevarice and about 370-380 households.

44°52′02″N 19°39′33″E / 44.86722°N 19.65917°E / 44.86722; 19.65917

## InfoBox

| Ševarice Шеварице (Serbian) | |
| --- | --- |
| Village (Selo) | |
|  | |
| Ševarice | |
| Coordinates: 44°52′02″N 19°39′33″E / 44.86722°N 19.65917°E / 44.86722; 19.65917 | |
| Country | Serbia |
| Statistical Region | Šumadija and Western Serbia |
| Region | Mačva |
| District | Mačva District |
| Municipality | Šabac |
| Time zone | UTC+1 (CET) |
| Summer (DST) | UTC+2 (CEST) |


title: Prisca Chilufya

abstract: Prisca Chilufya is a Zambian footballer who plays as a midfielder for Liga MX Femenil side FC Juárez and the Zambia women's national team.

text:
# Prisca Chilufya

**Prisca Chilufya** (born 8 June 1999) is a Zambian footballer who plays as a midfielder for Liga MX Femenil side FC Juárez and the Zambia women's national team.

## Club career

Chilufya has played for Red Arrows FC. She was signed from Arrows to BIIK Kazygurt on a two-year deal in 2021, where she joined her Zambia teammate Racheal Kundananji. She featured in both of Kazygurt's games versus Bayern Munich in the 2020-1 UEFA Women's Champions League, in which they lost 9–1 on aggregate.

She remained in the Kazakhstan Women's Football Championship for the beginning of the 2022/23 season with Tomiris Turan. She scored a double hat-trick and two assists in a single match in which Tomirus Turan beat Sdyusshor 10–1.

Chilufya then returned to the Red Arrows for the remainder of the 2022/23 season where she scored 10 goals in 16 games. She then had a brief spell at Fatih Karagumruk.

She signed a two-year contract with FC Juarez in summer 2023.

## International career

Chilufya has been regularly called up for Zambia at senior level since she featured in the 2018 Women's Africa Cup of Nations and qualifiers for the Tokyo Olympics in 2018.

She played for Zambia at the 2020 COSAFA Women's Championship. She was left out of the Zambia squad's for both the 2020 Tokyo Olympics and 2022 Women's Africa Cup of Nations squad because of gender eligibility rules, due to her testosterone levels.

Chilufya was recalled to the national team for a 2022 friendly against the Netherlands. She appeared in training prior to the 2023 FIFA Women's World Cup, the team's first appearance in the tournament, but she did not make the final squad.

## InfoBox

Prisca Chilufya
| Personal information | | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| Date of birth | (1999-06-08) 8 June 1999 | | |
| Place of birth | Kitwe, Zambia | | |
| Height | 1.67 m (5 ft 5+12 in) | | |
| Position(s) | Forward | | |
| Team information | | | |
| Current team | Juárez | | |
| Number | 25 | | |
| Senior career\* | | | |
| Years | **Team** | **Apps** | **(Gls)** |
| 20??–2020 | Red Arrows |  |  |
| 2021 | BIIK Kazygurt |  |  |
| 2022 | Tomiris-Turan |  |  |
| 2023 | Fatih Karagümrük | 7 | (4) |
| 2023– | Juárez | 28 | (9) |
| International career | | | |
| 2018– | Zambia | 3 | (0) |
| \*Club domestic league appearances and goals, correct as of 7 May 2023<br>‡ National team caps and goals, correct as of 6 June 2018 | | | |


title: Pseudopostega texana

abstract: Pseudopostega texana is a moth of the family Opostegidae. It was described by Donald R. Davis and Jonas R. Stonis, 2007. It is known from the Rio Grande Valley of southern Texas, probably south into Mexico. The length of the forewings is 2.5–3 mm. Adults have been recorded in April and from July to early October.

text:
# Pseudopostega texana

***Pseudopostega texana*** is a moth of the family Opostegidae. It was described by Donald R. Davis and Jonas R. Stonis, 2007. It is known from the Rio Grande Valley of southern Texas, probably south into Mexico.

The length of the forewings is 2.5–3 mm. Adults have been recorded in April and from July to early October.

## Etymology

The species name is derived from the general type locality, Texas.

## InfoBox

| *Pseudopostega texana* | |
| --- | --- |
|
| Scientific classification | |
| Domain: | Eukaryota |
| Kingdom: | Animalia |
| Phylum: | Arthropoda |
| Class: | Insecta |
| Order: | Lepidoptera |
| Family: | Opostegidae |
| Genus: | *Pseudopostega* |
| Species: | ***P. texana*** |
| Binomial name | |
| ***Pseudopostega texana***<br>D.R. Davis & J.R. Stonis, 2007 | |
|


title: Social Security Protection Act of 2011

abstract: Social Security Protection Act of 2011 is a proposed change to the United States Constitution. The amendment is in response to the proposed changes to Social Security qualifications that are aiming to combat the rising debt ceiling. Advocates of the bill argue that Social Security has consistently succeeded in protecting millions of Americans from poverty, providing beneficiaries with substantial benefits while never contributing to federal debt or financial crisis. The Amendment was first introduced during the 112th Congress in August 2011, but no action was taken during that Congress.

text:
# Social Security Protection Act of 2011

**Social Security Protection Act of 2011** is a proposed change to the United States Constitution. The amendment is in response to the proposed changes to Social Security qualifications that are aiming to combat the rising debt ceiling. Advocates of the bill argue that Social Security has consistently succeeded in protecting millions of Americans from poverty, providing beneficiaries with substantial benefits while never contributing to federal debt or financial crisis. The Amendment was first introduced during the 112th Congress in August 2011, but no action was taken during that Congress.

## The amendment

## InfoBox

Social Security Protection Act of 2011
|  | |
| --- | --- |
| Long title | A bill to amend title IV of the Budget Control Act of 2011 to protect the Social Security and SSI programs from budget cuts under such Act. |
| Enacted by | the 112th United States Congress |
| Codification | |
| Acts amended | Budget Control Act of 2011 |
| Legislative history | |
|  | |


title: Süddeutscher Verlag

abstract: The Süddeutscher Verlag (SV) is a corporate group that has emerged from the Süddeutsche Zeitung. Founded as a newspaper publisher, Süddeutscher Verlag developed into one of Germany's largest media companies, providing to Germany and abroad. The publisher has continued to focus in the areas of newspapers, journals and books. The company's headquarters is the SV-Hochhaus in Munich's district Zamdorf. The SV printing center is located in the neighboring district of Steinhausen.

text:
# Süddeutscher Verlag

The **Süddeutscher Verlag** (**SV**) is a corporate group that has emerged from the Süddeutsche Zeitung.

Founded as a newspaper publisher, Süddeutscher Verlag developed into one of Germany's largest media companies, providing to Germany and abroad. The publisher has continued to focus in the areas of newspapers, journals and books. The company's headquarters is the SV-Hochhaus in Munich's district Zamdorf. The SV printing center is located in the neighboring district of Steinhausen.

## History

The activities of the Süddeutscher Verlag began with the publication of the first edition of the *Süddeutsche Zeitung* on 6 October 1945. The Süddeutsche Verlag GmbH, with headquarters in Munich, was founded in 1947 by the shareholders August Schwingenstein, Edmund Goldschagg, Franz Josef Schöningh and Werner Friedmann.

Three years later, the first book publisher was founded. Other investments, acquisitions and new formations followed. Today, more than one hundred subsidiaries are part of the Süddeutscher Verlag.

The headquarters in the Sendlinger Straße was sold by the publishing house in 2004. Since the fall of 2008, the headquarters of the publishing house is located in the new SV-Hochhaus in Munich-Zamdorf.

## Sale in 2007

The Süddeutscher Verlag was largely owned by five Munich publisher families, the descendants of the founders, until 2007. These were the families of Friedmann (shares: 18.75%), Goldschagg (18.75%), Seidlein (18.75%), Schwingenstein (16.67%) and Dürrmeier (8.33%), and also the most recent addition of the Südwestdeutsche Medien Holding (SWMH) (18.75%). Chairman of the shareholder's association was Christian Goldschagg. In August 2004, Hanswilli Jenke and Klaus Josef Lutz were managing directors of the publishing house.

Four of the five associate families (Dürrmeier, Goldschagg, Schwingenstein and Seidlein) finally agreed, after years of speculation, to sell their shares totaling 62.5% in 2007. Prospective buyers that came forth were M. DuMont Schauberg based in Cologne (Frankfurter Rundschau, Kölner Stadt-Anzeiger), the Funke Mediengruppe based in Essen (Westdeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung), the Holtzbrinck Publishing Group based in Stuttgart (Der Tagesspiegel, Die Zeit) as well as for financial investors, Goldman Sachs, Apax Partners, Veronis Suhler Stevenson und 3i. The SWMH with 18.75 percent held a right of first refusal and the shareholder family of John Friedmann (Abendzeitung) was against the sale to investors. On 21 December 2007, the sale was announced, with the shares going to the SWMH. Increasing their total stakes to 81.25% effective as of 29 February 2008.

## Business areas

The Süddeutscher Verlag has four business areas: *Süddeutsche Zeitung*, regional and weekly newspapers, specialists information, and services / technology / investments.

### Süddeutsche Zeitung, regional and weekly newspapers, and other investments

The largest and most important production of the Süddeutscher Verlag is the daily newspaper *Süddeutsche Zeitung*, which is associated with various magazines and supplements, websites and TV programs, the department "New Products" (books, CDs, DVDs), as well as newspaper advertisements and subscription management. In the area of electronic media, the Süddeutscher Verlag is active with its online services, its equity stakes in several radio stations and in the production of TV Magazine "Süddeutsche TV".

The SV is also shareholder of many regional and weekly newspapers and advertising papers in Germany and abroad:

* Newspaper group Hof / Coburg / Suhl (Frankenpost Verlag GmbH in Hof, 70% stake in the printing and publishing house Neue Presse GmbH in Coburg, Suhler Publishing Society mbH & Co. KG) with the newspapers Frankenpost, Freies Wort, Neue Presse, Südthüringer Zeitung
* Münchner Zeitungs-Verlag (12.5%; newspaper: Münchner Merkur, tz)
* ZVO Zeitungsverlag Oberbayern (12.5%)
* MWB Medien (formerly "Münchener Wochenblatt Verlags- und Werbegesellschaft") (100%), regional advertising papers
* Contract with the Free State of Bavaria on the publishing of the Bayerische Staatszeitung, and the Bayerische Staatsanzeiger in a joint venture with the Münchner Zeitungs-Verlag.

The broadcasting investments are summarized in the "SV Teleradio Produktions- und Beteiligungsgesellschaft für elektronische Medien". Among other things, SV Teleradio is shareholder of Radio Gong 96.3, TOP FM, Antenne Bayern, Studio Gong, and Sat.1 Bavaria.

### Specialists information

Activities in the field of specialist information are summarized in the subsidiary company "Süddeutscher Verlag Hüthig Fachinformation GmbH (SVHFI)". There 150 specialist magazines and several thousand book titles are produced. The focus lies in the areas of communication and media, business and management, commerce, law and taxes, as well as medicine.

These include the following publishers:

* Hüthig Fachverlage with the imprints C. F. Müller Verlag, Hüthig Verlag, Hüthig & Pflaum Verlag, Wichmann Verlag
* Medical Publishing Group Medical Tribune
* Verlag Werben & Verkaufen
* Verlagsgruppe Hüthig Jehle Rehm

### Services and technology

The services of SV include, besides corporate activities, archive and content services ("DIZ Dokumentations- und Informationszentrum") and Corporate Publishing (Süddeutscher Verlag Publishing, Süddeutsche Zeitung onpact). The SV also owns "Süddeutsche Zeitung Publishing", an advertising agency, targeted at teenagers, and the "Süddeutscher Verlag onpact", a public relations agency. SV also owns the publisher "moderne industrie", which through its subsidiaries offers seminars and conferences. The SZ logistics (sales, pay slips) belongs to the services division. Since February 2009, the logistics subsidiary of the SV, the Zeitungsverlag Oberbayern, the TNT Post Holding and MediaLog operate a regional postal service under the name Süd-Post.

In the fields of printing technology, typographic services are offered, for example offset printing. This way, in the SV printing center, magazines from other publishing groups (such as Bild, Bild am Sonntag and Die Welt of Axel Springer SE) as well as individual customer orders are printed in addition to the Süddeutsche Zeitung. In the printing center Suhl (subsidiary of "Suhler Verlagsgesellschaft") the publications Freies Wort, Neue Presse, Südthüringer Zeitung and Wochenspiegel among others are printed.