The origins of Bărnuțiu's movement can be traced back to "the very last years" [ 5 ]  of  Alexandru Ioan Cuza 's rule as  Domnitor  over the " United Principalities ", which had confederated  Moldavia  with neighboring  Wallachia . The group was centered on the last Moldavian capital, Iași, where Bărnuțiu and Ionescu were both active as educators. Following Bărnuțiu's death in 1864, the Faction had for its "chiefs"  Alexandru Gheorghiu ,  Alecu D. Holban ,  Theodor Lateș ,  Dimitrie Tacu , Iorgu Tacu, alongside Constantin Corjescu and his brother Dimitrie. As noted by their one-time colleague  George Panu , they were "students and disciples of Bărnuțiu", who "had hypnotized them, had inoculated into them his fanatical ideas; they spoke like him, they dressed like him, they walked like him, and quite clearly they thought like him." [ 6 ]  Defining itself as "national and liberal", [ 7 ]  Bărnuțianism was strongly  nativist  and  primordialist , circulating the claim that  old Romanian law  was purely  Roman law  ( see  Origin of the Romanians ). [ 8 ]  On such grounds, it conceived Romania as a modern reconstruction of the  Roman Republic , secured by  protectionism ,  anti-German sentiment , and  economic antisemitism , [ 9 ]  going as far as to propose the expulsion of all foreigners from Romanian soil. [ 10 ]  Another eccentricity was the Factionalists' project for a  complete land reform , redistributing all available land among Romanian nationals. [ 11 ]  The agenda was not fully shared by Factionalists such as  Nicu Ceaur-Aslan , whose  Bacău -based newspaper,  Santinela de Bacău , had argued for preserving the  boyar nobility  and its large estates. [ 12 ]


Like most other groups existing before the creation of an independent  Kingdom of Romania  in the 1880s, the "vaguely liberal" [ 13 ]  or "most originally liberal" [ 14 ]  Faction was somewhat diffuse, identified by voluntary allegiance rather than formal membership, and was mainly a  parliamentary party . [ 15 ]  Its earliest rally point was the gazette  Tribuna Română  ("Romanian Tribune"), published in 1866 as the self-styled exponent of "truly liberal and independent convictions". [ 16 ]  Despite having a longer history, the party was only formalized around January 1867, following a speech by its recognized leader, who was by then  Nicolae Ionescu —his claim to speak for a "free and independent faction" was picked up as a derisive  exonym  by his adversaries, then accepted by the "Faction" itself; ideally, however, Ionescu favored  non-partisan democracy . [ 17 ]


A professor of law and brother of the agronomist  Ion Ionescu de la Brad , Ionescu had played a marginal role the  Moldavian  and  Wallachian Revolutions of 1848 . [ 18 ]  In 1856–1858, he had also supported the unionist  National Party , putting out the French edition of  Stéoa Dunării  from Brussels. His effort was partly financed by the Moldavian statesman  Mihail Kogălniceanu , with whom Ionescu had an on and off friendship. [ 19 ]  Of the other Factionalists, Alecu Holban and  Nicolae Voinov  had a similar background: both had been arrested for unionist activity during the  Moldavian election of 1858 . [ 20 ]  Without seeking full independence from the  Ottoman Empire , from 1860 Cuza's regime took steps toward solidifying the Principalities, which became the nucleus of modern Romania; however, it alienated the political class with its expansive authoritarianism. The liberal wing, or "Reds", envisioned a ceremonial role for the monarchy, within a democratized country: they "admired Cuza's democratism [but] despised his  Bonapartist  methods". [ 21 ]  Another issue of contention was Cuza's favorable reception of  Romanian Jews : in 1864, Holban published an antisemitic article which the  Domnitor  read with disgust; he and Kogălniceanu issued a warning against  Constituționalul  newspaper, which had issued it. [ 22 ]


"Red" leaders joined conservatives and centrists in forming a " monstrous coalition " of conspirators, who toppled Cuza in February 1866 and began a search for a foreign  Domnitor  to inaugurate a  hereditary monarchy . Eventually, after  Philippe of Belgium  withdrew from the race,  Carol of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen  became a main candidate for the throne. The Faction itself took a distinct position against the Carlist consensus. Bărnuțian postulates allowed Factionalists to argue that a single Romanian vote against a foreign dynasty was the exercise of a  natural right , and would invalidate all other opinions. [ 23 ]  Still frequenting the National Party, D. Tacu took a more moderate position: like  Vasile Pogor  and  Titu Maiorescu , he was only opposed to Carol specifically, and demanded a prince from  Romance-speaking Europe . [ 24 ]


Those months also witnessed a collaboration between Holban and the independent radical  Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu —together with  Nicolae Nicoleanu ,  N. D. Popescu-Popnedea  and others, they put out a humorous paper,  Satyrul , using Chinese-sounding pseudonyms to comment on political developments and express a measure of sympathy for Cuza. [ 25 ]  Hasdeu also voiced his rejection of the reemerging Moldavian separatism, giving his conditional support to Carol "in the interest of preserving the Union". [ 26 ]  Eventually, a  plebiscite on the monarchy  confirmed Carol as  Domnitor , 685,969 votes to 224. [ 27 ]  Elected to the  Constituent Chamber  of  Bucharest  during the  parallel race , six Factionalists abstained during the vote to proclaim Carol as the hereditary ruler. Seated among the left and far-left of Chamber, they were: Ionescu, Tacu, Lateș, Nicolae Iamandi, Ianache Lecca, and Ioan Negură. [ 28 ]  This group threatened to back another candidate for the throne, namely  Nicolae Dabija . Iamandi, who had renounced his own ambitions for the throne to serve under Cuza, reputedly allowed Dabija to hold court in his Iași townhouse. [ 29 ]  Speaking from the Chamber rostrum, Ionescu, who represented six Moldavian  counties , [ 30 ]  voiced his admiration of Cuza's constitutional law, since "although despotic, it yielded decent fruit, being applied with a sense of liberalism." [ 31 ]


While their initial opposition to Carol had by then been reduced to abstentionism, the Factionalists' core constituency of Iași experienced a separatist rebellion, instigated by Ceaur-Aslan,  Calinic Miclescu ,  Teodor Boldur-Lățescu , and Constantin Moruzi Pecheanu. [ 32 ]  The movement was almost immediately quashed, but moderate federalism was preserved by a plan of moving the  Court of Cassation  to Iași, making that city a  judicial capital  of Romania. In the city itself, the Faction's "group of electors" held meetings during which some advocated full federalism with a separate civilian government for Moldavia. A motion supporting a preferential treatment for Iași was proposed by the lawyer Gheorghe Cigaras with support from Ceaur-Aslan—and also signed by Gheorghiu, Holban, Alexandru M. Șendrea, Petre Suciu, Tacu, Sandu Dudescu,  Grigore Cobălcescu ,  Anastasie Fătu  and  Vasile Gheorghian , alongside priests  Iosif Bobulescu ,  Neofit Scriban , and Climent Nicolau. [ 33 ]  However, to the dismay of other deputies who endorsed decentralization (including Tacu and Lateș), Ionescu spoke out against the Court of Cassation proposal, as he expected Iași to be more thoroughly assisted by government. [ 34 ]


Carol was ultimately able to take the throne, but, during the same period, there was a breakdown of consensus inside the "monstrous coalition", with heated debates over the  passing of the Constitution . A "White" party, comprising centrist and conservative elements, backed Carol's hands-on and gradualist approach to institutional modernization. As claimed by Hasdeu, the emerging anti-liberal coalition, a "scandalous phenomenon", "always paralyzed Romanianism with alienism, and democracy with reaction". [ 35 ]  Although "too archaic", Hasdeu argued, the Faction "rekindled the Romanian spirit" and mounted resistance against "cosmopolitan ideas". [ 36 ]  Defining itself as "decentralist and anti-absolutist unionist", the Faction was organizing throughout Western Moldavia, relying on a network of academics, schoolteachers, and youths. [ 37 ]  At  Bârlad , its "national-liberal" chapter was supported by local intellectuals, including brothers Ion and Constantin Codrescu, Ioan Popescu, and  Scarlat Vârnav . [ 38 ]


Within this context, a deeper controversy erupted over what Hasdeu referred to as "alienism": the issue of  Jewish Emancipation , which the "Reds" and the Faction opposed. The latter upheld the notion that a national bourgeoisie could be consolidated "not through free competition, but with legislation that would expel Jews from the country." [ 39 ]  In May 1866, while a petition to block Jews from obtaining commercial rights was signed by Ionescu and circulated throughout Moldavia, [ 40 ]  antisemitic riots possibly instigated by the Faction erupted in Iași, Bârlad,  Roman  and  Botoșani . The clampdown was led by  Prefect   Grigore Sturdza , and resulted in the temporary arrest of various party leaders, including Fătu, Gheorghian, Gheorghiu, Holban and Suciu—alongside sympathizers such as  Petru Poni . [ 41 ]  As noted by historian  A. D. Xenopol  (who was for a while a Factionalist sympathizer), [ 42 ]  antisemitism was only present "up front" within the Moldavian Faction and taken up in Wallachia by  Cezar Bolliac , but also spread out, more discreetly, among the other political groups. [ 43 ]   Adolphe Stern , the Jewish community leader, decried the Faction's "mystical and intransigent dogmatism", infused with an "awful hatred" by the "pseudo-intellectual" Bărnuțiu. [ 44 ]


Ionescu sided with the moderate-liberal  Prime Minister ,  Ion Ghica , who wanted unrestricted freedoms to be codified by the Constitution. [ 45 ]  The "Reds" and the Factionalists were pushed into cooperating with each other, mainly because the "Reds" were virtually unrepresented in Moldavian cities, [ 46 ]  but remained distinct parties; in crucial moments, the Faction voted against radicalism, rallying with the centrists. [ 47 ]  The Factionalists' extreme nationalism and antisemitism embarrassed most of the "Reds", who generally refrained from directly associating with the Faction outside of elections. [ 48 ]  The other side of the alliance was also avoiding any direct association. Seen as a purely "egotistic" force by its allies, [ 49 ]  the Faction always feared that the liberals were secretly "right-wing". [ 50 ]  As noted in 1886 by Alecu Holban, the Faction also viewed "Reds" as "counterfeit  Jacobins ", or as cosmopolitans whose stance was essentially "anti-national". [ 51 ]


The core disputes of 1866 centered on the reestablishment of a  Romanian Senate , with its implication of elitism. Hasdeu claimed at the time that "its maintenance costs us some millions a year, but provides us with no benefit, other than that it passes for a fine ornament and emanates a fragrance." [ 52 ]  Ionescu and Voinov proposed a number of successive projects, all of which were  unicameral . [ 53 ]  While supporters of  bicameralism  insisted that the Senate would function as a Romanian  House of Lords , the Factionalists and their allies ridiculed this claim when it came to |boyar nobility. [ 54 ]  Hasdeu wrote that, in Romania, "most of the old [boyar] families have gone extinct and were replaced by a make-believe aristocracy, newly born and lacking those glorious traditions which support English aristocrats; and on the other hand, most of our notabilities, political, literary and even parliamentary, have their roots in the mass of the people". [ 55 ]


Faced with mounting support for bicameralism, Ionescu and Tacu conceded defeat but, alongside  Christian Tell  and  Alexandru G. Golescu , still supported limiting the power of Senate to vote on the budget. [ 56 ]  However, they endorsed a bill which, if passed, would have given Senate the authority to try government ministers. [ 57 ]  Like various deputies on the left, they still resented the distribution of  census suffrage , arguing that their bourgeois voters—portrayed by Ionescu's as a " third-estate " backbone of constitutionalism—were underrepresented in the 3rd Electoral College. [ 58 ]  Ionescu supported a two-college system and found it deplorable that, under the provisions for  weighted voting , peasants had a 1:40,000 ratio of representation, and landowners a 1:40. [ 59 ]  The Faction, like the entire political class, rejected both  universal suffrage  and  direct democracy , seeing Romanians, and peasants especially, as fundamentally immature for enfranchisement. [ 60 ]  However, Ionescu was upset by moves to outlaw all referendums, viewing regular consultation as an instrument of popular emancipation. [ 61 ]


In October 1866, after "difficult" negotiations with the  Sublime Porte , [ 62 ]  Carol also secured his international recognition, which relieved the need for consensus and allowed party politics to develop further. Following the  election of November , in which Ionescu became a perennial deputy for  Roman County , [ 63 ]  the legislature was split evenly between "Reds", "Whites", and a heterogeneous coalition of Cuza loyalists and Moldavian separatists; the parties of "the left", including the Faction, had some 20 deputy seats between them. [ 64 ]  During later contests for the new Senate seats, a more complex "Red" coalition emerged. Formalized as the Concordia Agreement in March 1867, it also included a group of moderates led by Kogălniceanu. [ 65 ]  However, as a Kogălniceanu rival, Ionescu never signed up to the Concordia platform, and his colleagues only adhered to some of its tenets. [ 66 ]  That year, Kogălniceanu spoke out more favorably of Moldavian demands, including against Holban: while the latter proposed a  national coat of arms  that would feature the  Moldavian aurochs   inescutcheon  (and therefore inferior to the  Wallachian eagle ), Kogălniceanu noted that such symbolism evoked "some sort of humiliation". [ 67 ]


Changing the configuration of Chamber, this alliance toppled Prime Minister Ghica, producing three successive radical cabinets, respectively headed by  Constantin A. Crețulescu ,  Ștefan Golescu , and  Nicolae Golescu . [ 68 ]  These inaugurated investment in public works, modified electoral laws, and reduced the powers of the Senate. [ 69 ]  Support for Concordia divided the regional caucus: in May 1867, a crowd in Iași cheered Alecu Holban, who asked Moldavians to back the "truly liberal" Crețulescu cabinet; Boldur-Lățescu was heckled for attempting to convince the public that they were being "cheated", and that the Court of Cassation was never going to be awarded to Iași. [ 70 ]


As  Minister of Internal Affairs , "Red" doctrinaire  Ion Brătianu  worked to influence elections in favor the Concordia group, especially  during December 1867 . [ 71 ]  The new majority had some 85 seats in Chamber, [ 72 ]  of which some 14 were Factionalists—known to include Ionescu, Fătu, Gheorghiu, Alecu Holban, Lateș, Negură, Suciu, D. Tacu, Voinov, Ianache Lecca, Dumitru Lupașcu, Mantu Rufu, I. Strejescu, and Dumitru Țanu Vidrașcu. [ 73 ]  S. Vârnav, winner of the 4th-college seat for  Tutova , died mysteriously before confirmation. His partisans claimed that he had been poisoned by Jews, sparking another antisemitic riot. [ 74 ]  The Faction was awarded the  Chamber Presidency , held by Fătu, but remained suspicious of the "Reds". [ 75 ]


The staunch "ethnic protectionism" and "hysteric xenophobia" of both nationalist parties, including their claim that Jews were incapable of  assimilating , [ 76 ]  ensured that the Constitution only granted citizenship to Christians. Moreover, at Internal Affairs, Brătianu went against Carol's advice, ordering "severe measures against the Jews and foreign 'vagabonds'." [ 77 ]  Such policies were reportedly advocated, and imposed on him, by the Faction. [ 78 ]  During the interval, thirty-one deputies, Fătu included, presented a bill with exceptionally harsh antisemitic provisions, but this was defeated by an ad-hoc Chamber majority. [ 79 ]  At the time, Lateș also proposed to only grant Christians the "political right" of owning land; his bill was also defeated. [ 80 ]  The xenophobic stance was reportedly gaining momentum in Moldavia, with Factionalist professors expressing "aversion" toward  Westernization , and purposefully ignoring "foreign literature and art". [ 81 ]  Their protectionism blended with  natalism  in another proposal, advanced at one time by Suciu, which would have overtaxed  bachelors . [ 82 ]


From May 1867 to October 1870, in times of "maximum political strife", [ 83 ]  Ionescu put out the Factionalist newspaper  Dreptatea  ("Justice" or "Fairness"). As outlined here, the ideology of Factionalism also comprised fringe positions, including  criticism of Christianity —Ionescu viewed Christianity as a worthy  state religion , and conversion to it as a prerequisite of citizenship, [ 84 ]  but argued that the  Romanian Orthodox Church  was too indebted to  Judaism  and "the Greeks". [ 85 ]  Alongside the promise of full land reform, Moldavian regionalism resurfaced as  communalism : the Faction believed that the executive should be closely monitored by the Chamber, and stood by the notion that  communes  were autonomous units of the state. On this point, Factionalists were irreconcilable with the "Reds", who favored quick centralization and a  unitary state . [ 86 ]


During July 1867, a group of Moldavian deputies issued an appeal for organizing a regional caucus to defend regional interests; signatories included Prefect Sturdza, alongside his former enemies Ceaur-Aslan and Iamandi, as well as Grigore Balș, Panait Balș, Grigore Vârnav, and Colonel Pavlov. This initiative was censured by "Red" centralists, whose letter of response noted that regional divides were unconstitutional. [ 87 ]  From September, the Tăutu brothers began printing  Bacău 's first regular newspaper,  D̦iorile  ("The Dawn"). [ 88 ]  Identified as a Factionalist venue, it was accused by other liberals of wanting to "divide the country into  satrapies ". [ 73 ]  Also at the time, Boldur-Lățescu and Nicolae Rosetti-Rosnovanu began putting out their own newspaper,  Moldova , which included such pronouncements as: "Wallachians are the Moldavians' eternal and natural enemies". [ 89 ]  This openly separatist group always maintained strong links with Ceaur-Aslan and Voinov. [ 90 ]


Despite maintaining such principles, and although the Faction voted against development loans from the  Oppenheim family , Ionescu also supported the common nationalist agenda, favoring  a national currency  and the construction of a centralized transport infrastructure. [ 91 ]  Beyond its advocacy of xenophobic restrictions, the Faction also viewed itself as a watchdog for individual freedoms, and lauded the introduction of jury trials as a testing ground for extended suffrage. [ 92 ]  Ionescu in particular favored a focus on  civics , rather than  vocational education , in the state-funded primary schools. [ 93 ]  From March 1868, Ionescu and Ianache Lecca were also instrumental in reforming the nationwide Civic Guard, which acted as a reserve and police force. Their project called for the Guard to no longer be a paramilitary wing of the "Red" caucus, and become a more reliable  Landwehr . [ 94 ]


Brătianu confirmed Ionescu's suspicions in April 1868, when he canvassed direct support for the "Reds" at Iași. His trip was a disappointment, drawing a mob which protested violently against his schemes. [ 95 ]  In the  July 1868 race , Ionescu took a seat in the Senate, where he remained until 1870. [ 30 ]  His leaving the Factionalist leadership in Chamber was deplored as a major loss by his replacement, Gheorghiu. [ 16 ]  However, the Faction still dominated Moldavian politics, enlisting affiliations from the moderate liberal  Gheorghe Mârzescu [ 96 ]  and from urban professionals, variously including Dimitrie Anghel (father of  the poet ),  Scarlat Pastia ,  Miltiade Tzony , and  Ștefan Micle . [ 97 ]  Before 1868, it also had the support of  Ion Creangă , a rebellious priest and aspiring writer who attended electoral meetings and Faction primaries. It was during these that Creangă clashed with the local "White" orator,  Iacob Negruzzi . [ 98 ]


Iași was by then home to a cultural and political club, called  Junimea , which soon presented a structured opposition to both Ionescu's group, and, from 1870, a distinct branch of the "White" movement; it was able to attract within its ranks some of the junior Factionalists, including Creangă, Panu, and Xenopol, as well as conservatives such as Negruzzi.  Junimea ' s Wallachian founder,  Titu Maiorescu , published essays directly attacking the cornerstones of Bărnuțiu's politics, and Romanian liberalism as a whole, from the implicit position of  liberal conservatism . [ 99 ]  In particular, he rejected the Faction's ideas on land reform as "communistic", expressing his astonishment that an anti-state party had been allowed to govern at all. [ 100 ]  Maiorescu's friend  Petre P. Carp  also attacked Factionalism through his newspaper,  Térra , which declared itself the voice of true liberalism in its constitutionalist, monarchist, version. [ 101 ]  Especially through Carp,  Junimism  condemned the Faction's xenophobia, and called for the protection of Romanian Jews; [ 102 ]  Maiorescu also described Ionescu's party as "ephemeral", defined by its "hatred of foreigners, and in particular Jews." [ 103 ]


The Factionalists took notice of such reactions, and the conflict between them and the  Junimists  became exceptionally bitter—the two camps were deadly enemies to one another. [ 104 ]  Factionalist propaganda portrayed the  Junimists  as " Freemasons " and as "hirelings" of the external enemies. [ 105 ]  This political dispute highlighted earlier rivalries, which began in 1864, when Maiorescu and Ionescu accused each other of adultery. [ 106 ]  Factionalists Suciu and Cobălcescu had also lodged a legal complaint against Maiorescu, claiming, spuriously so, that he lacked Romanian citizenship and was therefore ineligible for political office. [ 107 ]  On the  Junimist  side, the response was provided by Negruzzi, who published number of pamphlets depicting Ionescu and the Factionalists as irrational demagogues. [ 108 ]   Junimea  also kept a record of "inanities" published in the Factionalist newspapers. [ 109 ]


The "Red" series in government ended in November 1868, when Carol, troubled by the excesses of antisemitism, began selecting his ministers from the moderate right. [ 110 ]  Carol also apologized for the sufferings of his Jewish subjects, which led the Faction to issue a protest; its senators also voted against the N. Golescu government when it did the same. [ 111 ]  Ionescu supported Golescu and Brătianu's definition of the Jews as "vagabonds", but declared his disappointment at their moderation. [ 112 ]  As noted at the time by Carp, Brătianu was shying away from official antisemitism, and only instrumenting it through "anarchy" and "the rabble in the streets"; the Faction, he argued, was at least consistent in seeking out a legal method. [ 113 ]


The Concordia alliance crumbled before the  election of March 1869 , with Kogălniceanu, who resented the Golescus' external policies, [ 114 ]  joining  Dimitrie Ghica 's ministry. The election itself was a sound defeat for the left: the "Reds" took 10 seats in Chamber and the Faction only 8, with the moderates and "Whites" sharing 120. [ 115 ]  However, there were widespread reports and complaints that Kogălniceanu had advised local authorities to condone fraud and to intimidate the opposition. [ 116 ]  According to several accounts, including his own, the defector Mârzescu, serving as Prefect of  Iași County , personally ensured that Kogălniceanu won a deputy's seat against Ionescu. [ 117 ] [ 118 ]  Mârzescu reports that he sided with Carp and the "intelligent dynastic youth" against Ionescu, and that the elections were free of interference—which is why the Factionalists had lost. He writes: "not one Factionalist was even elected; and in the evening of election day the Factionalists gathering at Borta Rece [tavern] calculated the difference in votes, and consoled themselves in that their loss was not shameful, since their ratio of votes was 2 to 5." [ 117 ]


In early 1870, a new majority of moderates was formed around D. Ghica and  Manolache Epureanu —calling themselves the "Party of Order"—, with the adherence of  Efrem Ghermani  and  Cezar Bolliac . According to Hasdeu, this was a "broth of boyars and democrats", existing only to keep "the Reds and the Faction" out of office. [ 119 ]  Hasdeu also accused Epureanu of wanting to naturalize and introduce Jews into the country, under the guise of constitutionalism: "So the Constitution will appear to be standing, although trampled upon by the Jews." [ 120 ]  He called for an antisemitic unification—of liberals, radicals and nationalists—into a "great party of action", "purified of all things bastard, all things cosmopolitan". [ 121 ]


As noted by historian Silvia Marton, the marginalized "Reds" first began talking of republicanism in the early months of 1869—"chipping away at Carol's strength and authority" despite their setbacks. [ 122 ]  While Ionescu attended official functions honoring the  Domnitor  well into 1869, [ 123 ]  the Faction discarded its early project for a native dynasty (which it now deemed "the imperialistic regime") and embraced republicanism. [ 124 ]  Nevertheless, Factionalist deputies such as Ion Codrescu still expressed a hope that the throne could stand for "the country as a whole", and reaffirmed their conditional support for Carol. [ 125 ]  As reported by  Gazet'a Transilvaniei  in early 1869, republicanism remained "of little value in Europe"; the only journal to match the Factionalist platform outside Moldavia was  Emanoil Quinezu 's  Electorulu Craiovei , which exercised some influence in  Oltenia . [ 126 ]


A republican drift was accentuated during the  elections of May 1870 . These were entirely manufactured by Carol, who was arguably overstepping constitutional bounds. [ 127 ]  They took place in a climate of violence and uncertainty, with riots in Bucharest,  Giurgiu , and  Pitești . [ 128 ]  In his editorial of June 3, Hasdeu called Epureanu a "butcher", but warned that "a nation is like iron: the more you strike at it, the more it will harden." [ 129 ]  Epureanu managed to set up a "Hen and Fledgling Cabinet" that included  Junimist  Carp at  Foreign Affairs . This was an early sign of the success of anti-Factionalism in Moldavia, where  Junimea  was growing into a political movement. The election, however, produced 34 deputies who, according to Hasdeu, stood for the "independent current, whose banner, the one it raised only yesterday, has managed to overwhelm with its vigor the authoritarian school." [ 130 ]  Alongside Ionescu, I. Codrescu, Fătu, Gheorghiu, Alecu Holban, Negură, Suciu, Voinov, and Tacu, these were:  Stroe Belloescu ,  Constantin Bosianu ,  Alexandru Lăzărescu-Laerțiu ,  Gheorghe Lecca ,  Costache Negri ,  Nicolae Gr. Racoviță ,  Nicolae Rosetti-Bălănescu ,  George D. Vernescu , I. Adrian, Ion Agarici, N. Bossie, Costin Brăescu, D. Comănăsceanu, Leon Eraclide, E. Filipescu, I. Gâlcă, Matei Ganea, P. Georgiade, Vasile Holban, Dumitru Lupașcu, George P. Mantu, L. Moldoveanu, Constantin Scafesu, George Sefendache, G. Vucenicu. [ 131 ]


This count may include "Red" sympathizers: according to Marton, the Faction only had 25 deputies, and the "Reds" 32—at 57 seats, their alliance actually had a slim majority; government was backed by neutral "Whites", and by a slim majority of senators. [ 132 ]  Marton also includes  Gheorghe Chițu  in her count of 1870 Factionalists. [ 133 ]  Overall, the caucus of various liberal groups and tendencies was especially weak, ridiculed by outsiders as a "perfectly undecided" legislature. [ 134 ]  Of those included in Hasdeu's count, Sefendache moved between the "Reds" and the Factionalists, and had crucially sided with the "Party of Order" during the 1869–1870 legislature. [ 135 ]


In Chamber, Voinov had verbal duels with moderates such as  Constantin Boerescu  over suspicions of electoral fraud by  political bosses . [ 136 ]  During such bouts, he insisted that the Civic Guard had moral a duty to "rise up and protect" the people. [ 137 ]  There were other calls for a revolution in Wallachia, all sparked by popular support for the  French Empire  during the  Franco-Prussian War —while Carol and some of his ministers favored the  German coalition . In radical circles, despite an awareness that France was under an illiberal regime, the war was depicted as a struggle "between freedom and despotism." [ 138 ]  After some reluctance, with Ionescu noting that nobody in Europe cared about Romania's positioning, [ 139 ]  the  Francophile  tenets were also taken up by the Factionalists. In Chamber, Ionescu and Gheorghiu spoke against neutrality, asking Epureanu and Carp to at least express moral sympathy for France, and proposing that Chamber be put in control of foreign policies. [ 140 ]


By August, Wallachian radicals became involved in the incident known as " Republic of Ploiești ", which ended in a police round-up of prominent "Reds". Several were tried for sedition, but acquitted by a  sympathetic jury . [ 141 ]   Dreptatea  condemned the "ridiculous rebellion", arguing that its instigators were inconsistent democrats, and dwelling on the older critique of Wallachian centralism; the "republic", Ionescu theorized, would only have reinforced the subjugation of Moldavian communes, while also imposing a one-party regime. [ 142 ]  This denunciation, Marton notes, was possibly prompted by fear of prosecution—in Chamber, Negură and Ionescu pushed through a declaration that denounced sedition, but also proclaimed their support for democratic change and for more parliamentary control. [ 143 ]  In addition, Ionescu expressed solidarity with the chief conspirator,  Alexandru Candiano-Popescu . [ 144 ]  Interrogated by the authorities in August 1870, Hasdeu denied his involvement in the conspiracy, while also distancing himself from the "Reds" and calling himself a member of the Faction. Hasdeu also reported that Factionalist doctrines meant a "governance always and everywhere Romanian, and on the basis of democracy." [ 145 ]


The Faction announced its alternative program to devolve the country into an  elective monarchy , as a necessary transition to full republicanism. [ 146 ]  The resulting dispute led to a  motion of no confidence , and Epureanu was deposed. This marked Ion Ghica's return as Prime Minister, a temporary arrangement which seemed to satisfy both the "Reds" and the Faction. [ 147 ]  Faced with mounting opposition, Carol threatened to resign, and another conspiracy, headed by  Eugeniu Carada , prepared to take over government; the status quo was preserved only after Brătianu asked Carada to rescind. [ 148 ]  The "Reds" reverted to an earlier stance, and endorsed Carol as the legitimate  Domnitor ; Ionescu and the Faction agitated for the election of a Romanian monarch, but superficially endorsed legalism, and recognized Carol as a legitimate ruler. [ 149 ]


The period was also marked by another controversy, called " Strousberg Affair ", which tarnished the early history of  Romanian railways , rekindled xenophobia, and endangered Romania's relations with the  German Empire . [ 150 ]  This scandal emerged from laws that the Faction had approved of or abstained on. Although Lăzărescu-Laerțiu was an early opponent of the deal, [ 151 ]  Gheorghiu was seen by the left-nationalist paper  Ghimpele  as endorsing railways "no matter how" they were purchased.  Ghimpele  attacked the Faction's antisemitism as hypocritical, since they now accepted Jewish investments and even Moldavia's settlement by "Jewish thistles". [ 152 ]


The resulting fiasco was popularly attributed to German and Jewish scheming. [ 153 ]  Following the anti-German riot at  Casa Capșa , which he blamed on poor crowd control, Carol ordered Ghica's cabinet to resign. After again threatening to abdicate, he eventually settled on creating a "White" cabinet under  Lascăr Catargiu . [ 154 ]  The situation upset Factionalist deputies. During renewed agitation in January 1871, Ionescu had openly celebrated Carol's decision to leave—an irresponsible attitude, according to his ally Brătianu. [ 155 ]  Alongside their "Red" colleague  Nicolae Fleva , Ionescu, Gheorghiu and Codrescu alleged that Catargiu was being forced on them by the  Romanian military , and more discreetly by Germany. [ 156 ]  In March, Alecu Holban, who led a parliamentary inquiry, intimated that Carol was legally answerable for having appointed adventurer  Otto Victor Ambronn  as a manager of the Romanian holdings in the Strousberg venture. [ 157 ]


In April, Carol and Foreign Minister  Gheorghe Costaforu  traveled to Moldavia, contacting the monarchist circles, in particular  Junimea . [ 158 ]  As noted by political historian Apostol Stan,  Junimism  was sponsored by Catargiu precisely because it would help "contain the spread of ideas upheld by the Free and Independent Faction". [ 159 ]  At the time, arch-conservatives and some of their  Junimist  backers caused a stir with their endorsement of  Grigore Sturdza 's bills to amend the constitution. These proposed a stricter limitation of suffrage, the screening of senators by the  Domnitor , the  death penalty  for murder, and curbs on press freedom. [ 160 ]  More controversially, Sturdza and his allies also favored opening the country to  German colonists . [ 161 ]  These proposals went unanswered, with Ionescu and Kogălniceanu threatening a revolt of the people. [ 40 ]  References to "national glory" and the importance of Orthodoxy were enforced in the art conservation bill of February 1871. It was sponsored by Factionalists Ionescu, Mantu, Negri and Vucenicu, but also by Bolliac and  V. A. Urechia . [ 3 ]


Despite such resistance, the conservative trend was consolidated in the  May 1871 election . The opposition was again coalesced: the Factionalists, the "Reds", and Kogălniceanu all stood for the "convened liberal party" or "the left"; [ 162 ]  nevertheless, the "Whites" had a solid win. It inaugurated five years of conservative government, with Catargiu as Prime Minister, while conspiratorial republicans, including Brătianu and  C. A. Rosetti , failed to win seats. [ 163 ]  Speaking for the far-left opposition, Hasdeu claimed that the election had been rigged, since intellectuals and aristocrats such as Maiorescu and Sturdza had been elected by peasant voters in the 4th College. [ 164 ]


Catargiu's administration brought the "routinization of political conflict", which, although violent in tone, remained mindful of constitutional arrangements. [ 165 ]  It also witnessed the peak of reciprocal attacks between  Junimea  and the Faction: as deputy, and then as  Education Minister , Maiorescu began investigating the politicization of higher learning, and in particular the work of Ionescu and other Factionalists at  Iași University . [ 166 ]  Such measures prompted Cobălcescu, who represented the university, to resign from Senate. [ 167 ]  However, both Maiorescu and Ionescu were incensed when a "White" minister,  Christian Tell , forced provincial academics to choose between their chairs and their deputy seats in Bucharest. [ 168 ]


In 1871–1874, the dispute between Ionescu and Maiorescu focused on the rural communes, their administration and economy. The new law of 1874 imposed centralization, allowing government to select mayors from a pool of elected councilors. [ 169 ]  In his interventions, Ionescu supported communal autonomy as the basis for democratic self-government. Instead, Maiorescu noted that the democratic experiment had only created frail institutions, and proposed to curb this with "feudalism", by giving rich landowners over-representation in communal councils. [ 170 ]  In parallel, at Iași, Alecu Holban, Tacu and the Corjescus mounted the opposition against a  Junimist  communal administration, headed by Mayor  Nicolae Gane  and Prefect  Leon C. Negruzzi  (Iacob's brother). As Ceaur-Aslan lost an auction to pave the city streets, a Factionalist newspaper,  Uniunea Liberală  ("Liberal Union"), claimed that Gane's public works were a graft from the Catargiu  spoils system . [ 171 ]  In November 1872, Gane and Alecu Holban almost dueled over the insinuations. [ 172 ]


Ionescu was also highly critical of the Conservative laws on labor contracts, arguing that hired hands had been stripped of all means to pressure their landowning employers. [ 173 ]  By then, Maiorescu also took a more protectionist stance than Sturdza, Costaforu, and Factionalists such as Ceaur-Aslan, demanding that foreign investors be barred from buying land in Romania for a period of ten years; his opponents only demanded a two-year term. [ 174 ]  Ionescu, for his part, supported the establishment of native  credit unions  with the introduction of unrestricted capitalism, and spoke out against state monopolies for tobacco and alcohol. [ 175 ]


From early 1871, [ 176 ]  the "Reds" began talks of fusion with the Factionalists and with all other liberal clubs. The cause was popularized by the two new Factionalist organs:  Uniunea Liberală  and  Gazeta de Bacău  ("Bacău Gazette"). [ 177 ]  Members of both groups organized the ostentatious funeral of  Domnitor  Cuza in May 1873. Ionescu delivered the funeral oration; the burial at  Ruginoasa  was overseen by a National Committee, whose members included Anghel, Fătu, Pastia, Poni, Tacu, Șendrea and Suciu. [ 178 ]  This ceremony allowed the "Reds" to obscure their participation in the 1866 coup and reemerge as legatees of the Cuza regime. [ 179 ]


As reported later by Alecu Holban, by 1874 the Faction had returned to its conspiratorial dealings, again promoting Dabija as Carol's would-be usurper; the planned coup was masterminded by Mârzescu, now recognized as a Factionalist leader, behind Ionescu. Eventually, it also obtained support from "Red" leaders, including Brătianu and  Dimitrie Sturdza  (both of whom visited Dabija in Iași), as well as from General  Alexandru Cernat , Kogălniceanu, and  Telemac Ciupercescu . [ 180 ]  At the time, the radicals and the Moldavian localists were also publicly associated with one another. Based in  Bolgrad County , where he put out the newspaper  Flagelulŭ  in 1873, Boldur-Lățescu expressed his support for the republican agenda and a unified opposition caucus. [ 181 ]  In August 1874, political journalist  Scipione "Bagyai" Bădescu  referred to the Faction as to an "extremity of the red party", though still counting it as one of five distinct parties, separate from other liberals. [ 182 ]


The merger negotiations took years: a definitive alliance, also known as the coalition of " Mozhar Pasha ", only transformed itself into the  National Liberal Party  (PNL) in 1875 or after. According to some accounts, the Faction as a whole joined the coalition, but not the party. [ 183 ]  In July 1875, Iași's National Liberal Party Committee had among its members Alecu Holban, Ionescu, Șendrea, Tacu, Tzony, Anghel, Ciupercescu, Cobălcescu, Gheorghian, Gheorghiu, Pastia and Negură. [ 184 ]  Over the following months, some prominent Factionalists or former separatists, including Boldur-Lățescu, C. Corjescu, [ 185 ]  Sefendache, [ 186 ]  and Mantu Rufu, [ 187 ]  openly announced that they were joining the consolidated group as regular members. Other sources suggest that both the urban and rural chapters of the Faction were now "folded into the bosom of the Liberal Party". [ 188 ]  Rosetti himself was bitter about this rapprochement, noting that the Faction, alongside a liberal current led by  George D. Vernescu , reaped all the benefits of the alliance, without enduring any consequence. [ 189 ]


The  elections of that year  created an understanding between Epureanu's "independent conservative" faction and Brătianu, allowing them to govern together. [ 190 ]  In the  electoral sweep of June 1876 , at least 18 Factionalists, including Ionescu, took seats as PNL deputies [ 191 ]  (other estimates suggest that between 15 and 26 deputies were Faction affiliates). [ 192 ]  The PNL's secure victory, and a subsequent rapprochement with Carol, toned down republicanism, which was only expressed by dissenters such as Rosetti and Carada. [ 193 ]  Dabija's conspiracy also fell apart immediately after Carol agreed to designate Brătianu his Prime Minister, [ 180 ]  though the Factionalists were still strong at Iași—taking two out of three in-play colleges during the  local elections in October . [ 194 ]  As leader of the Faction, his name absent from the cabinet proposal, [ 195 ]  Ionescu also continued to voice the old credo, insisting that the republic was "the most liberal, most democratic, most perfect" regime. [ 196 ]  However, he sent out conciliatory messages to Carol, assuring him that the Faction did not seek to have him appear in court over accusations of corruption. [ 197 ]  Against the changing consensus, he also defended alleged perpetrators of antisemitic violence. [ 40 ]


With Brătianu in charge of government, Ionescu himself served briefly as Vice President of Chamber, under Rosetti. [ 198 ]  This signaled problems between him and other Factionalists, most of whom opposed Rosetti's policies, preferring to align themselves with Epureanu's followers. [ 199 ]  Following a government reshuffle, during which the moderates again withdrew and the Faction became an important partner in government, [ 200 ]  Ionescu was appointed Foreign Minister. The younger Factionalist,  Ștefan C. Șendrea , was one of his trusted secretaries. [ 1 ]  Their policy still differed from the PNL's: Ionescu did not look favorably on the project to shed Ottoman suzerainty, and felt that Romania should declare herself a  neutral country . [ 201 ]  Since the guarantees of the  Treaty of Paris  would have been voided by independence, he feared that the country would end up under a foreign occupation, [ 202 ]  and was especially troubled by any empowerment of the  Russian Empire . [ 203 ]  During his time in office, Ionescu also toned down his own protectionism. He supported fixed  tariffs  against Kogălniceanu's free-trade agenda, but argued that  import substitution industrialization  generated "bad, overpriced merchandise"; by 1877, he endorsed reciprocal free-trade agreements with the major exporters of Western Europe. [ 204 ]  In other areas, the Faction took the initiative for asserting Romanian autonomy. By December 1876, Factionalist deputies, led by  Andrei Vizanti , submitted a project to set up the  National Bank of Romania . The motion, criticized in the press as amateurish, was eventually defeated in that form. [ 205 ]


This period in government preceded the Faction's ultimate downfall. Now identified as one of the "center-left" parliamentary leaders, Ionescu parted with the Faction during his tenure, leaving his Moldavian colleagues in Chamber as an unaffiliated group. [ 206 ]  As early as 1875, Ceaur-Aslan had joined G. Sturdza's branch of the "White" caucus in Iași, though opposing from within the ascendancy of  Junimist  cadres. [ 207 ]  In February 1877, Kogălniceanu, Vernescu and other moderates withdrew from the embryonic PNL, leaving it to be taken over by the "Reds"; the Faction remained aligned with the "Mozhar Pasha" group. [ 208 ]  Its list of adversaries included, from April, a Moderate Liberal Party—formed in Moldavia by Kogălniceanu and Mârzescu, alongside Ciupercescu,  Eugeniu Alcaz , and  Vasile Conta . Also antisemitic, this new group saw itself as a morally superior alternative on the left, specifically designed to replace the Faction. [ 209 ]


Kogălniceanu in particular criticized Ionescu's performance at Foreign Affairs, accusing him of incompetence and of wasting government resources on the Factionalist  political machine ; he called on Brătianu to renounce his alliance with Ionescu's "insignificant liberal group". [ 210 ]  He achieved this goal the same month, when he himself took up the position of Foreign Minister. [ 211 ]  Other Factionalists continued to serve in more minor positions. Gheorghian was Prefect of Iași County, but was constantly pressured by the Moderate Liberals into resigning. [ 212 ]  Holding a similar position in  Covurlui County , Vasile Holban was denounced by prosecutor N. Moscachi of running a dictatorial administration to "satisfy the interests" of his more famous relative, Alecu. [ 213 ]  The latter's career was explored by Kogălniceanu and Cobălcescu's newspaper,  Steaua României , who alleged that Factionalist control over the Iași council had seen Jews turned into regular tax collectors, who were dependent on Holban's whims and paid him  protection fees . [ 214 ]  The "Whites" similarly regarded Factionalist rule as disastrous, noting that adherents of that group had created a spoils system: those who rented from the state were granted rebates; others made fortunes as "middlemen between the state and the Jews". [ 215 ]


Managed by Brătianu and Kogălniceanu, and under a temporary truce between the PNL and the "Whites", [ 216 ]  the country  pursued her independence , entering the  Russo–Turkish War . On May 9, 1877, as Kogălniceanu proclaimed national sovereignty, Ionescu was one of two deputies to abstain. [ 217 ]  As a Factionalist senator, Voinov voted against independence. [ 218 ]  However, other Factionalists, including Vizanti and Tzony, enlisted for service in the Civic Guard of Iași, training alongside adversaries such as Carp, Maiorescu, and Pogor. [ 219 ]  During the war, Ionescu resumed his campaigning for a more liberal regime for land-and-labor disputes. He and Vizanti proposed state regulations of contracts between landowners and peasants, as well as a continued system of land distribution from state property to landless veterans. [ 173 ]


By February 1878, various Factionalists were questioning Ionescu's authority, and considering a merger with either the PNL or the Moderate Liberals. [ 220 ]  The PNL "Reds" were again nominally allied with the Faction, pushing aside Kogălniceanu—the latter's party sided instead with a Conservative-Liberal group, headed by the old anti-Factionalist G. Sturdza. [ 221 ]  It also took up the cause of decentralization, while proposing generic protectionism. [ 222 ]  During the  election of April , the PNL list in Iași was headlined by the former  Junimist   Vasile Alecsandri , with Fătu, Gheorghian, Gheorghiu, Alecu Holban, Pastia, and A. Șendrea among the lesser candidates;  Junimea  and the Conta–Mârzescu–Ciupercescu group ran on the Conservative-Liberal ticket. [ 223 ]


The resulting Chamber only had four or five members not affiliated or allied with the PNL. [ 224 ]  However, the Faction was in the process of forming the parliamentary opposition. As Minister of the Interior, C. A. Rosetti visited Iași and met with the Factionalist leaders at România Hotel. Fearful of not losing electoral power and hence offices, they vetoed Rosetti's plan to rewrite the constitution. [ 225 ]  The group restated its belief in regional autonomy, while returning to strongly anti-German and antisemitic language. [ 222 ]  Ionescu and Alecu Holban staged a renewed effort to have Maiorescu removed from Parliament, this time by citing his appreciation for the philosophical works of  Arthur Schopenhauer . Ionescu staged a "trial" of Schopenhauer in Iași; Holban, referring to himself as the voice of a "national, democratic, and liberal party", declared Schopenhauer and Maiorescu as standing for "materialism [...], concubinage, the right of beating people with a whip, contempt for patriotic love and for sentiments of honor." [ 2 ]


The debates over antisemitism were soon rekindled by the  Congress of Berlin , which asked Romania to naturalize its Jews. The PNL divided itself over the issue, with Alecsandri claiming that the Congress would establish a " new Palestine " in Moldavia. [ 226 ]  Such quarrels left the Factionalists with an opportunity to recapture of the nationalist vote. However, they found themselves unable to compete with a younger category of antisemitic activists, rallied by Conta. [ 227 ]  Speaking in October 1878, Alecu Holban noted being "honored to belong [...] to that group which is dubbed a faction, namely the group of free and independent constitutionalists." He and his colleagues, Holban claimed, were not in a rush to see the Jews emancipated: "when things are normal both at home at abroad—that's when we are to solve the constitutional, social issues." [ 228 ]  Tzony took a moderate position, advocating citizenship rights for Jewish war veterans and, "in due time", emancipation for the community as a whole. [ 229 ]  Ionescu meanwhile objected to the liberalization of citizenship laws, describing the process as a "stain on modern Romanian society", [ 40 ]  and calling Prime Minister Brătianu a "sold-over to the Israelites". [ 224 ]  While Rosetti and his  Românul  advocated a compromise, Ionescu and Vernescu proposed defying the international consensus, even at the risk of Romanian independence not being recognized; they only recommended naturalizing those Jews "who will ask us to". [ 230 ]


During the Iași by-elections of November 1878, Factionalists were soundly defeated by the Moderates at Iași—only Pastia was able to win a 3rd-College seat, which he won by a difference of 3 or 4 votes. [ 215 ]  Consequently, Factionalist clubs opened up to the right-wing opposition. In Brătianu's own words, the PNL was facing the prospect of a new cabinet being formed by "White gentlemen, the Senate opposition, two Factionalists, and two more men I would not know how to describe"; he reacted by calling for  new elections in 1879 . [ 224 ]  The Factionalists then endorsed Catargiu's catch-all  Conservative Party , and ran on a common list. They stood for naturalization on a case-by-case basis, while the PNL had settled on granting citizenship to all upper-class Jews. [ 231 ]  Their alliance was defeated, obtaining only 15 seats in Chamber; a full merger between the two parties was not attempted, with the Conservatives noting that they "needed no such grafting." [ 232 ]  Conservatives and Factionalists were still able to work together in their project for constitutional revision, which resulted in their naturalization principle emerging as triumphant. As one of the participants in this effort, Conservative Pavel Gorgos argues that the Faction had effectively ended its political existence upon reaching this core objective. [ 233 ]


By January 1880, with most of the Moderate Liberals absorbed into the PNL, [ 234 ]  Ionescu and some who had debuted with the Faction, including Ștefan Șendrea, joined Vernescu's own Sincere Liberal Party, which sought to reclaim the middle-class vote. [ 1 ] [ 235 ]  Ionescu was for a while a member of the Central Committee of that party, [ 236 ]  which was sometimes referred to as the "Vernescu–Ionescu liberal faction". [ 230 ]  According to seething diary entries by  Domnitor  Carol, in 1881 Catargiu, Vernescu and Ionescu had formed "something like a party", and were  filibustering  in Chamber against PNL laws. [ 236 ]  From March 1880, the surviving Factionalists, or "independent liberals", rallied around a new daily newspaper called  Mișcarea Națională  ("National Movement"). [ 237 ]  It was managed by Tacu and his younger disciple,  Constantin "Coco" Dimitrescu-Iași , and espoused strongly anti-government sentiments, being critical of Brătianu's " Byzantinism ". [ 51 ]


Although allied with Vernescu against the PNL, the Faction remained an independent group in the 1880 legislature, with Alecu Holban serving as deputy for  Vaslui County . [ 238 ]  Still a prominent antisemite, Ceaur-Aslan was returned to Chamber in the Iași by-elections of 1881. [ 239 ]  Allied with Rosetti, Ionescu was unable to make the constitution itself more liberal, but, in 1882, managed to reform the labor contracts. [ 240 ]  By then, he had renounced the cause of republicanism, backing the  Kingdom of Romania  upon its proclamation in March 1881. He was also warning against anti-state agitation by the socialists and foreign " Nihilists ", while rejecting a PNL project to place all radicals under police supervision. [ 241 ]  Ionescu also distinguished between liberal and extreme socialists, arguing that the former should be granted full liberty to organize. [ 242 ]  This stance was not shared by other politicians of the Factionalist tradition. In socialist circles, Alecu Holban and Tzony were known for participating in the crackdown against Moldavian socialism: allegedly, they engineered the persecution of  Nikolai Sudzilovsky ,  Theodor Speranția , and  Ioan Nădejde . [ 243 ]


From 1880, the PNL chapters in Moldavia had begun a focused campaign to "coerce [the Faction] into merging with the National Liberal party." [ 244 ]  As a sign of this rapprochement, in 1882 several old Factionalist parliamentarians, including Ionescu, supported measures to fold the Civic Guard into the regular army. [ 245 ]  The group survived at Iași, and, during  local elections in January 1883 , proposed a list that included (in descending order) Pastia, Teodor Tăutu, A. Șendrea, Tacu, Anghel, and Ștefan Emilian. [ 246 ]  In June of that year, Carol, now  King of Romania , visited Iași, with the old Factionalist allies Cernat, Chițu and Hasdeu at his side; the banquet was attended by Voinov. [ 247 ]  PNL recruitment was resisted by more conservative Factionalists ahead of the  1883 national campaign ; they supported Kogălniceanu's effort to establish another national third party, called Unified Opposition Committees. [ 248 ]  Ionescu was also drawn into this alliance: during the January 1886 by-elections of  Putna County , he joined Kogălniceanu in canvassing votes for the opposition candidates. [ 249 ]  In early 1887, this Iași-centered movement was headed by Alecu C. Mavrocordat. Its affiliates included the Corjescus, Anghel, Ceaur-Aslan, Iamandi, Mârzescu and Tzony, alongside young leftists such as  Alexandru Bădărău  and  George Panu . [ 250 ]


Before the  election of 1884 , Tacu, Ștefan Șendrea, Gheorghiu and their colleagues had left the Faction to take up PNL seats in Chamber, being criticized by the anti-Brătianu camp for their quick transformation into disciplined party cadres. [ 51 ] [ 251 ]  According to Conservative reports, in 1887 the Faction still existed as a distinct chapter within the PNL "collective", kept alive by the  spoils system  and working to "falsify public opinion" on the side of the PNL. [ 252 ]  The Opposition Committees mounted the anti-PNL campaign in preparation for the  January 1888 election , forming the Iași League of Resistance. In addition to the older affiliates of the Committees, League members included Alecu Holban and Pogor. [ 253 ]  Mârzescu voiced the group's criticism of Carol whom he accused of validating PNL-ist corruption. [ 254 ]  Also in 1887, remnants of the Faction heckled Carol as he returned for a visit to Iași. [ 255 ]


Ionescu still held a deputy's seat at Roman in 1884, returning to Chamber for a final term in the  October 1888 election , but at Iași. [ 256 ]  His Sincere Liberals continued to exist, absorbing remnants of the Moderate Liberal Party. [ 257 ]  Ionescu was also returning to his anti-Carol stance, objecting to the creation of  Crown Estates  under  Ioan Kalinderu , and defending Tzony when the latter was indicted for  lèse-majesté . [ 144 ]  He also proposed limited electoral reform by inducting more peasant voters. [ 258 ]  In early 1889, Ionescu became an unaffiliated deputy, though loosely associated with Panu and Bădărău's  Radical Party . [ 259 ]  Ceaur-Aslan, also returned as Iași deputy. Having campaigned on a left-wing platform that drew votes from the socialists, [ 260 ]  he turned again to antisemitism by asking for a parliamentary committee to report on the " Jewish Question ". [ 261 ]


Ceaur-Aslan and Ionescu mounted the opposition against a  Junimist  cabinet under  Theodor Rosetti , who proposed a limited land reform to calm peasant uprisings in  Ilfov County . As such, in March 1889 they were the only two of 139 deputies to vote against the law, with Ceaur-Aslan arguing that its land grants would have been insufficient. [ 262 ]  Ionescu asked for a formal inquiry into the revolt—although he also supported the cabinet's focus on a  balanced budget . [ 263 ]  By then, Ionescu's own son Eugen had joined  Junimea ' s parliamentary group. [ 259 ]  Alecu Holban also took that road, reemerging as one of Carp's foremost "devotees" in Iași. [ 2 ]  He also joined the Conservative Party—which, after absorbing Vernescu's group, was styled "Liberal-Conservative Party". In this capacity, he spoke out against the Iași socialists, identifying them as proxies for the PNL. [ 264 ]  He also backed the  Junimist  approach to land redistribution. This policy was central to his platform for the April 1889 by-election for Roman's 3rd College, which he won by a large margin against the socialist  Vasile Morțun . [ 265 ]


During early 1889, Catargiu formed a new Conservative cabinet that excluded the  Junimists . Holban was offered the  Ministry of Public Works , but refused to accept it, specifically because he had remained loyal to Theodor Rosetti. [ 266 ]  In October 1889, Carol made another visit to Iași, finding himself reluctantly greeted by the same Holban—who was secretly still his "irreconcilable enemy". [ 267 ]  By then, the PNL was negotiating with the Opposition Committees and obtaining backing from their left-wing remnants—those groups respectively led by Ceaur-Aslan, C. Corjescu, Mârzescu, and Panu. [ 268 ]  Ionescu Sr was inducted by the PNL in 1890. Although he was awarded a seat on the PNL Central Committee, [ 269 ]  his political involvement was reduced to occasional speeches. [ 270 ]  Like Eugen, who also crossed the floor and joined the PNL, Ionescu remained essentially an outsider, "free and independent" within that party. [ 188 ]


Also in 1890, Gheorghian stepped down as the PNL leader in Iași, leaving his seat open for competition between Ștefan Șendrea, Vizanti, and Colonel Petrovan. [ 271 ]  Ceaur-Aslan, Corjescu and Tzony joined Mârzescu and Constantin Langa in taking seats as Conservative allies during the  May 1891 election , which also marked a temporary split between the Conservatives and  Junimea . [ 272 ]  Their association, consolidated around 1889 as "a softened expression of the old separatist movements", [ 273 ]  was officially introduced as a "League for the Defense of Moldavia's Interests". [ 274 ]  The  Junimist  paper  Era Nouă  argued that this group, derisively designated as  Liga-Langa  (the "Langa League"), was a front for Mârzescu's political machine, disguised as serving regionalism and the "Moldavian interests". [ 272 ]  It participated in the subsequent  county and communal elections , but was voluntarily dissolved (despite Corjescu's attempts to revive it) around October 1891. [ 275 ]  The crisis had been sparked by Ceaur-Aslan, who withdrew from the alliance, declaring it a "cohort of political charlatans". In that context, he extended an invitation to the "young native Jews", asking for their input in drafting a compromise law on naturalization. [ 276 ]  Langa's partisans maintained that the League had been brought down by "secretive intrigues" ( uneltiri ascunse ). [ 274 ]


Nationalist-liberal discourse was still at the center of Ceaur-Aslan's politics. He focused on questioning the Conservative administration's policies on immigration, insisting that measures be taken "to defend the borders and keep out foreign Jews"; he also proposed defeating Jewish retailers with state-sponsored  county fairs . [ 277 ]  He was reelected as a Conservative ally in the  race of February 1892 , but "unable to find a place in any of today's parties", stood as an independent antisemite. [ 260 ]  In that context, Ceaur-Aslan began circulating claims that Romanian Jews were a "political, economic, and commercial association"—and, according to the Jewish community weekly  Egalitatea , never provided verifiable evidence to support these. [ 278 ]  During 1896, he proposed legislation that would have made one's house an  inalienable  piece of property. As argued at the time by  Era Nouă , Ceaur-Aslan was courting the debt-stricken electorate ("What could be more popular in this country than helping the small owner with evading his debt payments?"), while also creating issues for the mainly Jewish creditors. [ 279 ]  That year, Ceaur-Aslan joined  Nicolae Fleva 's parliamentary faction, which called for the enactment of "liberal reforms"; [ 280 ]  by 1897, he was a noted proponent of universal suffrage. [ 281 ]


In contrast, Alecu Holban, who still regarded himself as the Factionalist leader, [ 282 ]  moved farther to the right and, by 1894, was one of the Conservative bosses in Iași—alongside  Junimists  such as Pogor and the Negruzzis. [ 283 ]  In the late 1890s, old Factionalists Mârzescu and Ștefan Șendrea also embraced a conservative and monarchist platform, joining  Petre S. Aurelian 's  Drapelul  group of PNL dissidents. [ 284 ]  Withdrawn from active politics to serve as a functionary for the Court of Cassation, Tacu died in October 1895. [ 285 ]  Tzony also died, vacating his senatorial seat, in March 1898. [ 286 ]  Soon after, Vizanti disappeared from public life: a habitual gambler, he had embezzled funds allocated for the Kogălniceanu Statue, and escaped prosecution by resettling in America. [ 287 ]  Reports from July 1899 suggest that he had eloped with a young woman from  Reading, Pennsylvania , and had joined in the  Klondike Gold Rush . [ 288 ]


Putting out the weekly  Prietenul Poporuluĭ  in 1900, the aging Mârzescu returned to "almost anti-dynastic" feelings and "agitatorial, activist spirit of 1866". [ 289 ]  In 1902 (the year of Ceaur-Aslan's retirement and death), [ 261 ]  Hasdeu wrote the Faction's epitaph, noting that it had burned its "rather short fuse", whereas  Junimea , being able to canvass outside Moldavia, "lasted longer." [ 290 ]  Ionescu Sr died in  Bradu  in January 1905, being commemorated as the "soul of the 'free and independent faction' group, and thereafter a steadfast national liberal". [ 291 ]  Some two years later,  A. C. Cuza , leader of the antisemitic trend in Moldavia, revisited Ionescu and Holban's stances with an article called "Our Folks". [ 180 ]  In 1912, having established his own  Democratic Nationalist Party  (PND), Cuza openly deplored the Faction's demise—since, in the wake of Bărnuțianism, Iași's youth had come under the influence of "anarchic socialism". [ 292 ]  According to PNL monarchists, the aged Holban was allowed by the Conservatives to publish "the most egregious attacks on our Sovereign [Carol]", whenever these were politically suitable—but only until 1911, when he was left entirely isolated in that party. [ 293 ]  In 1913, he issued his old press contributions, including his 1864 antisemitic piece, as a brochure—seen by  Opinia  newspaper as an attempt to "reconnect with current affairs." [ 22 ]


Holban survived the early stages of World War I and  Romanian participation in it . He died in May 1917 at Iași, [ 294 ]  which was at the time the provisional capital—with all of southern Romania having been occupied by the  Central Powers . From late 1918, a series of events which reversed the situation also led to the establishment of a  Greater Romania . Some tenets of Factionalist politics were still being upheld by Cuza and the PND. During the  1919 elections , Cuza formed an alliance with the Brotherhood of Unified Moldavia (FMU), which raised awareness about the region's decline in the centralized state. [ 295 ]  The FMU, seen by the National Liberals as a "political platform" for the PND, [ 296 ]  included the old Factionalist Poni, who now called for a "moral decentralization" of Romania and a curb on French cultural imports. [ 297 ]  Reflecting on Cuza's other policies, Apostol Stan describes the PND as in effect the Faction's successor, similarly encouraged by a "continuously rising" Jewish presence and by a perceived need to contain socialist influence. [ 298 ]  Its activity helped rekindle antisemitism, leading up to the  Iași pogrom  of 1941. As argued in 1948 by Jewish researcher  Matatias Carp , this drift into extreme violence was a direct result of a "poison [which] ate away soul and conscience for over three quarters of a century", leading back to Ionescu and Ceaur-Aslan. [ 299 ]


" Good Wife, Wise Mother " is a phrase representing a traditional  ideal for womanhood  in  East Asia , including  Japan ,  China  and  Korea . First appearing in the late 1800s, the  four-character phrase  "Good Wife, Wise Mother" (also  Wise Wife, Good Mother  ( Japanese :  良妻賢母 ,  Hepburn :  ryōsai kenbo ,  Chinese :  賢妻良母/賢母良妻 ;  pinyin :  xián qī liáng mǔ/xián mǔ liáng qī ) ) was coined by  Nakamura Masanao  in 1875. [ 1 ]


During the late 1800s, women in East Asian society were expected to master domestic skills such as  sewing  and  cooking , and to develop the moral and intellectual skills to raise strong, intelligent sons for the sake of the nation.  Childbearing  was considered a " patriotic duty ", and although this philosophy declined in Japan after  World War II , feminist historians have argued it existed there as recently as the 1980s. [ 2 ]


This traditional view of women was similarly shared in Chinese society throughout the early 1900s, and on numerous occasions was criticized by Chinese academics such as  Lu Xun  and  Zhu Ziqing . [ citation needed ]  The phrase, and its related effects and ideals, influenced and continue to influence traditional views of women in East Asian societies to the modern day. [ citation needed ]


Traditionally in Chinese  feudal society , a wife must consider her husband's family more important than her own. This sentiment is prevalent to this day, particularly in rural areas. The relationship between mother-in-law and daughter-in-law and the relationship between father and son is more important than the relationship between husband and wife. A wife must always be submissive to her husband, and she can neither be offensive nor jealous. The husband has duties outside of the home and the wife has duties inside, and they do not interfere with the tasks of each other. [ citation needed ]  To fulfill the role of "good wife, wise mother," the woman must educate her children accordingly. Since Chinese families puts emphasis on prosperity, a wife should also not only be fertile, she needs to produce sons and educate them so that they can succeed in society. [ 3 ]


The phrase "good wife, wise mother" appeared in the latter part of the  Meiji period  in the late 19th century. During World War II it was taught to promote conservative, nationalistic, and militaristic state policies and to help a developing capitalistic economy. [ 4 ]  From the late 1890s to the end of World War II, the phrase became increasingly prevalent in mass media and higher levels of public and private girl's schools. During the 1890s, "good wife and wise mother" was taught only in the higher levels where elite, upper-class girls attended. It was introduced to elementary schools’ curriculum when the 1911 revision of the ethics textbooks came out. [ 5 ]


Women were taught to fulfill this role due to  nationalism .  The Empire  wanted to prevent Western invasion. While Western countries were making improvements in women's social rights, such as suffrage, Japan was just beginning to confront women's movements. Japan tried to establish the woman's role and control new social movements through regularized education and prohibiting social and political rights. [ 5 ]


Currently, the phrase has conflicting meanings. While some people use it to refer to a woman having traditional motherly and wife characteristics, many others use it to criticize prejudice against women.


For feminists, the idea of "Good Wife, Wise Mother" disguises the real intention of denial of women's equity in education, profession, and marriage. [ citation needed ]


The  Great Stork Derby  was a contest held from 1926 to 1936. Female residents of  Toronto , Ontario, Canada, competed to produce the most babies in order to qualify for an unusual bequest in a will. [ 1 ]


The race was the product of a scheme by  Charles Vance Millar  (1853–1926), a Toronto lawyer, financier, and practical joker, who bequeathed the residue of his significant estate to the woman in Toronto who could produce the most children in the decade following his death. [ 2 ]


It is one of many unusual bequests in his will, along with giving a vacation home in Jamaica to a group of three men who detested each other under the condition that  they live in the estate together indefinitely , brewery stocks to a group of prominent  teetotal  Protestant ministers if they participated in its operations and collected its dividends, and jockey club stocks to a group of anti-horse-racing advocates.


Litigation over the validity of the contest was resolved when the  Supreme Court of Canada  upheld the clause's validity. [ 3 ]  The Court further held the clause did not encompass children born out of wedlock, or stillborn. [ 3 ]


Eleven families competed in the "baby race." [ 4 ]  Seven of them were disqualified, [ 4 ]  but eventually Judge William Edward Middleton ruled in favour of four mothers [ 4 ] [ 5 ]  (Annie Katherine Smith, Kathleen Ellen Nagle, Lucy Alice Timleck [ 6 ] [ failed verification ]  and Isabel Mary Maclean) who each received $110,000 for their nine children ($2.24 million in 2023 dollars) [ 7 ] . Three of the four had to pay back relief money given to them by the  City of Toronto government . [ 8 ]  Two of the disqualified candidates, Lillian Kenny and Pauline Mae Clarke, each received $12,500 out of court in exchange for abandoning pending appeals. [ 5 ]


The Canadian 2002 TV movie  The Stork Derby , depicted the stories of Lillian Kenny, Pauline Mae Clarke and Grace Bagnato and starred  Megan Follows . The film was based upon  Elizabeth Wilton 's book  Bearing The Burden: The Great Toronto Stork Derby 1926–1938 .


In February 2019, the radio program  This American Life  covered the story in some detail. [ 9 ]


In 2016, Toronto's Muddy York Brewing Company produced a  Stork Derby  Stout  as a nod to the unusual event.


The 2023 novel  Prize Women  by  Caroline Lea  is a fictionalized account of the Stork Derby, and includes several real-life figures as characters.


Humanae vitae  ( Latin , meaning 'Of Human Life') is an  encyclical  written by  Pope Paul VI  and dated 25 July 1968. The text was issued at a Vatican press conference on 29 July. [ 1 ]  Subtitled  On the Regulation of Birth , it re-affirmed the teaching of the  Catholic Church  regarding  married love , responsible parenthood, and the rejection of artificial  contraception . In formulating his teaching he explained why he did not accept the conclusions of the  Pontifical Commission on Birth Control  established by his predecessor,  Pope John XXIII , a commission he himself had expanded. [ 2 ]


Mainly because of its restatement of the Church's opposition to artificial contraception, the encyclical was politically controversial. It affirmed traditional Church  moral teaching  on the  sanctity of life  and the procreative and unitive nature of conjugal relations.


It was the last of Paul's seven encyclicals. [ 3 ]


In this encyclical Paul VI reaffirmed the Catholic Church's view of marriage and marital relations and a continued condemnation of "artificial"  birth control . Referencing two Papal committees and numerous independent experts examining new developments in artificial birth control, [ 4 ]  Paul VI built on the teachings of his predecessors, especially  Pius XI , [ 5 ]   Pius XII [ 6 ]  and  John XXIII , [ 7 ]  all of whom had insisted on the divine obligations of the marital partners in light of their partnership with God the creator.


Paul VI himself, even as commission members issued their personal views over the years, always reaffirmed the teachings of the Church, repeating them more than once in the first years of his Pontificate. [ 8 ]


To Pope Paul VI, marital relations were much more than a union of two people. In his view, they constitute a union of the loving couple with a loving God, in which the two persons generate the matter for the body, while God creates the unique soul of a person. For this reason, Paul VI teaches in the first sentence of  Humanae vitae , that the "transmission of human life is a most serious role in which married people collaborate freely and responsibly with God the Creator." [ 9 ]  This is divine partnership, so Paul VI does not allow for arbitrary human decisions, which may limit divine providence. According to Paul VI, marital relations are a source of great joy, but also of difficulties and hardships. [ 9 ]  The question of human  procreation  with God, exceeds in the view of Paul VI specific disciplines such as  biology ,  psychology ,  demography  or  sociology . [ 10 ]  According to Paul VI, married love takes its origin from God, who is love, and from this basic dignity, he defines his position:


Love is total – that very special form of personal friendship in which husband and wife generously share everything, allowing no unreasonable exceptions and not thinking solely of their own convenience. Whoever really loves his partner loves not only for what he receives, but loves that partner for the partner's own sake, content to be able to enrich the other with the gift of himself.


The encyclical opens with an assertion of the competency of the  magisterium  of the Catholic Church to decide questions of morality. It then goes on to observe that circumstances often dictate that married couples should limit the number of children, and that the sexual act between husband and wife is still worthy even if it can be foreseen not to result in procreation. Nevertheless, it is held that the sexual act must retain its intrinsic relationship to the procreation of human life.


Every action specifically intended to prevent procreation is forbidden, except in medically necessary circumstances. Therapeutic means necessary to cure diseases are exempted, even if a foreseeable impediment to procreation should result, but only if infertility is not directly intended. [ 12 ]  This is held to directly contradict the moral order which was established by God.  Abortion , even for therapeutic reasons, is absolutely forbidden, as is  sterilization , even if temporary. Therapeutic means which induce infertility are allowed (e.g.,  hysterectomy ), if they are not specifically intended to cause infertility (e.g., the uterus is cancerous, so the preservation of life is intended). If there are well grounded reasons (arising from the physical or psychological condition of husband or wife, or from external circumstances),  natural family planning  methods (abstaining from intercourse during certain parts of the  menstrual cycle ) are allowed, since they take advantage of a faculty provided by nature. [ 12 ]


The acceptance of artificial methods of birth control is then claimed to result in several negative consequences, among them a general lowering of moral standards resulting from sex without consequences, and the danger that men may reduce women to being a mere instrument for the satisfaction of [their] own desires; finally, abuse of power by public authorities, and a false sense of autonomy. [ 13 ]


Public authorities should oppose laws which undermine  natural law ; [ 14 ]  scientists should further study effective methods of natural birth control; doctors should further familiarize themselves with this teaching, in order to be able to give advice to their patients, [ 15 ]  and priests must spell out clearly and completely the Church's teaching on marriage. [ 16 ]  The encyclical acknowledges that "perhaps not everyone will easily accept this particular teaching", but that "it comes as no surprise to the church that she, no less than her Divine founder is destined to be a sign of contradiction." [ 13 ]  Noted is the duty of proclaiming the entire moral law, "both natural and evangelical." [ 13 ]  The encyclical also points out that the Roman Catholic Church cannot "declare lawful what is in fact unlawful", because she is concerned with "safeguarding the holiness of marriage, in order to guide married life to its full human and Christian perfection." [ 17 ]  This is to be the priority for his fellow bishops and priests and lay people. Paul VI predicted that future progress in social cultural and economic spheres would make marital and family life more joyful, provided God's design for the world was faithfully followed. [ 17 ]  The encyclical closes with an appeal to observe the natural laws of the most high God. "These laws must be wisely and lovingly observed." [ 18 ]


There had been a long-standing general Christian prohibition on contraception and abortion, with such  Church Fathers  as  Clement of Alexandria  and  Saint Augustine  condemning the practices. [ citation needed ]  It was not until the 1930  Lambeth Conference  that the  Anglican Communion  allowed for contraception in limited circumstances.  Mainline   Protestant  denominations have since removed prohibitions against artificial contraception. [ 19 ]  In a partial reaction,  Pope Pius XI  wrote the encyclical  Casti connubii  ( On Christian Marriage ) in 1930, reaffirming the Catholic Church's belief in various traditional Christian teachings on marriage and sexuality, including the prohibition of artificial birth control even within marriage.  Casti connubii  is against  contraception  and regarding  natural family planning  allowed married couples to use their nuptial rights "in the proper manner" when because of either time or defects, new life could not be brought forth. [ 12 ]


With the appearance of the  first oral contraceptives  in 1960, dissenters in the Church argued for a reconsideration of the Church positions. In 1963  Pope John XXIII  established a commission of six European non-theologians to study questions of birth control and population. [ 20 ] [ 21 ]  It met once in 1963 and twice in 1964. As Vatican Council II was concluding, Pope Paul VI enlarged it to fifty-eight members, including married couples, laywomen, theologians and bishops. The last document issued by the council ( Gaudium et spes ) contained a section titled "Fostering the Nobility of Marriage" (1965, nos. 47–52), which discussed marriage from the  personalist  point of view. The "duty of responsible parenthood" was affirmed, but the determination of licit and illicit forms of regulating birth was reserved to Pope Paul VI. In the spring of 1966, following the close of the council, the commission held its fifth and final meeting, having been enlarged again to include sixteen bishops as an executive committee. The commission was only consultative but it submitted a report approved by a majority of 64 members to Paul VI. It proposed he approve of artificial contraception without distinction of the various means. A minority of four members opposed this report and issued a parallel report to the Pope. [ 22 ]  Arguments in the minority report, against change in the church's teaching, were that a loosening of contraception restrictions would mean the Catholic Church would "have to concede frankly that the Holy Spirit had been on the side of the Protestant churches in 1930" (when  Casti connubii  was promulgated), and that "it should likewise have to be admitted that for a half a century the Spirit failed to protect Pius XI, Pius XII, and a large part of the Catholic hierarchy from a very serious error." [ 23 ]


After two more years of study and consultation, the pope issued  Humanae vitae , which removed any doubt that the Church views hormonal anti-ovulants as contraceptive. He explained why he did not accept the opinion of the majority report of the commission (1968, #6). [ 24 ]  Arguments were raised in the decades that followed that his decision has never passed the condition of "reception" to become church doctrine. [ 25 ] [ 26 ]


In his role as  Theologian of the Pontifical Household ,  Mario Luigi Ciappi  advised  Pope Paul VI  during the drafting of  Humanae vitae . Ciappi, a doctoral graduate of the  Pontificium Athenaeum Internationale Angelicum , the future  Pontifical University of Saint Thomas Aquinas ,  Angelicum , served as professor of dogmatic theology there and was Dean of the  Angelicum 's Faculty of Theology from 1935 to 1955.


According to  George Weigel , Paul VI named Archbishop  Karol Wojtyła  (later Pope John Paul II) to the commission, but Polish government authorities would not permit him to travel to  Rome . Wojtyła had earlier defended the church's position from a philosophical standpoint in his 1960 book  Love and Responsibility . Wojtyła's position was strongly considered and it was reflected in the final draft of the encyclical, although much of his language and arguments were not incorporated. Weigel attributes much of the poor reception of the encyclical to the omission of many of Wojtyła's arguments. [ 27 ]


In 2017, anticipating the 50th anniversary of the encyclical, four theologians led by Mgr. Gilfredo Marengo, a professor of theological anthropology at the  Pontifical John Paul II Institute for Studies on Marriage and Family , launched a research project he called "a work of historical-critical investigation without any aim other than reconstructing as well as possible the whole process of composing the encyclical". Using the resources of the Vatican Secret Archives and the  Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith , they hope to detail the writing process and the interaction between the commission, publicity surrounding the commission's work, and Paul's own authorship. [ 28 ] [ 29 ]


13. Men rightly observe that a conjugal act imposed on one's partner without regard to his or her condition or personal and reasonable wishes in the matter, is no true act of love, and therefore offends the moral order in its particular application to the intimate relationship of husband and wife. If they further reflect, they must also recognize that an act of mutual love which impairs the capacity to transmit life which God the Creator, through specific laws, has built into it, frustrates His design which constitutes the norm of marriage, and contradicts the will of the Author of life. Hence to use this divine gift while depriving it, even if only partially, of its meaning and purpose, is equally repugnant to the nature of man and of woman, and is consequently in opposition to the plan of God and His holy will. But to experience the gift of married love while respecting the laws of conception is to acknowledge that one is not the master of the sources of life but rather the minister of the design established by the Creator. Just as man does not have unlimited dominion over his body in general, so also, and with more particular reason, he has no such dominion over his specifically sexual faculties, for these are concerned by their very nature with the generation of life, of which God is the source. "Human life is sacred—all men must recognize that fact," Our predecessor Pope John XXIII recalled. "From its very inception it reveals the creating hand of God."


15.   [...] the Church does not consider at all illicit the use of those therapeutic means necessary to cure bodily diseases, even if a foreseeable impediment to procreation should result therefrom — provided such impediment is not directly intended.


16.   [...] If therefore there are well-grounded reasons for spacing births, arising from the physical or psychological condition of husband or wife, or from external circumstances, the Church teaches that married people may then take advantage of the natural cycles immanent in the reproductive system and engage in marital intercourse only during those times that are infertile, thus controlling birth in a way which does not in the least offend the moral principles which We have just explained.


18. It is to be anticipated that perhaps not everyone will easily accept this particular teaching. There is too much clamorous outcry against the voice of the Church, and this is intensified by modern means of communication. But it comes as no surprise to the Church that it, no less than its divine Founder, is destined to be a " sign of contradiction ." [ 31 ]  The Church does not, because of this, evade the duty imposed on it of proclaiming humbly but firmly the entire moral law, both natural and evangelical. Since the Church did not make either of these laws, it cannot be their arbiter—only their guardian and interpreter. It could never be right for the Church to declare lawful what is in fact unlawful, since that, by its very nature, is always opposed to the true good of man. In preserving intact the whole moral law of marriage, the Church is convinced that it is contributing to the creation of a truly human civilization. The Church urges man not to betray his personal responsibilities by putting all his faith in technical expedients. In this way it defends the dignity of husband and wife. This course of action shows that the Church, loyal to the example and teaching of the divine Savior, is sincere and unselfish in its regard for men whom it strives to help even now during this earthly pilgrimage "to share God's life as sons of the living God, the Father of all men".


23. We are fully aware of the difficulties confronting the public authorities in this matter, especially in the developing countries. In fact, We had in mind the justifiable anxieties which weigh upon them when We published Our encyclical letter  Populorum Progressio . But now We join Our voice to that of Our predecessor John XXIII of venerable memory, and We make Our own his words: "No statement of the problem and no solution to it is acceptable which does violence to man's essential dignity; those who propose such solutions base them on an utterly materialistic conception of man himself and his life. The only possible solution to this question is one which envisages the social and economic progress both of individuals and of the whole of human society, and which respects and promotes true human values." [ 32 ]  No one can, without being grossly unfair, make divine Providence responsible for what clearly seems to be the result of misguided governmental policies, of an insufficient sense of social justice, of a selfish accumulation of material goods, and finally of a culpable failure to undertake those initiatives and responsibilities which would raise the standard of living of peoples and their children. [ 33 ]


Cardinal  Leo Joseph Suenens , a moderator of the ecumenical council, questioned, "whether moral theology took sufficient account of scientific progress, which can help determine, what is according to nature. I beg you my brothers let us avoid another Galileo affair. One is enough for the Church." [ 34 ]  In an interview in  Informations Catholiques Internationales  on 15 May 1969, he criticized the Pope's decision again as frustrating the  collegiality  defined by the council, [ 35 ]  calling it a non-collegial or even an anti-collegial act. [ 36 ]  He was supported by  Vatican II  theologians such as  Karl Rahner ,  Hans Küng , several  Episcopal conferences , e.g. the  Episcopal Conference of Austria ,  Germany , and  Switzerland , [ 37 ]  as well as several bishops, including  Christopher Butler , who called it one of the most important contributions to contemporary discussion in the Church. [ 38 ]


The publication of the encyclical marks the first time in the twentieth century that open dissent from the laity about teachings of the Church was voiced widely and publicly. The teaching has been criticized by development organizations and others who claim that it limits the methods available to fight worldwide population growth and struggle against  HIV/AIDS . Within two days of the encyclical's release, a group of dissident theologians, led by Rev.  Charles Curran , then  Catholic University of America , issued a statement stating, "spouses may responsibly decide according to their conscience that artificial contraception in some circumstances is permissible and indeed necessary to preserve and foster the value and sacredness of marriage." [ 39 ]


Two months later, the controversial  Winnipeg Statement  issued by the  Canadian Conference of Catholic Bishops  stated that those who cannot accept the teaching should not be considered shut off from the Catholic Church, and that individuals can in good conscience use contraception as long as they have first made an honest attempt to accept the difficult directives of the encyclical.


The  Dutch Catechism  of 1966, based on the Dutch bishops' interpretation of the just completed Vatican Council, and the first post-Council comprehensive Catholic catechism, noted the lack of mention of artificial contraception in the Council. "As everyone can ascertain nowadays, there are several methods of regulating births. The Second Vatican Council did not speak of any of these concrete methods   [...] This is a different standpoint than that taken under Pius XI some thirty years ago which was also maintained by his successor   [...] we can sense here a clear development in the Church, a development, which is also going on outside the Church." [ 40 ]


In the  Soviet Union ,  Literaturnaya Gazeta , a publication of Soviet intellectuals, included an editorial and statement by Russian physicians against the encyclical. [ 41 ]


Ecumenical reactions were mixed. Liberal and Moderate  Lutherans  and the  World Council of Churches  were disappointed.  Eugene Carson Blake  criticised the concepts of nature and  natural law , which, in his view, still dominated Catholic theology, as outdated. This concern dominated several articles in Catholic and non-Catholic journals at the time. [ 42 ] [ 43 ] [ 44 ]   Patriarch Athenagoras I  stated his full agreement with  Pope Paul VI : "He could not have spoken in any other way." [ 45 ]


In  Latin America , much support developed for the Pope and his encyclical. As  World Bank  President  Robert McNamara  declared at the 1968  Annual Meeting of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank Group  that countries permitting  birth control  practices will get preferential access to resources, doctors in  La Paz, Bolivia , called it insulting that money should be exchanged for the conscience of a Catholic nation. In  Colombia , Cardinal  Aníbal Muñoz Duque  declared, "if  American  conditionality undermines Papal teachings, we prefer not to receive one cent". [ 46 ]  The Senate of Bolivia passed a  resolution , stating that  Humanae vitae  can be discussed in its implications on individual consciences, but is of greatest significance because it defends the rights of developing nations to determine their own population policies. [ 46 ]  The Jesuit Journal  Sic  dedicated one edition to the encyclical with supportive contributions. [ 47 ]  However, against eighteen insubordinate priests, professors of theology at  Pontifical Catholic University of Chile , and the ensuing conspiracy of silence practiced by the Chilean  Episcopate , which had to be censured by the  Nuncio  in Santiago at the behest of Cardinal  Gabriel-Marie Garrone , prefect of the  Congregation for Catholic Education , triggering eventually a media conflict with  El Diario Ilustrado  [ es ] ,  Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira  expressed his affliction with the  lamentations  of  Jeremiah : "O ye all that pass through the way…" (Lamentations 1:12,  King James Bible ). [ 48 ] [ 49 ]


In the book "Nighttime conversations in Jerusalem. On the risk of faith.", well-known liberal Cardinal  Carlo Maria Martini   SJ  accused Paul VI of deliberately concealing the truth, leaving it to theologians and pastors to fix things by adapting precepts to practice: "I knew Paul VI well. With the encyclical, he wanted to express consideration for human life. He explained his intention to some of his friends by using a comparison: although one must not lie, sometimes it is not possible to do otherwise; it may be necessary to conceal the truth, or it may be unavoidable to tell a lie. It is up to the moralists to explain where sin begins, especially in the cases in which there is a higher duty than the transmission of life." [ 50 ]


The future  Pope John Paul II  (at the time  Archbishop of Krakow   Karol Wojtyła ) asked Paul VI to apply  Papal infallibility   in docendo  (in teaching) to the encyclical, equating it with the authority of a  dogma . Paul VI and John XXIII did not. Wojtyła himself declared the encyclical part of the ordinary and universal  Magisterium  of the Roman Catholic Church. [ 51 ]


Pope Paul VI was troubled by the encyclical's reception in the West. Acknowledging the controversy, Paul VI in a letter to the Congress of German Catholics (30 August 1968), stated: "May the lively debate aroused by our encyclical lead to a better knowledge of God's will." [ 52 ]  In March 1969, he had a meeting with one of the main critics of  Humanae vitae , Cardinal  Leo Joseph Suenens . Paul heard him out and said merely, "Yes, pray for me; because of my weaknesses, the Church is badly governed." [ 53 ]  To jog the memory of his critics, he also put in their minds the experience of no less a figure than  Peter : "[n]ow I understand St Peter: he came to Rome twice, the second time to be crucified", [ 3 ]  – herewith directing their attention to his rejoicing in glorifying the Lord. [ 54 ]  Increasingly convinced, that "the smoke of Satan entered the temple of God from some fissure", [ 55 ]  Paul VI reaffirmed, on 23 June 1978, weeks before his death, in an address to the  College of Cardinals , his  Humanae vitae : "following the confirmations of serious science", and which sought to affirm the principle of respect for the laws of nature and of "a conscious and ethically responsible paternity". [ 56 ]


In his last letter to Pope Paul VI, Christian mystic and canonized saint  Padre Pio  called  Humanae vitae  "clear and decisive words". [ 57 ]


Polls have shown that many self-identified Catholics use artificial means of contraception, and that very few use natural family planning. [ 58 ] [ 59 ]  However,  John L. Allen Jr.  wrote in 2008: "Three decades of bishops' appointments by John Paul II and Benedict XVI, both unambiguously committed to  Humanae Vitae , mean that senior leaders in Catholicism these days are far less inclined than they were in 1968 to distance themselves from the ban on birth control, or to soft-pedal it. Some Catholic bishops have brought out documents of their own defending  Humanae Vitae ." [ 60 ]  Developments in  fertility awareness  since the 1960s [ 61 ]  have also given rise to natural family planning organizations such as the Billings Ovulation Method,  Couple to Couple League  and the  Creighton Model FertilityCare System , which actively provide formal instruction on the use and reliability of natural methods of birth control.


Albino Luciani 's views on  Humanae vitae  have been debated. [ 62 ]  Journalist  John L. Allen Jr.  claims that "it's virtually certain that John Paul I would not have reversed Paul VI's teaching, particularly since he was no doctrinal radical. Moreover, as Patriarch in  Venice  some had seen a hardening of his stance on social issues as the years went by." According to Allen, "it is reasonable to assume that John Paul I would not have insisted upon the negative judgment in  Humanae Vitae  as aggressively and publicly as John Paul II did, and probably would not have treated it as a quasi-infallible teaching. It would have remained a more 'open' question". [ 63 ] [ 64 ]  Other sources take a different view and note that during his time as Patriarch of Venice that "Luciani was intransigent with his upholding of the teaching of the Church and severe with those, through intellectual pride and disobedience paid no attention to the Church's prohibition of contraception", though while not condoning the sin, he was tolerant of those who sincerely tried and failed to live up to the Church's teaching. Raymond and Lauretta's book  The Smiling Pope, The Life & Teaching of John Paul I  states that "if some people think that his compassion and gentleness in this respect implies he was against  Humanae Vitae  one can only infer it was wishful thinking on their part and an attempt to find an ally in favor of artificial contraception." [ 65 ]


After he became pope in 1978,  John Paul II  continued on the  Catholic Theology of the Body  of his predecessors with a series of lectures, entitled  Theology of the Body , in which he talked about an "original unity between man and women", [ 66 ]  purity of heart (on the  Sermon on the Mount ),  marriage  and  celibacy  and reflections on  Humanae vitae , focusing largely on responsible parenthood and marital chastity. [ 67 ]


In 1981, the Pope's Apostolic exhortation,  Familiaris consortio , restated the Church's opposition to artificial birth control stated previously in  Humanae vitae .


John Paul II readdressed some of the same issues in his 1993 encyclical  Veritatis splendor . He reaffirmed much of  Humanae vitae , and specifically described the practice of artificial contraception as an act not permitted by Catholic teaching in any circumstances. The same encyclical also clarifies the use of conscience in arriving at moral decisions, including in the use of contraception. However, John Paul also said, "It is not right then to regard the moral conscience of the individual and the magisterium of the Church as two contenders, as two realities in conflict. The authority which the magisterium enjoys by the will of Christ exists so that the moral conscience can attain the truth with security and remain in it." John Paul quoted  Humanae vitae  as a compassionate encyclical, "Christ has come not to judge the world but to save it, and while he was uncompromisingly stern towards sin, he was patient and rich in mercy towards sinners". [ 68 ]


Pope John Paul's 1995 encyclical  Evangelium vitae  ('The Gospel of Life') affirmed the Church's position on contraception and multiple topics related to the  culture of life .